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Minseok Ahn and Public Sociology of Sport

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Title: Minseok Ahn and Public Sociology of Sport
Language: English
Authors: Lim, Seungyup, Love, Adam, Lim, Hyun-Chin
Source: Quest. 2015 67(1):30-43.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 14
Publication Date: 2015
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Evaluative
Education Level: Middle Schools
Secondary Education
Junior High Schools
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Physical Education, Biographies, Athletics, Sociology, Activism, Educational Change, Physical Education Teachers, Public Officials, Middle School Teachers
Geographic Terms: South Korea
DOI: 10.1080/00336297.2014.985318
ISSN: 0033-6297
Abstract: This article presents a biographical overview of Minseok Ahn's career, specifically highlighting his role as a public sport sociologist. Notably, Ahn has spent time as a student activist, worked as a physical education teacher, served as a scholar with a university appointment, and held office in the South Korean National Assembly. Throughout his career, he has sought engagement with multiple publics in multiple ways to pursue reform in sport and physical education. An examination of Ahn's career can offer insights regarding the processes and challenges involved in pursuing public sociology and provide a cross-national perspective that helps us consider the possibilities that exist for scholars to seek progressive change in sport through public engagement.
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 37
Entry Date: 2015
Accession Number: EJ1050686
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0100640329;qus01jan.15;2019Mar15.13:06;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0100640329-1">Minseok Ahn and Public Sociology of Sport. </title> <p>This article presents a biographical overview of Minseok Ahn's career, specifically highlighting his role as a public sport sociologist. Notably, Ahn has spent time as a student activist, worked as a physical education teacher, served as a scholar with a university appointment, and held office in the South Korean National Assembly. Throughout his career, he has sought engagement with multiple publics in multiple ways to pursue reform in sport and physical education. An examination of Ahn's career can offer insights regarding the processes and challenges involved in pursuing public sociology and provide a cross-national perspective that helps us consider the possibilities that exist for scholars to seek progressive change in sport through public engagement.</p> <p>Keywords: Sport sociology; physical education; South Korea; biography</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Numerous scholars, both within sport studies and in the broader field of sociology, have lamented the limited role of intellectuals and have issued calls for their increased engagement with the public. One recent and prominent example of work in this area is Burawoy's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref1">15</reflink>]) call for "public sociology," where he advocates a form of sociology that engages in a dialogic relationship with multiple publics in multiple ways, grounded in a moral commitment to civil society. In seeking to foster more publicly engaged sociological practice, however, it is important to note that scholars face many obstacles, ranging from a lack of rewards for public engagement to criticism faced from being labeled as "partisan." In addition to these general issues, scholars in fields related to sport and physical education may encounter an even steeper uphill climb when seeking productive engagement with various sporting publics (Jarvie, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref2">23</reflink>]). Of course, such challenges will differ based upon the particular environment in which a scholar is operating, as sociology has a strong public presence in some regions of the world (Burawoy, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref3">15</reflink>]). Given the obstacles facing public sociology, particularly in the context of sport, and combined with the fact that the possibilities for pursuing public sociology can differ substantially based on national context, this article presents a biographical investigation of Minseok Ahn, a traditionally-trained academic with a Ph.D. in sociology of sport whose career has progressed from that of a university professor to a member of the National Assembly of South Korea, the highest legislative body in the country. Throughout his career, Ahn has sought reform in sport through engaging with multiple publics in multiple ways, encountering numerous obstacles along the way. The purpose of this article is to examine some of the processes and challenges involved in pursuing public sociology of sport and to provide a cross-national perspective on the possibilities of scholars seeking public engagement and reform in sport.</p> <p>The article begins by situating this research in scholarly conversations about public sociology and the sociology of sport. Next, some background on sport in South Korea is provided to help readers understand the context within which Ahn has pursued his work. After explaining the methodological approach to the research, Ahn's 30-year journey from a student activist to elected public official is then discussed, highlighting many of the obstacles and challenges he has faced and continues to confront. Finally, the conclusion specifically highlights Ahn's perspective on the public role of sport scholars.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-3">Background</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0100640329-4">Public Sociology and Sport</hd> <p>Explained simply, public sociology is distinguished from other types of sociology—policy sociology, professional sociology, and critical sociology—in that it is both intended for an extra-academic audience and involves <emph>reflexive knowledge</emph> that is concerned with the ends of society themselves (Burawoy, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref4">15</reflink>]). This differs from the <emph>instrumental knowledge</emph> employed in professional sociology, which supplies methods, conceptual frameworks, and accumulated bodies of knowledge, as well as from policy sociology, which involves solving problems as defined by a client. While critical sociology, like public sociology, involves the use of reflexive knowledge, its focus is on the foundations of research programs within the academic community, while public sociology involves dialogue between academics and the public about the direction of society. Burawoy ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref5">15</reflink>]) emphasized that there are multiple public sociologies, a point he underscored by describing <emph>traditional</emph> and <emph>organic</emph> public