Knowing Foucault, Knowing You: 'Raced'/Classed and Gendered Subjectivities in the Pedagogical State
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| Title: | Knowing Foucault, Knowing You: 'Raced'/Classed and Gendered Subjectivities in the Pedagogical State |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Burman, Erica |
| Source: | Pedagogy, Culture and Society. 2016 24(1):1-25. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 25 |
| Publication Date: | 2016 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Evaluative |
| Descriptors: | Educational Philosophy, Educational Research, Neoliberalism, Racial Factors, Social Influences, Gender Issues, Social Psychology, Femininity, Educational Psychology, Feminism, Social Science Research |
| DOI: | 10.1080/14681366.2015.1057215 |
| ISSN: | 1468-1366 |
| Abstract: | This article evaluates the continuing contemporary relevance of Foucauldian analyses for critical educational and social research practice. Framed around examples drawn from everyday cultural and educational practices, I argue that current intensifications of psychologisation under neoliberal capitalism not only produce and constrain increasingly activated and responsibilised educational subjects but do so via engaging particular versions of feminisation and racialisation. Like Hacking's "looping effect", Foucauldian ideas may themselves now figure within prevailing technologies of subjectivity but this means we need more, as well as more than, Foucault. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Number of References: | 92 |
| Entry Date: | 2016 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1087417 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwHTl55k_jAmGB6YcUVll310AAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDDezH_cbLe59cQydgAIBEICBmzjLM6AksheIks014vJT7YlcFDugQX5cOcGSAa26EEo5_gJMxd8lXeo-V5oh3mgFrtIQJez6oQdOLYMXnrz79mw4WWoOC9d8NBpt6nn1hOf_LtR7W83sue5Cv22gktf_RxzW5Tl3pWEmc4ACMvalO7gpXWSpdHlOFwkzCj4xCVdRtULQbox2BDErUnZghvvsOHYddHt9pZQ8FXnD Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0112294733;nt901mar.16;2019Mar14.13:13;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0112294733-1">Knowing Foucault, knowing you: ‘raced’/classed and gendered subjectivities in the pedagogical state. </title> <p>This article evaluates the continuing contemporary relevance of Foucauldian analyses for critical educational and social research practice. Framed around examples drawn from everyday cultural and educational practices, I argue that current intensifications of psychologisation under neoliberal capitalism not only produce and constrain increasingly activated and responsibilised educational subjects but do so via engaging particular versions of feminisation and racialisation. Like Hacking's 'looping effect', Foucauldian ideas may themselves now figure within prevailing technologies of subjectivity but this means we need more, as well as more than, Foucault.</p> <p>Keywords: discourse; biopower; feminisation; pedagogy of affects; emotions</p> <p>This article weaves together a number of stories, stories of knowledge of self and others, for which it is suggested that Foucault's ideas are useful, in particular for indicating their mutual contingencies. These are 'personal' stories that are, however, not only 'mine' but rather intimations of broader structurations and constraints on configurations of subjectivity for which we need to evaluate rather than merely 'apply' Foucauldian perspectives. How these stories are linked, and what they teach us about Foucault's relevance, in the context of (what has been called) the pedagogical society, becomes a question taken up later.</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-2">1. A border crossing</hd> <p>In 2005, I flew into the US to attend a childhood conference, arriving from Mexico. Surrounded by Latinos, I could see families separated and children being interrogated as to who their parents were and where they came from. When it came to my turn at the immigration counter, the young African American man asked me what I did. 'Psychology, huh?' he said. Then, 'Nietszche?' I nodded, mouth dry as the surreal turn of conversation left me lost for words. My two index fingers pressed ineffectually on the pads, so that I had to repeat the security measure. 'Do you know Foucault?' he asked next, as he indicated for me to look into the camera for the iris identification shot. My mind raced wildly (after all, I was jet-lagged), and I tried to figure out what to say. I felt cameras boring into the back of my head as well as mapping my unique eye pattern: What kind of trap was this? He smiled, and said: 'I bet you're wondering what I'm doing working here. Life takes strange turns'.</p> <p>Was this confession a form of inoculation (in Barthes [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref1">6</reflink>] sense), an incitement to an illusory interpersonal encounter that could transcend the institutional apparatus of regulation? Or a knowing 'obscene sneer' (in Žižek's [<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref2">92</reflink>], sense) while doing (and/or undoing) the work of the state? And so I entered into the US, passing the Mexican children still waiting to be reunited with their parents.</p> <p>Alongside the many ways 'race' and class modulate citizenship and migration, this moment exemplifies how disciplinary power and confession combine. This illuminates some of the connections between juridical and biopolitical forms of power that Foucault identified as follows: '... with this new police state government begins to deal with individuals, not only according to their juridical status but as men, as working, trading, living beings'. (Foucault [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref3">38</reflink>], 156). Beyond this shift to juridical power, this example also shows how these networks are more porous for some than others.</p> <p>Such analyses pose particular dilemmas for educational researchers. There is a lot of talk of travelling theory, and how Foucault has travelled (e.g. Baker and Heyning [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref4">2</reflink>]), but what about how we the so-called knowledge workers, even as critical intellectuals, are hailed and understand ourselves? Has Foucault now crossed the border to become known and employed by the state? Or does this example show how the state and state actors are not monolithic but rather exercise their power through minor and multivalent strategies. Or, beyond this, has 'the state' now so fragmented that such boundaries between state and non-state, between juridical and civil society, can no longer be maintained? By his account, economic constraint forced this immigration officer to leave university to do this work, but just as private companies now police the state on its behalf, this intensifies even as it distributes (and perhaps also diverts in new ways) practices of power/knowledge and so generates complexities of individual and collective agencies such that our worst suspicions can sometimes be more than founded or unfounded. (As members of the Paranoia Network, a self-help and activist group of people who identify – or have been identified – with the label of Paranoid Personality Disorder, put it: you can never be paranoid enough.)</p> <p>We may think we know our Foucault (but of course we could know more), and he helps us know ourselves better, situating what we know of ourselves and how we know this within cultural-historical conditions of possibility. Or perhaps, like good neoliberal entrepreneurial subjects, we know or 'make up' our own individualised, personalised version of his ideas. But there may be another viewer who sees more – and to whom we account for ourselves, in this sense exemplifying Foucault's ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref5">37</reflink>], 59) comments about the increasing significance of 'verbalisation' that, from the eighteenth century onwards, now constitute, rather than renounce or refuse, notions of selfhood. Such features may, I suggest, have become intensified within recent neoliberal times, including in relation to the wider cultural-political appropriation of pedagogical practices.</p> <p>So in this article, I juxtapose various accounts of the uses of Foucauldian ideas – both historicising and (in)disciplining them. The diversity, complexity and sheer volume of his work, let alone its particular libertarian features, lend it to so many interpretations. My aim is to show how, far from being depleted or even co-opted, Foucault's ideas are still a vital resource for understanding current sociopolitical conditions; in particular, how the expanding role accorded education under neoliberal capital is illuminated by Foucauldian analyses. I will suggest that, in order to make the most of these, we can and should also draw on other analyses too. Beyond the rather cheap (that is, too easily polarised and dismissive) 'pro' vs. 'anti' Foucault arguments about gender and 'race' that focus on what Foucault did or did not write ('why didn't he talk about women/gender?', 'why didn't he talk about colonialism/racialisation?' – most of which are either incorrect or irrelevant (on gender, see, e.g. McNay [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref6">58</reflink>]; Ramazanoğlu [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref7">73</reflink>]; Sawicki [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref8">77</reflink>]; Diamond and Quinby [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref9">29</reflink>]; and on colonialism, see especially Stoler [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref10">86</reflink>])), I will move across fields of practice to highlight how these have contributed particular emphases to their readings and uses of Foucault's corpus.