C-T inheritance and relativization in Late Archaic Chinese.

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Title: C-T inheritance and relativization in Late Archaic Chinese.
Authors: Aldridge, Edith1 (AUTHOR) ealdridge@as.edu.tw
Source: Journal of East Asian Linguistics. Jun2026, Vol. 35 Issue 2, p1-32. 32p.
Subject Terms: *Syntax (Grammar), Relative clauses, Asymmetry (Linguistics), Chinese language
Abstract: This paper proposes an analysis of the subject/non-subject relativization asymmetry in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC). The primary focus is the non-subject relativization marker 所 suǒ, which surfaces between the subject and the VP within the relative clause. This marker does not appear in subject relative clauses. I propose that the difference between subject and non-subject relatives in LAC is in the number of projections in the C/TP layer. If only the subject undergoes movement, it targets the specifier of an amalgamated C/T head. In other words, C-T Inheritance does not take place. This is the case in unmarked declarative clauses and also in subject relative clauses. But if both the subject and a non-subject undergo movement, then Inheritance takes place, the subject moving to [Spec, TP] and the other constituent moving to [Spec, CP]. This is the situation in non-subject relative clauses, since both the subject and an operator must undergo movement. In order to account for the appearance of the marker SUO in non-subject relative clauses, I propose that this morpheme is spelled out on T which has separated from C, in other words the T which has been inherited from C/T. In this way, my analysis accounts for the position of SUO and also the fact that it surfaces in non-subject but not subject relative clauses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Copyright of Journal of East Asian Linguistics is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites without the copyright holder's express written permission. Additionally, content may not be used with any artificial intelligence tools or machine learning technologies. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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  Data: C-T inheritance and relativization in Late Archaic Chinese.
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Aldridge%2C+Edith%22">Aldridge, Edith</searchLink><relatesTo>1</relatesTo> (AUTHOR)<i> ealdridge@as.edu.tw</i>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="JN" term="%22Journal+of+East+Asian+Linguistics%22">Journal of East Asian Linguistics</searchLink>. Jun2026, Vol. 35 Issue 2, p1-32. 32p.
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  Data: *<searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Syntax+%28Grammar%29%22">Syntax (Grammar)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Relative+clauses%22">Relative clauses</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Asymmetry+%28Linguistics%29%22">Asymmetry (Linguistics)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Chinese+language%22">Chinese language</searchLink>
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
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  Data: This paper proposes an analysis of the subject/non-subject relativization asymmetry in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC). The primary focus is the non-subject relativization marker 所 suǒ, which surfaces between the subject and the VP within the relative clause. This marker does not appear in subject relative clauses. I propose that the difference between subject and non-subject relatives in LAC is in the number of projections in the C/TP layer. If only the subject undergoes movement, it targets the specifier of an amalgamated C/T head. In other words, C-T Inheritance does not take place. This is the case in unmarked declarative clauses and also in subject relative clauses. But if both the subject and a non-subject undergo movement, then Inheritance takes place, the subject moving to [Spec, TP] and the other constituent moving to [Spec, CP]. This is the situation in non-subject relative clauses, since both the subject and an operator must undergo movement. In order to account for the appearance of the marker SUO in non-subject relative clauses, I propose that this morpheme is spelled out on T which has separated from C, in other words the T which has been inherited from C/T. In this way, my analysis accounts for the position of SUO and also the fact that it surfaces in non-subject but not subject relative clauses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
– Name: AbstractSuppliedCopyright
  Label:
  Group: Ab
  Data: <i>Copyright of Journal of East Asian Linguistics is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites without the copyright holder's express written permission. Additionally, content may not be used with any artificial intelligence tools or machine learning technologies. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract.</i> (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1007/s10831-025-09319-y
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      – Code: eng
        Text: English
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        PageCount: 32
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      – SubjectFull: Syntax (Grammar)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Relative clauses
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Asymmetry (Linguistics)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Chinese language
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      – TitleFull: C-T inheritance and relativization in Late Archaic Chinese.
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              M: 06
              Text: Jun2026
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              Y: 2026
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