sociologies, which represent two polar but complementary types. Specifically, traditional public sociology includes such activities as engaging with members of the media and writing for sources beyond the academy. In traditional public sociology, the publics addressed are usually invisible (i.e., the sociologist is not directly interacting with them), thin (i.e., they do not constitute a specific social movement or organization), and usually mainstream (Burawoy, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref6">15</reflink>]). Organic public sociology, meanwhile, involves a dialogic exchange and includes work with publics, such as labor movements, neighborhood associations, communities of faith, and human rights organizations. In organic forms of public sociology, the sociologist is engaging with a "visible, thick, active, local and often counter-public" (Burawoy, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref7">15</reflink>], p. 7). Thus, public sociology includes many different forms of work and engagement with many different types of publics.</p> <p>Burawoy ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref8">15</reflink>]) noted that the general concept of public sociology is not new or unique, but he suggested that the forces that jeopardize its existence are. He specifically argued that the gap between sociology and the public is growing, where sociology has moved left and society has moved right. Such a disconnect poses a challenge to public sociology and hinders the ability of sociologists to have an impact within society. While concerns about this disconnect are not new, Burawoy suggests that the threat to civil society has grown as neoliberal market forces have reversed earlier gains in economic security and civil rights. In the face of such threats to civil society and its publics, Burawoy ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref9">14</reflink>]) argued that scholars "can curl up into a professional cocoon" or they can "venture forth to constitute and articulate public voices, thereby sustaining the basis of our existence" (p. 129). Thus, an important point of this call is to recognize public sociology as an important and legitimate activity that is necessary for the vitality of the field.</p> <p>These concerns about the relationship between sociology and the public are mirrored in many ways by long-running concerns with the impact (or lack thereof) that sociologists of sport have on actual practices and policy within sport (e.g., Ingham & Donnelly, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref10">22</reflink>]; Yiannakis, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref11">36</reflink>]; Yiannakis & Greendorfer, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref12">37</reflink>]). In an early overview of the field, for example, Luschen ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref13">31</reflink>]) was critical of the fact that sociology of sport has had little impact on sport and physical education practice and has done little to contribute rational insight into sport policy. Melnick ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref14">32</reflink>]), meanwhile, voiced a similar concern about a growing gap between sport researchers and practitioners when he issued a call for sport sociologists to give specific attention to the issue of application. More than 30 years later, the situation remains difficult for scholars hoping to influence policy and practice in sporting contexts. Jarvie ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref15">23</reflink>]), for example, observed that "disparaging remarks are often made about academics and intellectuals as if they have no place in the public debate about sport" (p. 412). As Bairner ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref16">12</reflink>]) explained, this may stem from the fact that many sport sociologists, particularly those who apply a critical perspective, are often perceived as disliking sport. Or, to put it more bluntly in terms used by Bourdieu ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref17">13</reflink>]), sport sociologists are often "despised by sportspersons" (p. 153), who do not wish to have attention focused on problems associated with the ways in which sports are organized and carried out in society. In fact, Bourdieu suggested that sport sociologists are "doubly dominated" in that they are not only despised by sportspersons but also "scorned by sociologists" (p. 153), who often do not view sport as an important area of academic inquiry. In a similar vein, Weedon ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref18">35</reflink>]) remarked that sociology of sport is "triply marginalized" due to is "disciplinary (sociological), methodological (qualitative), and empirical (sporting) tendencies" (p. 360). Further complicating matters for many sociologists of sport is their positioning in departments of kinesiology or physical education. As Hollands ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref19">21</reflink>]) noted, "the very structure of sport study in North America ironically pairs the social critic with those very individuals in sport science whose professional ideology reinforces ahistorical and functionalist approaches to the subject" (p. 73). For these reasons, the obstacles facing sociologists of sport may be even greater than those facing scholars in other subdisciplines.</p> <p>In accordance with the challenges facing the field, the role of public intellectualism in sociology of sport continues to be a prominent topic of discussion. For instance, in interrogating the embrace of "identity politics" within the field, Carrington ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref20">16</reflink>]) called for the renewal of a critical public sport sociology involving committed and engaged scholarship. Donnelly, Atkinson, Boyle, and Szto ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref21">18</reflink>]), meanwhile, argued that research accompanying sport for development and peace projects could benefit from a public sociological perspective. Further, Atkinson ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref22">11</reflink>]) suggested that engagement with publics, social intervention, and committed praxis may be key to the survival of sociology of sport as a field. Weedon ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref23">35</reflink>]) recently discussed the role of open-access journal publishing in invigorating a more public sociology of sport, while Love ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref24">30</reflink>]) also issued a call for increased attention to public sociology within the fields of sport studies. The current article represents an effort to contribute to these discussions about the public role of the sporting intellectual by positioning the work of a sport sociologist specifically within the framework of public sociology. In doing so, some of the processes and challenges involved in pursuing public engagement in sporting contexts are highlighted, and a cross-national perspective about the possibilities of public engagement in sport is provided. The next section provides a brief background of sport in South Korea to help readers understand the context within which Minseok Ahn operated.