</p> <p>By way of – or at least on the way to – warranting these arguments, I will tell some other stories. Some of these border on personal as well as institutional forms of reflexivity, but I propose all the more relevant fodder for Foucauldian – and other – analyses thereby. Such accounts and – within neoliberal discourse – the capabilities so incited, developed and maximised – can generatively inform other interpretive-political analyses that help us better evaluate his educational contributions.</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-3">2. Disciplining Foucault: a short genealogy</hd> <p>My story of encountering Foucault comes from psychology, and the search to find critical tools to explicate the oppressions and exclusions meted out by that discipline. The 1984 book <emph>Changing the Subject: Psychology, Social Regulation and Subjectivity</emph> (Henriques et al. [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref11">44</reflink>]) became a landmark text for a generation of critical psychologists and more. In this (and the journal <emph>Ideology &amp; Consciousness,</emph> which first published some early English translations[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref12">1</reflink>]), Foucault appeared as a key critical resource, alongside a (Lacanian version of) psychoanalysis and a seasoning of Derrida, to destabilise the rational, unitary subject from its triumphal place in psychological theory and practices. From 1985 onwards, the term 'the psy complex' (coined more or less simultaneously by Nikolas Rose and David Ingleby, see Ingleby [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref13">50</reflink>]; Rose [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref14">74</reflink>]) was applied to describe the forms of knowledge and practice that exemplified the double sided facets of subjectivity discussed by Foucault – constituted as both subject <emph>to</emph>, and subject <emph>of</emph>; thus topicalising and bringing in a particular anti-humanist twist to questions of freedom vs. determination, and a different way of dealing with the structure–agency binary. Psychology was (and still is) the modern discipline par excellence of surveillance, calibration and control, oriented around a technology of administration (testing), that not only classifies and segregates individuals and populations but also produces forms of being, subjects, in its image: a perfect nexus of regulation and confession.</p> <p>Foucault formed a key node in the repertoire of critical theorists brought together for critical and feminist psychologists instituting a radical swerve or twist on the discursive turn in psychology (a form of 'critical psychology' that came to be associated specifically with British social psychology, see e.g. Parker [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref15">64</reflink>]; Bozatsis and Dragona [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref16">11</reflink>]). His analyses of the emergence and functioning of institutions of normalisation and their role in producing the positions and practices of pathologisation (whether in the prison, the school, the mental hospital, the child guidance or the gender identity clinic, see Burman et al. [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref17">20</reflink>]) were, and continue to be, vital. And far from Foucault's ideas being complex, 'difficult', inaccessible and addressed only to an intellectual elite, they remain a key inspirational resource for mental health system survivors in making sense of their experiences of psychiatric 'treatments' (Parker et al. [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref18">65</reflink>]). Significantly, feminists were amongst the earliest to engage with Foucauldian accounts of the productive or incited forms of power – in, for example, analysing feminised modes of subjectivity produced by the popular cultural confessional genres of agony aunt columns as much as by psychotherapy (Wilbraham [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref19">91</reflink>]).</p> <p>For psychologists at that time, the primary object of critique was the rational unitary subject, and while psychoanalysis was drawn upon to show the partial, unstable, defensive – and gendered – character of its rationality, including its scientistic versions (Hollway [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref20">47</reflink>]), Foucault offered a historical account of its emergence. Along with the doom and gloom regulatory version of Nikolas' Rose's earlier ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref21">74</reflink>]) account of Foucault, of the panopticon and the normalised, self-regulating subject of the 'psy complex', it is Foucault's analysis of the productive character of power that provided the key segue into performativity theory (c.f. Butler [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref22">22</reflink>]). We could pause here to comment on the mistaken debate on discourse determinism that occupied some critics (including critical psychologists) who set up a false opposition between oppression and incitement. As Foucault's pupil and successor, Michel Pêcheux put it in a key, recently re-translated, paper:</p> <p>a discourse, by its very existence, marks the possibility of a de-structuring-re-structuring of these networks and trajectories. Any discourse is the potential index of a movement within the sociohistorical filiations of identification inasmuch as it constitutes, at the same time, an effect of those filiations and the work (more or less conscious, deliberate, and constructed or not, but all the same traversed by unconscious determinations) of displacement within their space. (Pêcheux [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref23">67</reflink>], 94)</p> <p>More recently, critical theorists in and of psychology have shifted from discussion of the 'psy complex' to discuss psychologisation as a specific and depoliticising mode of cultural practice (De Vos, Gordo-López, and Psouridakis [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref24">28</reflink>]; De Vos [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref25">26</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref26">27</reflink>]). I will return to this shortly. But now for a short educational interlude.</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-4">3. A kiss</hd> <p>Back to my doctorate days of the early 1980s, undertaking a Piagetian-style study in early years classrooms (which eventually became Burman [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref27">12</reflink>]). The young students worked intently at their nicely grouped tables, tracing out the shapes of letters. When they had finished the allotted task, they queued up at the teacher's desk to show her their work, for her to mark it. And her mark of approval, accompanying her verbal feedback, was to give each successful child a kiss. (I cannot remember whether she withheld this from any who did not do well enough.)</p> <p>Irrespective of the complex and selective features of memorial accounts, I suggest this story can tell us quite a bit about our contemporary educational moment. This was of course long before the screening and compulsory registration of all professionals working in the UK with children and 'vulnerable groups'. This practice is, interestingly, committed to a spatial rather than depth model of identity, requiring new applications for every site, with some obvious income-generating effects, amongst others (for example, an online search brings to the top a commercial company offering to process such applications, now called 'due diligence service'). The Criminal Records Bureau process tapped into increasingly centralised databases to confirm that a registrant did not have any relevant convictions. The current name which replaced it from 2013, Disclosure and Barring Service, appears to intensify the activity on both sides. It perfectly exemplifies neoliberal discourse: your action is figured in more confessional terms (and failure to disclose will of course have significant implications), while the computer search does not merely pattern match or make connections across records, but performs an act of exclusion, of 'barring'. Finally, the move from being a Bureau (a clearly specified office of government), to a Service completes the slippery extension and distribution of state authority in the name of market relations. (We might note that the UK Border Agency has for some time referred to asylum applicants as 'clients' and even 'customers'.)</p> <p>Each time I tell this story of this kiss (see Burman [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref28">19</reflink>]), I feel anew the sense of how impossible such actions are now. In these days of educational panic over teachers and touching (c.f. Piper and Stronach [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref29">68</reflink>]) (some of which, we must acknowledge, is clearly warranted), it is hard not to read back onto this scene a sense of impropriety; surely some kind of salacious desires must have been at work in the exchange? Beyond enquiring into (and – as we know from Foucault's [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref30">36</reflink>], critique of the repressive hypothesis – so producing) aberrant personal motivations on the part of the teacher, surely this installs the wrong kind of rationale for educational achievement (do well to please your teacher and get a kiss)?