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-5">South Korea and Sport</hd> <p>The Korean Peninsula has been divided between North and South since the 1953 Korean War armistice agreement. South Korea struggled to rebuild in the initial years following the war, and a coup d'état that installed General Junghee Park as president in 1963 began a 30-year reign by military regimes. Notably, professional and elite sport developed to a substantial extent in South Korea during this period, while comparatively little emphasis was placed on community sport.</p> <p>After coming to power in 1963, Park sought to use sport to change the image of South Korea. Specifically, by seeking to host major international events, Park hoped to demonstrate superiority over the North and establish diplomatic relations with the South's communist adversaries (Jung, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref25">24</reflink>]). Following the assassination of Park in 1979, Doohwan Jun's military regime gained control, and an emphasis on elite sport continued to dominate national policy. Specifically, hosting such events as the 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Summer Olympics were a significant part of Jun's efforts to legitimize his regime's control over South Korea and redirect citizen hostilities that had resulted from human rights abuses (Kim & Kim, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref26">25</reflink>]). In addition, a professional baseball league (1981), professional soccer league (1983), and professional Korean wrestling league (1983) were established during Jun's reign in efforts to direct people's attention away from politics and to sports.</p> <p>In contrast to the development of elite sport during this period, little attention was placed on fostering grassroots sport participation programs. Rather, Park and Jun adopted policies of supporting elite athletes similar to those already in place in the Soviet Union, East Germany, and other nations of the Eastern bloc. Examples of these policies were the pension system for elite athletes, the establishment of athletics schools, and the operation of a national sports complex. Park, in 1966, constructed the TaeReung National Sports Complex, which contained dormitories where athletes would stay 365 days per year and provided them with an environment where they could focus solely on training. He also provided salaries for coaches of national teams that were comparable to those of vice-ministers and provided yearly pensions for athletes who obtained medals in international competitions. Further, Jun implemented a policy in 1981, 1 year after gaining control, where students could enter universities based solely on their athletic performances. This created a situation that often encouraged student–athletes to concentrate on sports rather than education (Korea Broadcasting System, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref27">26</reflink>]). In addition to creating a disincentive to academic achievement, these developments increased pressure on athletes and coaches, creating a "win at all costs" mentality that condoned such activities as coaches abusing athletes, buying off game officials, fixing games, and using banned substances in Korean sports. In addition, since the national government focused its support on elite sports, community sports and physical education in schools were relegated to a marginal status and saw comparatively little growth (Ahn, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref28">2</reflink>]). It was in this environment that Minseok Ahn began his career as a sport sociologist.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-6">A Biographical Approach</hd> <p>The current article examines the life and career of Minseok Ahn through a biographical approach. In this section, the rationale for selecting Ahn as a subject is outlined, and the procedures used in gathering information are described.</p> <p>Ahn was the youngest child born to a poor family in Uiryeong, GyeonSangNam-Do, South Korea, in 1963. He began attending Seoul National University in 1982, where he majored in physical education. While there, he spent time protesting against injustices of the controlling military regime. After graduation, Ahn became a physical education teacher, challenging the traditional militaristic system of physical education and experiencing clashes with principals and other administrators. Leaving secondary education to pursue graduate study in the States, Ahn completed both a master's degree and Ph.D. After returning to South Korea, he continued to engage in activism, challenging national policies that prioritized elite sports, and began voicing his desire for an expansion of grassroots sport programs. Meanwhile, the Heejin Jang incident (see section entitled "Ahn as a Professor: Pursuing Public Sociology in an Institutional Setting") led Ahn to create the People's Coalition for Sports in 2001. While calling for the punishment of those responsible for the Cheonan Elementary School fire (see section entitled "Establishment of the People's Coalition for Sports"), he decided to run for office in the National Assembly and was elected in 2004 as a representative of Osan city. He has served as a member of the national assembly since 2004.</p> <p>A biographical overview of Ahn's career is relevant because of his academic background in sociology of sport, his work as a "traditional" scholar, and his public engagement in sport and beyond. Ahn has also faced substantial obstacles in his pursuit of public sociology, including a specific prohibition against engaging in "outside activity" in one of his academic positions. Thus, Ahn's career is illustrative in helping us examine the barriers an academic may face and how to address such challenges in serving as a public sociologist in the context of sport.</p> <p>As an aid in presenting a biographical overview of Ahn's career, a comprehensive review of his articles, policy-making documents, and materials from his public hearings was carried out. Specifically, a variety of materials written by Ahn were collected, including 55 manuscripts and 3 books authored by Ahn as well as nine documents from public hearings, for a total of 67 sources. The journal articles, conference materials, and books demonstrate Ahn's desire to change the prevailing paradigm being used in the field of sociology of sport and his direction as a researcher, professor, and social activist for sports reform. The policy-making and public hearing materials contain Ahn's legislative proposals regarding sports-related issues and the testimony of specialists in the field. The literature and recordings of interviews with Ahn were used to obtain a record of his actions for sports reform in South Korea.