</p> <p>Beyond de-naturalising our current conditions, as Foucault's work has done so well, this story speaks to a subjugated educational history, of which it is a trace. One forgotten educational discourse is the psychodynamic attention to learning and teaching as emotionally charged relationships and contexts involving fear, anxiety and pleasure (Salzberger-Wittenberg et al. [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref31">76</reflink>]). Nowadays to speak of such qualities as circulating in the classroom imports discourses of bullying or sexual abuse (which themselves indicate broader discursive landscapes that miniaturise structural–institutional relationships – of, say, racism or sexism – into individual bad actions). But they also reach further back to an entirely mandated policy formulated at the birth of compulsory education, albeit one which failed. (Here it is relevant to note that the trajectory of Foucauldian-inspired educational scholarship appears to have taken somewhat different forms in the UK and the US – see e.g. Baker and Heyning's ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref32">2</reflink>]) move into more postmodern readings vs. Olssen's ([<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref33">63</reflink>]) assertion of a materialist substrate to Foucault's approach.) Jones' ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref34">52</reflink>]) account (in Ball's [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref35">3</reflink>], collection which – as he put it in the introduction – introduced 'Monsieur Foucault' to British education) highlights how the first models of teacher training aimed to reform undisciplined urban poor youth through manipulation of the relationship with the teacher:</p> <p>From the outset, teacher training was primarily concerned with ethical techniques; considerations of curriculum context occupied a secondary role. The new strategy made the teacher into an irresistible ethical image whose magnetic attraction would transform the progeny of the labouring classes into ethical subjects responsible to a bio-power (Jones [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref36">52</reflink>], 60)</p> <p>Love was explicitly figured as the medium for this transformation. But not only love, also the withdrawal of love, and the threat of humiliation and shame.</p> <p>The child had to be taught to love the teacher and the school and not the mean backstreets... Above all, however, the teacher had to make even 'the children he likes least' love him. Love in fact was the instrument of moral training. It could educate the higher sensibilities. The teacher would achieve this education by dismissing an erring scholar from the gallery. This spectacle of degradation would moreover be amplified by the observation of the onlooking class... The object of the exercise was to create an ethical regime that stimulated morality from the shame of offending rather than the 'fear of the rod' (Jones [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref37">52</reflink>], 64).</p> <p>What is interesting here is not only how an educational policy still resonates in more recent times (see Sriprakash [[<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref38">82</reflink>]], for an account from the global South), but also how this policy failed in part because of the impossible demands put upon teachers who were almost as regulated as the children, as a key consequence of attempting to generate socio-political reform through personal, individual interventions. Crucially, the teacher's kiss now attracts suspicion beyond her individual action or intention. Encapsulated here are continuing themes around the feminisation of the teaching profession and its relation with familial ideologies; specifically, the insertion of a nineteenth-century model of the patriarchal family with its naturalised power inequalities and gendered division of labour. The professionalised (and therefore middle class) female teacher as a model mother, inspiring love and devotion – and of course compliance and conscientiousness – both substituted for and was the corrective agent for working class family habits and functions that were thereby deemed deficient. As Jones put it:</p> <p>The school constituted a technology for transforming 'wild beings' into ethical subjects. The success of this strategy would be measured by the transformation of the habits of the urban population from a nomadic mass into stable, sober, isolated family units in which the mother formed the focus of domestic management. Thus although the schoolmaster represented a paradigm for moral excellence and his scholars its reflection, the moral foundation received its exemplification in the habits of domestic management imbued by the good schoolmistress (Jones [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref39">52</reflink>], 65).</p> <p>This history helps explain some of the institutional, as well as personal, tensions that have structured home-school relations ever since. The teacher as representative of the school was explicitly figured as a site of rivalry for, as well as scrutiny of, maternal affection. Such accounts usefully supplement others (e.g. Sharp and Green [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref40">79</reflink>]; Walkerdine and Lucey [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref41">88</reflink>]) on the ways child-centred pedagogies have regulated mothers and families, with particular classed and gendered intersections (and they continue under neoliberalism, see Burman [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref42">17</reflink>]). One recent cultural example that replayed similar notions in the name of their reversal was a recent television sitcom screened on the British TV network Channel 4 from 2013–2014 entitled 'Raised by Wolves' (punning also on the name of the city in which it was set – Wolverhampton). This addressed the theme of the 'feral underclass' haunting discussions of class and education. In this, schooling is portrayed as representing the redemptive, rational voice of Enlightenment for one of the young women, as the exterior, sane other to the wild, out of control female-headed household.</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-5">4. Feminisation and the gendering of reflexive subjectivities</hd> <p>So, as Foucault indicates, far from being the repository of alternatives to ideology and its manipulations, passions and affections are very much part and parcel of them. In her study of the colonial archive of the Dutch East Indies, Stoler ([<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref43">86</reflink>]) shows how typologies of racialisation and the shaping of national identities (along with class and gender) deeply traverse the intimacies and intricacies of domestic, as well as public, life. She also highlights Foucault's attention to questions of 'race' and racialisation as intimating fruitful strategies for postcolonial analysis. She documents how affections displayed both to and by children in relation to 'native' servants (some of whom were also likely to be their biological mothers, as well as their wet nurses[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref44">2</reflink>]) became a key site of concern in the service of producing colonial subjects. Access to schooling, to particular categories of school, as well as (colonial vs. native) language proficiency, all figured as arenas in which complex and contested desires for and of parents and children were played out. Stoler ([<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref45">85</reflink>]) even suggests – in a related text – that this prompted a rebellion in Java in May 1848. The resolution of this rebellion highlighted how, she argues, 'affective knowledge was at the core of political rationality in its <emph>late</emph> colonial form' as specifically played out in relation to schooling as a site for regulating and expunging local knowledge and ties (<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref46">8</reflink>).</p> <p>At issue was not the insubordinate sentiments of the colonized but rather the inappropriately expressed aspirations of those 'out of character' and 'out of place'... At issue was an 'emotional economy' that not only 'mirrored controversies about social status' but tied affective expression to the worth of human kinds... Over the next 70 years, Dutch authorities continued to battle over when and how to intervene in the education of school-age children and in the formative rearing of the very young. Crucial to this understanding was that local knowledge should never be too local and that familial attachments were to be mediated and reworked through concerns of state, filtered through a fine sieve, through the ears of Dutch categories, distilled into a typology, reconfigured as qualified knowledge in a usable form. While that could conceivably be done in Indies schools run on European principles by Europeans, success was easier to assure from a distance in the Netherlands – where racialized categories could be reduced to a number of traits, assuring that the colonial lens would color a world in which family ties between parents and their young would be reconstituted, where moral virtue would be defined by a muted attachment to one's offspring, and where local knowledge would be digested through institutions of learning in Europe and re-served as qualified knowledge that was no longer local at all. (Stoler [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref47">85</reflink>], 17)</p> <p>Methodologically, as with my example of 'A Kiss', this highlights two key issues: First, the significance of attending to minor moments, of lost struggles, of failures. This is important, not only as a way of disrupting triumphal historical teleologies, but also to identify the technological features of their strategies better. Secondly, it highlights the role of emotions in creating and ordering colonial relations, inside as well as outside homes. The lesson Stoler ([<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref48">85</reflink>], 8) draws from the colonial context is that:</p> <p>If sentiments may be taken as 'settled dispositions,' and reason as 'the internalisation of public procedure', as various students of the social history of emotions suggest, then both shared a coveted space of governance – for it was through these settled dispositions and practices of European officials and their families that colonial regimes <emph>reordered</emph> relations within those families themselves.</p> <p>But the discourse of emotion is one that has acquired particular currency in recent times, with claims of passionate enthusiasm now mandatory for every job application, and emotional literacy and SEAL (the programme of Social and Emotional Aspects of Learning associated with New Labour, see e.g. Humphrey, Lendrum, and Wigelsworth [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref49">48</reflink>]) occupying schools as well as the business world. The discourse of emotion has also long been associated with women, and with the private sphere. Various commentators (from Hochschild [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref50">46</reflink>]; to Morini [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref51">59</reflink>]; and Pykett [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref52">69</reflink>]) have explored how emotions and relationship skills have entered neoliberal management strategy (see also e.g. Burman [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref53">13</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref54">14</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref55">16</reflink>]; Gordo López and Burman [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref56">41</reflink>]). In particular, these indicate a detachment of feminised or minoritised status from the bodies of (some) women to now be applied to (most or all) men. Undoubtedly, some women have benefitted from this neoliberal shift to what (after Moulier Boutang [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref57">60</reflink>]) is sometimes rather misleadingly called 'cognitive capitalism' (misleading, since this is also an affective, rather than only cognitive, move). The conditions of women's work – part-time, insecure, low paid – are now so widespread as to have inspired a new epithet: the 'Precariat' (Standing [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref58">84</reflink>]). Perhaps being 'on the edge' (c.f. Hutton and Giddens [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref59">49</reflink>]) enables an emotional intensity and engagement that can generate radical political activity – as the student movements against privatisation and tuition fees across Chile, Canada and, yes, the UK, suggest. But, in the main, the sanitised, domesticated and depoliticised versions of 'participation' being produced are often rather limited (see e.g. Clarke [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref60">23</reflink>]; Newman [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref61">62</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-6">5. Robust or fragile pedagogical subjects?</hd> <p>The neoliberal subject may be atomised and activated, but its corollary is anxious and vulnerable. The rise of the discourse of vulnerability and its shift from being attached to landscapes and political conditions to individuals has been widely noted (e.g. Furedi [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref62">39</reflink>]). Vulnerability and reflexivity are also profoundly gendered as female attributes (c.f. Adkins [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref63">1</reflink>]; Burman [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref64">15</reflink>]), and this still speaks relevantly to gender-specific political conditions: the cuts disproportionately affect poor women, and increasingly return care and responsibility for the public sector to such women. These conditions are also very much aged, in the sense that it is young people, young adults and soon-to-be adults, who are the most affected by the restructuring of the postwelfare state (see McInnes et al. [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref65">57</reflink>]; Watts et al. [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref66">89</reflink>]).</p> <p>This brings me to two other stories, from my own educational practice, teaching undergraduate students. Some years ago, as part of a 'Psychology of Childhood' course I convened, I invited students to discuss a sociological paper (Cradock [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref67">25</reflink>])[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref68">3</reflink>] which challenged prevailing declamations of the extension of childhood supposedly arising through young people remaining resident in their parents' household. Its argument was that setting up an independent household as an indicator of the transition to adulthood was historically as well as culturally specific and that the effects of the current economic recession, along with the legacies of the housing boom and credit crunch whereby young people had few possibilities to afford to buy their own homes, might merely signal the return to a longstanding and perhaps normative context within, as well as outside, Europe.[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref69">4</reflink>]</p> <p>To my surprise, far from finding the paper illuminating or even comforting, in the sense of offering a wider sociological analysis of their own situation, the class responded negatively to it, as if they experienced the relevance of its account as personal criticism. Rather than engaging with its arguments, they seemed to want to defend against some implied shortcoming or deficit. My intentions as a liberal educator to connect the personal and the political thus thwarted, I have puzzled about this. Did their commitment to an active (or, as David Gillies [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref70">40</reflink>]; discusses 'agile') subjectivity disallow their own positions or experiences to be inserted into a more general account except in terms of a failure of agency? Or was my intervention personalised in another direction – that of student–teacher relations whereby I was drawing attention to some of the various disparities between me and them? These relate to class as well as age, confirming how I possessed not only what they lacked (a secure job, with associated housing status etc.), but also what they might never have? Perhaps the fact they were Psychology students intensified this resistance to a sociological analysis (for in my experience most students say they want to study Psychology because they don't want to study Sociology, and so already incline towards a neoliberal, if also therapeutic, model of subjectivity), and so that psychologising impulse could bolster their sense of personal affront or humiliation (Isin [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref71">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>Bourdieu ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref72">10</reflink>]) of course discusses how school pedagogies involve a rationalisation of knowledge designed to create distance, and in that context addresses the role of unusual forms of struggle, protest and resistance:</p> <p>These young people, whose social identity and self-image have been undermined by a social and educational system that have fobbed them off with worthless paper, can find no other way of restorying their personal and social integrity than by a total refusal. It is as if they felt that what is at stake is no longer just personal failure, as the educational system encourages them to believe, but rather the whole logic of the academic institution. The structural deskilling of a whole generation, who are bound to get less out of their qualifications than the previous generation, engenders a sort of collective disillusionment: a whole generation, finding it has been taken for a ride, is inclined to extend to all institutions the mixture of revolt and resentment it feels towards the educational system (143–144).</p> <p>This perhaps echoes Olssen's ([<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref73">63</reflink>], 186–187) comment: 'Hence education via governmentality effects the production of a new form of subjects – those who believe they are free'. As other educational researchers have also proposed (Bansel [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref74">5</reflink>]), the freedoms granted by neoliberalism can merely confirm the prison of agentic responsibility, without the recourse to the mediation offered by historical perspective or cultural/class variation. Independence and autonomy are lonely and difficult subject positions, even before we add in competition. What this example shows is how the neoliberal subject appears to figure itself not only as self-sufficient, but that this subject is also brittle, fragile and in need of protection. (Here the recent escalation of 'social anxiety disorder' documented amongst students is instructive, Hickinbottom-Brown [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref75">45</reflink>]). We might note here that most psychology students are women – to such an extent that it was recently proposed in the UK professional magazine for psychologists that psychology degrees should change their name to Behavioural Sciences to attract more men (Radford [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref76">72</reflink>]), which of course merely shifts the problem to another level.