</p> <p>In addition to reviewing the aforementioned literature, three meetings took place at which in-person interviews were conducted with Ahn by the lead author. The first meeting took place on April 30, 2011, at Ahn's office in the city of Osan. During the 3-hour interview, his life story was divided into significant time periods for discussion regarding Korean sports, society, and his activities. Also discussed were the circumstances behind his becoming a critical scholar, his establishment of a sport non-governmental organization (NGO), the circumstances of his decision to become a member of the National Assembly, and the complications that have existed in his career. The second interview took place on December 23, 2011, again in Ahn's office. It lasted approximately 60 minutes. The purpose of the second interview was to clear up ambiguities and ask additional questions that arose from the first interview. Finally, the third interview took place in Ahn's office for approximately 40 minutes on February 6, 2012. The focus of the third interview was a discussion about the outcomes of the study. All interviews, which were conducted in Korean, were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. The interviews were then translated into English for further analysis.</p> <p>With respect to the trustworthiness of this research, issues related to objectivity and neutrality are certainly important in a biographical study, where the researchers serve an instrumental role in the process of data collection and analysis. Of course, such concerns are relevant in any research project, as scholars such as Denzin and Lincoln ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref29">17</reflink>]) have argued that there is no such thing as value-free inquiry. Thus, as data collection and analysis were conducted in the current study, we inspiration was drawn from Hatch ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref30">20</reflink>]), who insisted that "most qualitative researchers would deny the possibility of pure objectivity" and "instead of pretending to be objective, the stance of qualitative researchers is to concentrate on reflexively applying their own subjectivities" (p. 9). In this vein, "member checks" were engaged in (Guba, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref31">19</reflink>]), which involved the authors continually discussing and reviewing analysis throughout the research process as a way of minimizing the potential for inappropriately subjective or arbitrary interpretations. By taking such steps, it is believed that a fair portrayal of Ahn is presented that appropriately considers his role as a public sport sociologist.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-7">Ahn As a Student Activist</hd> <p>Minseok Ahn entered Seoul National University in 1982, having recently witnessed the 5.18 Gwangju Democratization Movement in which hundreds of citizens were killed or injured at the hands of President Jun's military forces. Having grown up seeing the human rights abuses perpetrated by Park's and Jun's autocratic regimes, Ahn became interested in sociological critiques of capitalism during his university studies, spurring his desire for reform. Moreover, Seoul National University was at the center of an incident where a student demonstrator was killed, and Ahn became absorbed into student activism. In 1984, Ahn was elected as a student body board member of Seoul National University. In collaboration with Korea University's student body in 1986, he organized a symposium entitled, "A Critical Analysis of the '88 Seoul Olympics." Because President Jun's regime emphasized the stability of South Korea for the success of the Olympics and closely monitored citizen dissent, scholars found it difficult to criticize the 1988 Olympics. In that atmosphere, the fact that students put on such an event is quite meaningful. However, illustrating some of the challenges facing those who wish to pursue public sociology, it was because of this activism that Ahn initially experienced some of the costs associated with challenging those in positions of power.</p> <p>As a result of his activism as a student, Ahn said he was placed on the Korea Central Intelligence Agency's blacklist and was arrested numerous times, which complicated his plans for becoming a physical education teacher. While the rest of the graduating class from Seoul National University's College of Education in the spring of 1987 were placed into teaching positions, Ahn was alone in not initially receiving an appointment. However, as democratic reforms began to gain momentum around this same time, Ahn was able to have his blacklist record deleted and obtained a teaching position in the fall of 1987.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-8">Ahn As a Teacher: Challenging the Militaristic Style of Physical Education</hd> <p>Ahn became a physical education teacher at YangHwa Middle School in Seoul in the fall of 1987, and he soon developed a distaste for the militaristic culture that defined physical education in South Korea. During the interview, Ahn explained his resistance to the status quo:</p> <p>Normally, a P. E. class looks like a military training exercise with all these rules and restraints. I had my 50 kids running all around the field. The principal or the head of the physical education department would say to me, "Mr. Ahn, what kind of P. E. class are you running here?" Then I would argue, "What is physical education you think? Physical education is about doing fun physical activities, not about doing military drills." (M. Ahn, personal communication, April 30, 2011)</p> <p>Ahn's tenure as a middle school physical education teacher lasted just 1 year. As his conflicted year of teaching was coming to an end, he decided to enter graduate school rather than continue his career as a physical educator. He specifically decided to pursue a degree in sociology of sport, as he felt it would enable him to better understand sports in the context of society, politics, economics, and culture.