</p> <p>Another attempt to address, even 'empower' the students, to engage with their contemporary cultural-political situation (as Ball and Olmedo [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref77">4</reflink>]; have also recently discussed), also produced mixed responses. On a (team-taught) final year course, Conceptual and Historical Issues in Psychology – which is currently a compulsory part of the curriculum for Psychology undergraduate degrees – my (then) colleagues and I set reading (and essays) on neoliberalism, including its impacts on teaching and learning processes. The reflexive diaries reflected a range of different reactions. Most clearly 'got' the main points, and interestingly most essays addressed the theme of emotional labour (Hochschild, again), with examples from their own work experiences. But, for some, reading critiques of neoliberalism in academia (e.g. Lorenz [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref78">56</reflink>]) was not narrated as helpful: 'why are you telling us about this, when we have to do it, and live it?' So here, once again, analysis merely escalated the insult. Other reflections were more of the order of 'thanks, this is great to know and it will help me to do it better'. Neither of these were the responses we had sought.</p> <p>Inspecting one's own educational or pedagogical motivations reveals uncomfortable opacities as well as neoliberal paternalistic collusions. As a staff team, we saw ourselves as inviting a discussion about a collective predicament in which we, as well as they, were implicated. Yet, stepping back to attend to the spatio-institutional frame, it might be noted that the diaries were a compulsory part of the assessment. So perhaps the real message was a meta-comment on the medium: a resistance to confession? I suspect what we were hoping for was some recognition of how the intellectual resources provided by the course had offered tools of resistance against the marketplace of ideas and practices that lay ahead of these students. Interestingly, what these diaries (which were framed within the now familiar discourse of personal–professional development) withheld from us was any authentic sense of self-discovery or disclosure that 'applied' or 'found' meaning. Rather, in drawing attention to the instrumentalisation and emptiness of academic accreditation and the manufacture of emotional commitment, they performed precisely what we incited – the empty subject at its core (De Vos [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref79">27</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-7">6. Education outside schools – the pedagogical state?</hd> <p>Critical psychologists have recently turned to analyse psychological cultures, or the strategies of psychologisation which individualise political processes, assign personal responsibilities and delimit the horizon of and for collective debate and response. In social policy terms, such moves correspond to cuts and reorganisations of state welfare in the name of personalisation and choice, which – it is worth pointing out – have not only had negative consequences, since some paradoxical benefits have accrued from the 'personalisation' and 'choice' agendas, as well as problems. This version of psychologisation attends to discourses around reflexivity in the sense of self-regulation, responsibilisation and its associations with developmentality (Fendler [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref80">32</reflink>]) that not only make learning lifelong (and so never-ending) but also elaborate the fiction that if only we had learnt and adapted enough, or gained the right skills, we would all be able to have jobs and earn a good living.</p> <p>The pedagogical characteristics of governmentality have also attracted the attention of social geographers who have explored the extension of educational discourses outside formal educational arenas, and attempted to evaluate its political consequences: 'Pedagogy can be understood as both shaping behaviour and inviting critique, and thus as an enabling and productive mode of power'. (Pykett [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref81">70</reflink>], 17). Mobilising the rather inelegant neologism 'Psychagogy' – or totally 'pedagogised state' (Pykett [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref82">70</reflink>], 8), Jessica Pykett usefully elaborates the case for seeing 'the pedagogical state' as extending forms of educational governance beyond the formal structures of schooling:</p> <p>Exploring the pedagogical state is useful for examining the 'schooling' of citizen subjectivities, both within and outside of schools, and the new forms of active citizenship which have consequences for the 'health' of democracy. It can also help us to investigate the extension of 'teacherly' or pedagogical practices into social life and the wider public sphere and to theorise the politics and geographies of pedagogical forms of power, pedagogical culture, 'psychagogy' or a 'totally pedagogised society'. The impact of current social, democratic, public service and educational reforms on the governing of citizens' conduct is important for understanding emerging forms of citizenship (active, neurotic, overactive, subversive, compliant, good) as well as the role and value of pedagogy and education in contemporary societies. (Pykett [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref83">70</reflink>], 8)</p> <p>She portrays this notion as informed by Bernstein amongst others, such that neoliberal forms of governing determine citizen subject positions (as the 'symbolic control' by which pedagogues produce and maintain dominant discourses and forms of legitimation for the state, and transmit forms of consciousness, identity and desire). However, Pykett argues, this does not address how, precisely through the reflexive powers so installed, pedagogy invites critique and develops capacities to act. In this sense, it is argued that pedagogy can be viewed 'as a distinctive modality of power which has consequences for the terms of critique on which critical scholars of education and schooling rely' (<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref84">9</reflink>).</p> <p>Pykett bases her case on research with teacher trainers and training teachers in Citizenship Education, which perhaps offers a particularly acute lens through which to note the reformulation of state–citizen relations including '... what forms of address state and non-state agencies use to call forth citizen-subjects, and in what spheres and to what ends particular people are invoked as pedagogical subjects'. (Pykett [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref85">70</reflink>], 16). She ends up with a view of</p> <p>... education as a purposefully unprincipled domain which serves to separate the principled private actions and subjectivities of persons from public impartial ones. It views the governability of citizens as actually quite a good thing, and therefore leads us out of the moralized realm of dead-end questioning as to whether education is being privatised, neoliberalized, or employed as a form of social control. This is both too obvious and too deterministic a conclusion, and it ignores the discursive nature of pedagogical power. (<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref86">16</reflink>)</p> <p>One key political consequence is that this proliferation of sites of educational governance, produced through the blurring of boundaries between state and non-state apparatuses (Free Schools, Academies and home-schooling, but also other pedagogical spaces such as policy think tanks, advisory groups and a panoply of educational and other forms of consultant organisations) may arise from neoliberal policies but they cannot be reduced to these.