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-9">Reborn As a Critical Scholar</hd> <p>After spending one semester each at Oklahoma State University and Ohio State University, Ahn entered the University of Illinois in the fall of 1989 to pursue a master's degree. His advisor at Illinois was Synthia Sydnor, and through the tutelage of John Loy and Susan Greendofer, he received his initial training in sociology of sport. Upon completing his coursework, Ahn submitted his thesis, "The 1988 Seoul Olympic Games: A Critical Commentary," and received his master's degree. However, Ahn, who described the dominant paradigm at Illinois as being one of structural-functionalism, said that he felt his theoretical perspective still needed further development. While considering what would be the next step in his life, Ahn read the then recently published book <emph>Power and Ideology in American Sport</emph> by George Sage ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref32">33</reflink>]). This led him to attend the University of Northern Colorado to pursue his Ph.D. under the direction of Sage. Ahn credits this experience with helping him become knowledgeable about hegemony theory and developing an ability to better analyze sports from a critical standpoint. Working with Sage, Ahn critically examined the South Korean golf boom of the 1980s during his doctoral studies, publishing "The Golf Boom in South Korea: Serving Hegemonic Interests" in the <emph>Sociology of Sport Journal</emph> in 1992. He completed his Ph.D. in 1993 upon submitting his dissertation entitled "The Political Economy of the Golf Boom in South Korea: Perceptions and Interpretations of Its Socio-Cultural Consequences."</p> <p>Ahn returned to South Korea after completing his Ph.D. and began working as an instructor at the Korea Air Force Academy to fulfill his military service commitment, which is compulsory for all men in South Korea. Simultaneously, he enrolled at Chungbuk National University's Graduate School of Public Administration, obtaining his master's degree in public administration in 1997. Ahn credits this experience as playing a role in transforming him into a scholar not only able to propose sociological paradigms but also to develop appropriate policy alternatives to address problems with a critical mind. His initial passion for activism that developed while an undergraduate student, combined with the knowledge he obtained while in graduate school, positioned him as a sport sociologist with the ability to engage members of the public as well as other scholars in his efforts for reform in the world of sport.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-10">Diversifying Sociology of Sport in South Korea</hd> <p>When sociology of sport was developing as a field of study during the 1970s and 1980s, South Korea was under military rule. As previously mentioned, the military regimes used sports as a tool with the aim of establishing order, calming social tensions, creating national unity, and enhancing national prestige. This created a situation where approaching sports from an academic standpoint meant having to focus on their positive functions in society. Critical approaches were not welcomed within Korean sociology of sport, particularly those based on Marxist theory (Andrews & Koh, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref33">10</reflink>]), due to the anti-leftist roots of South Korea's government. Rather, the Korean Society for the Sociology of Sport (KSSS) was dominated by positivistic functionalist approaches. For example, Bunjang Lim's book <emph>Introduction to Sociology of Sport</emph>, which was first published in 1994 and was regarded for many years as the primary textbook for sociology of sport in South Korea, closely mirrored the structural-functionalist paradigm of <emph>Sport and Social Systems</emph> by Loy, McPherson, and Kenyon, published in 1978 (Lee, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref34">27</reflink>]). Ahn, however, stressed the need for alternative paradigms to diversity and awaken sociology of sport in South Korea.</p> <p>Specifically, Ahn ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref35">1</reflink>]) called for reflection about for whom and for what the existing positivistic paradigms in South Korean sociology of sport were intended. He stressed the need for skepticism and the adoption of critical approaches to open up the field to new possibilities (Ahn, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref36">3</reflink>]). His desire was ultimately to awaken the potential for social critiques in the sociology of sport and to make the field one that stimulates progressive reform. As a result, some of the younger members of the Korean sociology of sport community began to engage with what he had to say. However, Ahn's ideas were a thorn in the side of many first-generation Korean sport sociologists, and the friction between them and Ahn was inevitable. Ahn explained that he was shunned by the more conservative Korean scholars, who attacked his history of activism and viewed him as an outsider because he had studied in the States. Thus, Ahn's efforts at pursuing public sociology and seeking reform in sport generally were not viewed favorably within the mainstream of Korean sociology of sport, and he faced an uphill climb as his academic career continued.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-11">Calls for Reform in Korean Sports</hd> <p>At the same time he was seeking to introduce more critical approaches within Korean sociology of sport, Ahn also focused his efforts on reforming the ways in which sports were organized and carried out in Korean society. In 1997, Ahn began working at the Korea Institute of Sport Science (KISS) as a researcher in the sports policy division. In this position, he focused his research on the structural problems caused by sports policies of the military regimes of the past. For example, the governmental department in charge of school athletics was the Ministry of Education and Human Resources, while the department in charge of community and elite sport was the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. In the private sector, meanwhile, community sports were managed by the Korea Council of Sport for All, and elite sports were managed by the Korean Olympic Committee (KOC). This created a system that fostered and nurtured a small number of talented athletes but that relegated school and community sport to a marginal status. Ahn categorized South Korea in this period as "advanced in elite sports, but lacking in community sports" (Ahn, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref37">4</reflink>], p. 129) and called for fundamental reform.