</p> <p>The notion of the pedagogical state certainly speaks to some features of contemporary political practice. For example, in the same volume, John Clarke ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref87">23</reflink>]) describes as 'vernacular ventriloquism' (<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref88">29</reflink>) the schooling and complex performances of 'ordinary people' in policy consultation arenas. That is, by what he calls an 'inverse pedagogic practice' (<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref89">28</reflink>), ordinary people are taught to teach policymakers – if not what the latter want to hear, then what they know they are unable to say or find out themselves. This move, he suggests, marks simultaneously a deeper socialisation of the people as agents of government and a more insidious strategy of de-politicisation:</p> <p>... ordinary people are involved in a sort of <emph>inverse pedagogic practice</emph> – in which their role is to teach the state (and its agencies) what it cannot know by itself, or at least has trouble discovering through other means. The ordinary people recruited to participatory and deliberative processes thus enable everyday knowledge to become visible/audible to the state – with the promise that this access to new knowledge will allow the state and its agents to better respond to the needs and concerns of ordinary people. This is something beyond the constitution of the active and responsible citizen as the subject/object of government (Rose [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref90">75</reflink>]). Here we see the socialisation of people as the medium or agent of government, populating the emerging apparatuses of governing the social. (Clarke [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref91">23</reflink>], 28–29)</p> <p>But notes of discord also arise, with other contributors highlighting limits to the pedagogical imperative discourse precisely by virtue of the instability of incited identifications produced. Schram et al. ([<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref92">78</reflink>]) point out that under neoliberalism the relational character of citizenship is acknowledged, but only in a reduced, economised form; with citizenship commuted to a form of self-care. Rather than subscribing to the notion of the pedagogical state, based on their analysis of welfare case managers in the US, they highlight the less than pedagogic paternalism that coexists with everyday demands of getting on with the job. What arises, therefore, is a kind of myth of pedagogy, a ritual of the empty gesture:</p> <p>Under the logic of neoliberal paternalism, one might say that welfare reform is a disciplinary system that aspires to be pedagogical. Certainly the image of teaching the poor to work hard and exercise personal responsibility has been important to its political success. Yet its disciplinary agendas and effects do not ultimately depend on successive educative interventions into the lives of case managers or clients. They do not require pedagogical acquiescence, in the sense of following the organizational logic defined by neoliberal paternalism. (Schram et al. [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref93">78</reflink>], 136)</p> <p>Using the example of participatory practices of 'empowerment', Newman ([<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref94">62</reflink>]) argues that supposed 'turns' to a pedagogical state contain diverse elements that move in politically different directions. From this, she argues against the notion of a coherent pedagogical state. She identifies at least four such 'turns' (96–97): from a welfare to a social investment state; from welfare to building capacities for self-improvement – the DIY or activation state which emphasises 'volunteering', for example; the third turn concerns a moralisation of welfare, with a focus on discipline rather than social justice; and, fourth, the turn towards public participation and involvement (which itself combines several diverse strands). She warns of the dangers of overlooking paradox and instability in subsuming all such measures, with their diverse valences, into a single rubric (of pedagogy), since each elaborates a distinct pedagogical approach. These range from a pedagogy of personal lives, to a pedagogy of effective citizenship, to a pedagogy of skills development for better economic engagement and competition. Significantly, each version constructs different subject positions for professionals (as pedagogues) as well as citizen-users that – significantly – also interact with prevailing discourses around gender and empowerment.</p> <p>There is a reciprocal gendering of pedagogy, therefore, in both the populations in need of teaching or 'development' and in those doing the pedagogical work (extending from the feminised position of the teacher to social worker and, more recently, also to working with difficult or dangerous groups – such as violent offenders – doing relational, communicational work to make them more manageable). Albeit perhaps stretching the notion of feminisation, Newman argues that the differentiation and distributed characteristics of the 'new spaces of pedagogical governance' (<reflink idref="bib104" id="ref95">104</reflink>) incite new ways of working, on the part of both welfare professionals and their clients, 'involving translation (working across different systems of meaning) and alignment (bringing together different political projects into a coherent programme)' (ibid.) that redefine the domain of politics as well as the politics of pedagogy:</p> <p>New forms of pedagogy, I want to suggest, have to be regarded as both politicising and depoliticising. They are politicising in that they summon populations as citizens, tutor them in the skills and capabilities of citizenship and address them through the language of empowerment. These summonings are of course highly differentiated, with migrant populations summoned to perform a particular formation of Britishness, disadvantaged citizens being summoned as empowered and agentic members of communities, activist or potentially disruptive citizens being summoned as partners in governance, dependent welfare clients summoned as independent, choice-making customers and school pupils summoned as the responsible citizens of the future. Each offers at least the possibility of politicised forms of agency or the mobilisation of political resources and capacities. But each also carries depoliticising tendencies. Activism is not erased but reframed, the spaces of participation are highly managed and subaltern forms of politics are subject to depoliticising tendencies through their alignment, in partnership bodies and governmental projects, with managerial and institutional logics. (Newman [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref96">62</reflink>], 105–106)</p> <p>Does talk of a pedagogical state obviate the need for a specifically educational literature on Foucault, or does it rather render the latter still more urgent and important? In the end (in their latest discussion of 'the psychological state'), even as they conclude with Foucault for their radical methodology of interruption, Jones, Pykett, and Whitehead ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref97">53</reflink>]) return to educational theorists (such as Biesta [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref98">8</reflink>]) to find other models of pedagogy that do not presume or aim to shape what is to be learnt, and so foreclose the subject of the learner. So the disciplinary circle of citation goes round again. At any rate, Pykett's ([<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref99">69</reflink>]) claim of the gendered 'soft' power of the new 'maternal' state strategies needs to be set alongside the reminder that the link between poverty and welfare remains a gendered and racialised issue (Schram et al. [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref100">78</reflink>]). Newman's key example, of the implicit gendering of discourses of empowerment, returns us to an earlier focus of this article: how contemporary discourses of subjectivity – in which education and pedagogy figure – both presume, and thereby threaten to overlook, the significance of others; namely, gender and racialisation.</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-8">7. Danger at home?</hd> <p>I started with a migration story in which racialisation issues were salient, and I draw to a close with another, that is also about borders and (self) regulation. Here, the role of gender <emph>as both proxy of and instrument for</emph> racialisation comes into focus, demanding a further engagement with questions of regulated and resistant subject positions invited by Foucauldian analyses. While feminisation imports concern with interior space, a focus on gender and gender relations can work as a useful distraction from other more insidious agendas, as in the cynical deployment of discourses of female emancipation mobilised to warrant the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq (Spivak [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref101">81</reflink>]; Cooke [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref102">24</reflink>]; Thobani [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref103">87</reflink>]). While gendered images of security have been commented upon (Burman [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref104">13</reflink>]; see also Shepherd [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref105">80</reflink>]), it is relevant to note <emph>specifically gendered pedagogical subjectivities</emph> mobilised in the service of state intelligence services (see also Burman [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref106">18</reflink>]). This occurs not least naming practices, with the international secret service agency (MI6) carrying the logo – SIS: that is, (literally lexically) Big Sister, rather than Big Brother: 'intelligence' has become interiorised, feminised and covertly racialised. Recent recruitment advertisements (the very fact of which perform simultaneously discourses of state transparency and surveillance) have mobilised the voice of a junior, enthusiastic administrator, a young woman, elaborating an educational repertoire including such terms as 'career', 'unfolding', 'chance to learn', 'induction', 'training', 'learning all the time'. There is even a reflexive twist: 'Above all, I've learnt a lot about myself – and uncovered strengths I didn't even know were there'. The gendered and aged status of the new recruit combines to provide a less threatening (and more attractive?) model that also serves to distract from the less 'educational' (though certainly informative) business actually being promoted. Instead, being an intelligence officer is promoted as about learning to look into oneself, rather than others; subscribing to a pedagogy of self-discovery, and how the other or unknown lies within. It seems the advertisers knew their Lacan and Derrida, but best of all their Foucault, perhaps – in the sense that these themes are not only mobilised by critics, but are also deployed by state security apparatuses (Weizman [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref107">90</reflink>]).