</p> <p>In his reform efforts, Ahn received support from the KISS to travel to several European nations with strong participatory sport systems to study grassroots sporting programs in 1998. In his governmental report following this trip, Ahn made the following proposals: (a) school sports, community sports, and elite sports needed to be better integrated; (b) parallel progress between community sports and elite sports was needed after integration; and (c) a reorganization of the structure of sports in South Korea needed to be the focal point for there to be integration. He also published several scholarly articles during this period that focused on the need for reform to increase grassroots sport participation opportunities and improve the quality of life of South Korean citizens (Ahn, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref38">2</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref39">5</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref40">6</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref41">7</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref42">8</reflink>]). These efforts were intended to provoke participation by the Korean Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation, and Dance (KAHPERD) and the KISS. Similar to the calls for increased attention to public sociology by Burawoy ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref43">15</reflink>]), Ahn called for sociologists of sport to be active participants in the sport reform process. Ahn feared that if sport sociologists neglected their role as reformers, the legitimacy and identity of the discipline would be in danger (Ahn, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref44">5</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-12">Ahn As a Professor: Pursuing Public Sociology in an Institutional Setting</hd> <p>As previously mentioned, Ahn's activism and public engagement were not looked upon favorably by many in the sociology of sport establishment. As Ahn explained, being viewed as a "radical" created difficulty in his attempts to obtain a position with a university in South Korea, as many potential colleagues were not welcoming of his critical theoretical approach and his reformist agenda. Despite these difficulties, his graduation from a top university, his master's and doctorate degrees obtained in the United States, and his strong track record in research were enough to draw the attention of some universities. Eventually, he became a professor at Chung-Ang University in February 2000. However, as a condition of accepting the position, the institution's board and president prohibited him from participating in any "outside activities" (i.e., public engagement) for five years. As may often be the case, the institutional setting of higher education posed some challenges to his role as a public sociologist of sport.</p> <p>However, about a month after Ahn's appointment, his promise not to participate in any activism was tested by an incident in April 2000. Specifically, Heejin Jang, a middle school student at the time, was selected for the national swimming team for the 2000 Olympic Games and was requested by the KOC to be at a training camp that prevented her from attending school. Jang, however, did not want to miss classes and refused to enter the camp. Instead, she asked to join the training on weekdays only after classes were finished. As a result, the KOC removed Jang from the national team, citing insubordination. Despite his frustration with the treatment of Jang, Ahn said he initially followed his institutional mandate and restrained himself from becoming involved. However, he became frustrated that no other scholars involved with KAHPERD or the KISS were speaking out against this incident. After 2 months of idly watching the sociology of sport community stand by in silence, Ahn decided that he needed to speak up about the incident. In June 2000, Ahn led a reform rally for sports, which he described as "a campaign to save Heejin Jang and a signature collecting movement of all professors in the field of physical education for the improvement of Korean sports" (M. Ahn, personal communication, April 30, 2011). He expected to gather a total of 20 or so signatures. However, after only 3 days, he had obtained the signatures of 250 professors, approximately one-third of all scholars in sport-related fields in South Korea. As a result of this pressure, the KOC restored Jang's position on the national team. Surprised at the unexpected influx of support from other scholars, Ahn became optimistic about the amount of passion for sports reform that existed in the academic community and hoped that engaging in public sociology could awaken this passion.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-13">Establishment of the People's Coalition for Sports</hd> <p>Following the Heejin Jang incident, Ahn built on the momentum for reform to establish an NGO called the People's Coalition for Sports in October 2001. The goals of the organization were to (a) provide criticism of and alternatives to sports policy; (b) participate in the proposal of sports-related legislation, budgets, administration, and management of facilities; (c) promote the balance of school, life, and elite sports; (d) enhance reconciliation efforts between North and South Korea; and (e) seek proper reform and development (Ahn, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref45">4</reflink>]). As the coalition was finding its niche in Korean society, a fire occurred in March 2003 at the dormitory of elementary school soccer players in the city of Cheonan, which resulted in the deaths of eight players. In school sport settings like this, athletes commonly lived together in dormitories and spent the majority of their time in sport-specific training. At Cheonan, the fire occurred after the doors were locked and the coaches had left, and eight students, ranging from 9- to 13-years-old, lost their lives when they were unable to escape the fire.</p> <p>As a result of the events at Cheonan, the People's Coalition for Sports initiated a protest in front of the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology. The purpose of the protest was to bring attention to the problems of South Korea's system of developing elite athletes and to specifically call for an end to the dormitory system for young athletes. However, after 1 month of demonstrations, Ahn said that not one official from the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology would speak with him. Further, Ahn was frustrated by the fact that other members of the KSSS remained silent about the incident and were unsupportive of his protest. These frustrations led Ahn to subsequently take a new direction in his efforts as a public sport sociologist.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-14">Ahn As a Member of the National Assembly</hd> <p>Given the frustrations experienced in his efforts to engage in dialogue with government officials about reform in the Korean sport system, Ahn decided to pursue public office. The desire to gain more power into directly impacting sporting policy led him to seek a seat in the National Assembly, which is the federal legislative body of South Korea. In 2003, the Democratic Party, which is the party most generally associated with progressive reform, gained control of the government. Ahn was able to run as a Democratic candidate for the city of Osan in 2004 and was elected to the National Assembly.</p> <p>As he entered public office, Ahn brought with him his experience as a public sport sociologist and his agenda for reform. At the time of his election, there had not been one public hearing related to sport in the history of the National Assembly. Thus, an initial focus of Ahn was to inform assembly members of the problems associated with the elite-based system that dominated the Korean sport landscape. Specifically, Ahn hosted numerous sport-related public hearings in the National Assembly focused on reorganizing the system of school sport and strengthening grassroots sport programs.