</p> <p>As Stoler's ([<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref108">85</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref109">86</reflink>]) analysis of the colonial archive (discussed earlier) highlights, semiotic links between discourses of domestic and national security are longstanding. On the British home front, a more recent example of subject formation and pedagogical address was evident in an advertisement (published in July 2013[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref110">5</reflink>]) for MI5, that is, the security services operating within UK territory. Superimposed onto the face of a figure with long dark dreadlocks are the (unpunctuated) words: 'flexible courageous open-minded tolerant selfless dedicated positive thoughtful reliable loyal practical communicative humble dutiful honest bright patient' (with 'positive' and 'humble' in the largest print). The words cover the face so that it cannot immediately be determined whether it is that of a man or a woman. (Notwithstanding the further gender ambiguity conveyed by the dreadlocks, however, closer analysis reveals an Adam's apple, suggesting it is male.) Nevertheless, this ambiguity (that is usually resolved by facial characteristics which are here largely obscured) works to foreground racialisation over gender (see Burman, Smailes, and Chantler [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref111">21</reflink>] for other analyses of practical–political consequences of privileging 'race' over gender). The figure of the black or mixed-'race' person, especially a man – so stereotypically narrated as dangerous (Bhattacharyya [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref112">7</reflink>]), is here initially endowed with positive qualities. Indeed they are 'The many qualities we rely upon' (although who 'we' is remains unspecified, as yet another iteration of the ways 'race' is marked as a 'minority' characteristic). Amongst the many other features worthy of comment in this text is the narrative address of short, sufficient sentences (noun verb object) that perhaps connotes military order as well as certainty, each preceded by the possessive pronoun 'my'. But the list of statements, that would suggest a complete, knowing subject,[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref113">6</reflink>] ends with an abrupt change of pronominal address from first to second person, and a challenge: 'Think you know...? You may want to think again'. A self-assured subject is both incited and then redesignated as incomplete, in need of learning. It addresses a proud Black British subjectivity, that is 'aspirational' (to use a ubiquitous political buzzword) and perhaps frustrated. Indeed in a move reminiscent of Clarke's ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref114">23</reflink>]) discussion of 'ordinary people', the shift occurs after the reference to being 'ordinary' ('My qualities are not out of the ordinary. My work is'). Ordinary people do extraordinary work. So, precisely because, rather than despite being 'ordinary', apply for this job.</p> <p>The challenge posed to the figure, asking him to 'think again' about what he knows and whether he knows it, is significant. 'Think you know what it takes to safeguard the nation? You may want to think again'. So the question is: do we know what 'safeguarding the nation' is about? Here, the term is shifted from its more current use in relation to child protection (Parton [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref115">66</reflink>]) back to the collective, sovereign subject of the nation state. It appears that this 'safeguarding' concerns recruiting black men and women as informants on 'radicalization' in 'their communities'. And, further, that any other 'ordinary' man or woman might be working for MI5. Once again the surveilled, reflexive subject is hailed into being, who is simultaneously 'bigged up' but undermined in his (or her) grandiosity. This is indeed a precarious subject. The speech act of this advertisement is as much warning as invitation. The Black British subject is both prototypical but also a prime site for double consciousness and pedagogical recruitment into self-surveillance. At best, some anxiety is mobilised by the uncertain, shifting narrative voice, exemplifying not only Isin's ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref116">51</reflink>]) discussion of the neurotic subject of neoliberalism but also Ellis, Tucker, and Harper's ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref117">31</reflink>]) recent calls to analyse affective atmospheres of surveillance; that is, to devise modes of analysis that engage forms of feeling subsisting on the fringes of consciousness, that we just about know but are scarcely aware of. In intertextual relation with the example with which I began this article, now the immigration officer, the border controller, lies within.</p> <p>Clearly such examples invite other kinds of analyses that include assessment of the material history of the production of these campaigns, rather as Jones, Pykett, and Whitehead ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref118">53</reflink>]) have traced the various governmental policies of 'Nudge', 'Think' and 'Steer' in anti-gambling, road safety, health promotion and energy conservation strategies. 'Nudge', 'Think' and 'Steer', as 'behavioural change' strategies, are all designed to subtly influence our 'choice architecture' such that critical perspectives upon them are unthinkable.[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref119">7</reflink>] But, as with Stoler's ([<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref120">85</reflink>]) historical analysis, such policy statements may also be read as performative or even aspirational statements aiming to shape subjectivities precisely because they currently fail to reflect these.</p> <p>One clearly dispreferred reading of 'Think you know...?' is that s/he, or we, might indeed 'think' or 'know' of alternatives to those understandings of welfare or security put forward by the neoliberal racist heteropatriarchal state, and for this we may need to bring Foucault into conversation with other theorists such as Fanon (Burman, submitted). This brings me to my closing remarks.</p> <hd id="AN0112294733-9">8. Events not ends</hd> <p>Many commentators have pointed out how, despite the many statements Foucault made about disallowing prefigurative analysis (e.g. 'to imagine another system is to extend our participation in the present system', Foucault [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref121">34</reflink>], 230), he nevertheless insisted on the many possibilities of political practice (as Blacker [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref122">9</reflink>], and Leask [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref123">55</reflink>], amongst others point out). Baker and Heyning ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref124">2</reflink>], 29) differentiate three distinct ways of using Foucault in educational research over the past 25 years: historicisation, denaturalisation and critical reconstruction, and all of these have been useful in keeping open and available to question our current sociopolitical arrangements. Two key strands of Foucauldian thinking seem to recur across disciplines, though often at divergent moments. In psychology, the doom and gloom structural-regulatory version of Foucault was narrated first, whose limitations then brought the 'care of the self' ethics of the later Foucault to the fore, itself then vulnerable to critiques on the grounds of voluntarism and psychologisation. An equivalent trajectory occurs in educational research too, with warnings not to perform that very instrumentalisation and regulation of the neoliberal subject via its analysis, such that resistant affects and subjectivities are overlooked (Nairn and Higgins [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref125">61</reflink>]). As I have noted, social geography discussions appear to be moving in similar directions – including also attending to the rise of (what I call) neuro-nonsense that is currently gripping social policy (Pykett [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref126">69</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref127">71</reflink>]; De Vos [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref128">27</reflink>]), and threatening to reinstate old gender, class and racialised essentialisms in the name of early intervention to protect the vulnerable brain circuitry of small children (e.g. Leadsom et al. [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref129">54</reflink>]; as critiqued by Edwards, Gillies, and Horsley [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref130">30</reflink>]).