</p> <p>In addition to public hearings, Ahn has introduced numerous pieces of legislation focused on reform in sports. An initial focus of his legislative efforts was a restructuring of the Korean elite sport system. Specifically, with the May 2005 "Bill for the Partial Amendment of the Laws Regarding National Sports," Ahn sought to better integrate the elite training system with grassroots community sport programs. This was largely intended to improve the status of grassroots sports programs, providing more participation opportunities. Since its initial introduction, the bill has been amended to include legislation that would provide protection for community sports groups by institutionalizing sports clubs, requiring them to register with the local government, and leaving the maintenance of facilities and authority over the heads of these clubs up to the local governments. However, due to opposition from such sources as conservative assembly members and the KOC, this legislation is yet to pass.</p> <p>In conjunction with his efforts to reform elite sport in South Korea, Ahn has also focused specific attention on the school sport system. In particular, he has sought to address two primary concerns: (a) a lack of sport and physical activity opportunities for regular (i.e., non-athlete) students and (b) a lack of opportunities for student–athletes to focus on education. Regarding the first of these concerns, such factors as the growing competitiveness of college entrance exams led to a reduction in the number of hours devoted to physical education at the elementary through high school levels. In accordance with this de-emphasis of physical education, the physical activity levels of students had been declining. On the other hand, students who did participate in school sports at the elementary, middle, and high school levels often spent their time living in sport-specific dormitories with little regard for their education. Specifically, such student–athletes spent an average of 2 hours a school day during the season and an average of 4.4 hours per school day during the off-season attending classes (Ahn, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref46">9</reflink>]). To draw National Assembly members' attention to these issues, about which Ahn found many members were simply unaware, he began the "Regular Students Exercise, Student–Athletes Study" campaign.</p> <p>This campaign led to one of the first major policy successes of Ahn's tenure in the National Assembly. Specifically, the "Resolution for the Normalization of School Sports," sponsored by Ahn, passed the assembly in December 2007. This resolution demanded that (a) school sports competitions be held on weekends and holidays, not on weekdays; (b) minimum academic requirements be set for student–athletes; (c) the requirement for student–athletes to stay in dormitories be gradually abolished; (d) athletic contests be managed by the Ministry of Education and Human Resource Development; and (e) other acts by the government be enacted for the revitalization of school sports clubs. However, resolutions, unlike laws, run the risk of being discarded in the event of a change of power in the government or with a change in ministers. Therefore, to solidify reforms associated with the "Resolution for the Normalization of School Sports," its adoption as formal legislation was proposed. The resolution's content was comprised mainly of topics related to the running of school sports, but the bill contained the following additional provisions: (a) policies regarding the acquisition and use of athletic facilities are to be made by the national or local governments; (b) yearly physicals will be conducted for the health of students; (c) classes and programs are to be made available to help students become physically healthy; (d) school sports clubs are to be organized; and (e) school sports competitions and leaders of those competitions are to be managed, the human rights of students and minimum academic requirements for sports is to be provided for, and ethical standards for leaders in sports are to be enforced (Sung, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref47">34</reflink>]). After initially being rejected in March 2010, the bill was amended and passed as the "Laws for the Progress of School Sports" in December 2011.</p> <p>In addition to reforming sport at the school, elite, and grassroots levels, another movement advocated by Ahn was reconciliation between North and South Korea through sports. Sports interactions, under the right circumstances, may promote cooperation and reconciliation between hostile nations. For example, sports have been identified as a force behind opening up communications between the West and the East during the Cold War (Lim, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref48">29</reflink>]). In addition, West and East Germany, which were in circumstances similar to North and South Korea, sent a combined national German team to the 1956 Melbourne Olympics, 1960 Rome Olympics, and 1964 Tokyo Olympics, which led to the revitalization of local sports between the two nations and ultimately helped lead to Germany's reunification (Lee, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref49">28</reflink>]). Such examples provided inspiration to Ahn.</p> <p>When he was elected to the National Assembly in 2004, Ahn focused substantial effort into establishing a sports relationship with the North. Although it never came to fruition, he took the lead in attempting to establish a single Korean national team for the two nations at the 2008 Beijing Olympics (2004 Resolution to Establish a Single Team for the Beijing Summer Olympics), and during this process, he was able to travel into North Korea on more than 10 occasions to have discussions with North Korean officials. Recently, former President Myoungbak Lee (in office 2008–2012) and current President Geunhye Park, both of whom are members of the major conservative party, have placed a halt to sports interactions with the North. Ahn, however, continues to seek sport-related interaction with North Korea in the hopes of fostering peace and cooperation.