</p> <p>What I take from Foucault, and the critical interpretive resources he provides, is perhaps most neatly expressed by Kathy Ferguson in an early discussion of the fruitful tensions between and contribution of both interpretive, hermeneutic positions (of the kind informed by feminist political commitments) and a reflexive, destabilising genealogical stance. As she puts it: '... genealogy keeps interpretation honest, and interpretation gives genealogy direction' (Ferguson [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref131">33</reflink>], 327). Such an ironic – but politically engaged – stance is important '... to hold together much needed incompatibilities, both to stay honest and to keep moving' (<reflink idref="bib329" id="ref132">329</reflink>). Or as Pêcheux ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref133">67</reflink>], 94) argued:</p> <p>... through ordered descriptions of discursive constructions, it is possible to detect moments of interpretation as acts that emerge in the form of positions taken and recognised as such; that is, as effects of identifications that are acknowledged and not denied. Before endless interpretations in which the interpreter acts as an absolute point without any other real, it is for me a matter of ethics and politics: a question of responsibility.</p> <p>Capitalist neoliberalism shapeshifts fast, and the educated and pedagogical subjects we have come to be move quickly too. Grand theory gives perspective but stands too high to offer detailed analytical or political prescriptions. We have to make it up as we go along, building on what we have and how we were before. Ian Hacking's ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref134">42</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref135">43</reflink>]) historical ontologies work not only to describe the exceptional 'looping effects' of how labels acquire identities that then change the labels, but also how we can and must mobilise histories of our and others' bodies and fields of practice, attending to the complexities of their classed, racialised and gendered intersections, to configure something better and beyond current pedagogical imperatives.</p> <ref id="AN0112294733-10"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref12" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> The transmuting of <emph>Ideology &amp; Consciousness</emph> to <emph>I&amp;C</emph> marked a shift away from Marxism, notwithstanding Foucault's own commitments: 'I quote Marx without saying so, without quotation marks, and because people are incapable of recognising Marx's texts I am thought to be someone who doesn't quote Marx. When a physicist writes a work of physics, does he feel it necessary to quote Newton and Einstein? He uses them, but he doesn't need the quotation marks, the footnote and the eulogistic comment to prove how completely he is being faithful to the master's thought.' ([35] p. 52).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref4" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> The original settler policy officially promoted concubinage, which was seen as preferable to exposing Dutch women to the dangers and corrupting influences of the colony, as well as promoting greater domestication and assimilation of the colonised (Stoler [86]). This policy was changed in the late nineteenth century under the rationale of the socialising influence of the Dutch woman as homemaker who thereby not only maintained the semiotic connection between colonial outpost and its centre but, as a result of this, Dutch wives were even more subject to moral surveillance.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref35" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Gerald Cradock was kind enough to send me an earlier version of this paper which included a greater focus on this question than did in fact appear in the final published version.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref69" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> The relevance and prescience of this analysis, albeit not shared by the reporters, was indicated in the headlines reporting of Office of National Statistics findings of early January 2014: 'Stuck in the nest: 3.3 m adults still living with parents as financial woes hit home', (H. Osborne, <emph>The Guardian,</emph> 22 January 2014, p. 3).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref74" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> This was published in Autumn 2013 in the British liberal left newspaper <emph>The Guardian,</emph> in a section which regularly advertises, and alongside, health and social care positions. As one commentator at the Foucault and Education conference pointed out, these 'qualities' are very similar to those used to interpellate trainee teachers. The juxtaposition therefore with the social work (and by implication also teaching) jobs therefore merits reflection in various directions.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref1" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> The text reads: 'My perception spots situations. My focus makes connections. My patience waits for answers. My creativity breeds solutions. My discretion keeps this a secret. My qualities are not out of the ordinary. My work is. Think you know what it takes to safeguard the nation? You may want to think again. <ulink href="http://www.mi5.gov.uk/careers">www.mi5.gov.uk/careers</ulink>. <emph>To apply you must be over 18 and a British citizen. Discretion is vital. You should not discuss your application, other than with your partner or a close family member</emph>'<emph>.</emph></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref112" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> While Pykett ([69]) discusses the pedagogical state; this has some differences from a co-authored volume published the following year on the psychological state (Jones, Pykett, and Whitehead [53]). 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| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1087417 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Knowing Foucault, Knowing You: 'Raced'/Classed and Gendered Subjectivities in the Pedagogical State – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Burman%2C+Erica%22">Burman, Erica</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Pedagogy%2C+Culture+and+Society%22"><i>Pedagogy, Culture and Society</i></searchLink>. 2016 24(1):1-25. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 25 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2016 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Evaluative – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Philosophy%22">Educational Philosophy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Research%22">Educational Research</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Neoliberalism%22">Neoliberalism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racial+Factors%22">Racial Factors</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Influences%22">Social Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Gender+Issues%22">Gender Issues</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Psychology%22">Social Psychology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Femininity%22">Femininity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Psychology%22">Educational Psychology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Feminism%22">Feminism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Science+Research%22">Social Science Research</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/14681366.2015.1057215 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1468-1366 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This article evaluates the continuing contemporary relevance of Foucauldian analyses for critical educational and social research practice. Framed around examples drawn from everyday cultural and educational practices, I argue that current intensifications of psychologisation under neoliberal capitalism not only produce and constrain increasingly activated and responsibilised educational subjects but do so via engaging particular versions of feminisation and racialisation. Like Hacking's "looping effect", Foucauldian ideas may themselves now figure within prevailing technologies of subjectivity but this means we need more, as well as more than, Foucault. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: Ref Label: Number of References Group: RefInfo Data: 92 – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2016 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1087417 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/14681366.2015.1057215 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 25 StartPage: 1 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Educational Philosophy Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Research Type: general – SubjectFull: Neoliberalism Type: general – SubjectFull: Racial Factors Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Gender Issues Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Psychology Type: general – SubjectFull: Femininity Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Psychology Type: general – SubjectFull: Feminism Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Science Research Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Knowing Foucault, Knowing You: 'Raced'/Classed and Gendered Subjectivities in the Pedagogical State Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Burman, Erica IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2016 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1468-1366 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 24 – Type: issue Value: 1 Titles: – TitleFull: Pedagogy, Culture and Society Type: main |
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