</p> <hd id="AN0100640329-15">Conclusion</hd> <p>Ahn's career, which has taken him from working as a scholar with a university appointment to a member of the South Korean National Assembly, is illustrative of the potential of public sociology of sport. His history of activism began as an undergraduate with criticism of the 1988 Seoul Olympics. During his time as a secondary school teacher, Ahn challenged many of the traditional ways in which physical education was carried out in school. After receiving his formal graduate-level training in sociology of sport, Ahn returned to his native country with the aim of fostering paradigmatic diversity and awakening the reformist potential of sociology of sport in South Korea. In a position with the KISS, he engaged with sportspersons and public officials to seek change in the systems of elite and school sport. After obtaining a university position, he continued his interventionist agenda, drawing the attention of scholars and members of the public to instances of injustice in sport. In the most recent step of his career, Ahn has been elected to public office, where he has continued to dedicate much of his effort to seeking progressive change in sport. His most recent initiatives have focused on reforming the elite and school sport systems in South Korea, growing community and grassroots sport programs, and fostering cooperation and peace with North Korea through sport.</p> <p>In his attempts to seek reform in the world of sport, Ahn has faced many challenges and obstacles, as is often the case with those who pursue public sociology (Burawoy, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref50">15</reflink>]). Ahn's history of activism has hindered his prospects of obtaining employment on more than one occasion. In fact, illustrating the ways in which the institution of higher education often works against the practice of public sociology, it was only after agreeing to abstain from direct participation in social movements that he attained a position in a university setting. In cases in which he has sought engagement with those in positions of power in sport, Ahn has often been shunned or ignored. Despite these challenges, Ahn's efforts have contributed to substantial change, both within and beyond the sociology of sport in South Korea. In fact, one of the primary purposes of practicing sociology in a publicly engaged and accountable way is to address some of the problems with respect and legitimacy that intellectuals may face in the context of sport (Jarvie, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref51">23</reflink>]). In addition to stimulating progressive reform in sport, practicing public sociology is a way to both ensure that such activity is recognized as an important part of the system of rewards within the field and to bring respect and legitimacy to the field with a broader public audience.</p> <p>Sports in South Korea have been experiencing a substantial change with respect to democracy, humanity, and athletes' rights, due in part to the efforts of Minseok Ahn. Investigating the career of Ahn demonstrates the potential impact that scholars can have on the ways in which sports are organized in society and may provide a lesson to help sport sociologists around the world think about their public roles and the ways in which they pursue public engagement. In this vein, this article is closed with the following message from Ahn regarding the public role of sport sociologists:</p> <p>Sociology of sport is not a study that stands behind a podium; it is a practical study. Sociology of sport that only stands behind a podium is a dead study. In order to create a living sociology of sport and to improve the environment of sports, there must be constant communication and understanding with reality. A sport sociologist is someone who heals the pathologies of sports as a sort of doctor for sports, and only when that role is taken on is the field of sociology of sport given life. Sport sociologists must take the lead in resistance against the irrationality, illogicality, anti-democracy, and inhumanity that occur within the world of sports—issues about which those outside of the field may be unaware. My hope is that more sport sociologists will become interested in becoming a kind of sentinel watching over the world of sports and awakening the public whenever those with power unreasonably skew the sports world. (M. Ahn, personal communication, December 23, 2011)</p> <ref id="AN0100640329-16"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref35" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Ahn, M. (1998). Alternative paradigm at sociology of sport. Korean Journal of Sociology of Sport,9(1), 25–42.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref28" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Ahn, M. (2000a). A strong sports nation? An advanced sports nation. 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Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Seungyup Lim; Adam Love and Hyun-Chin Lim</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref49"></nolink>
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  Data: Minseok Ahn and Public Sociology of Sport
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: This article presents a biographical overview of Minseok Ahn's career, specifically highlighting his role as a public sport sociologist. Notably, Ahn has spent time as a student activist, worked as a physical education teacher, served as a scholar with a university appointment, and held office in the South Korean National Assembly. Throughout his career, he has sought engagement with multiple publics in multiple ways to pursue reform in sport and physical education. An examination of Ahn's career can offer insights regarding the processes and challenges involved in pursuing public sociology and provide a cross-national perspective that helps us consider the possibilities that exist for scholars to seek progressive change in sport through public engagement.
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RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/00336297.2014.985318
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 14
        StartPage: 30
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Physical Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Biographies
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Athletics
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Sociology
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Activism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Change
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Physical Education Teachers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Public Officials
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Middle School Teachers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: South Korea
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Minseok Ahn and Public Sociology of Sport
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Lim, Seungyup
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Love, Adam
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Lim, Hyun-Chin
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2015
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0033-6297
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 67
            – Type: issue
              Value: 1
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Quest
              Type: main
ResultId 1