Word on the Street: Investigating Linguistic Landscapes with Urban Canadian Youth
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| Title: | Word on the Street: Investigating Linguistic Landscapes with Urban Canadian Youth |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Burwell, Catherine, Lenters, Kimberly |
| Source: | Pedagogies: An International Journal. 2015 10(3):201-221. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 21 |
| Publication Date: | 2015 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Education Level: | Grade 10 Secondary Education High Schools |
| Descriptors: | Urban Areas, Grade 10, Neighborhoods, Adolescents, Student Projects, Student Diversity, Student Research, Language Usage, Foreign Countries, Photography, Documentaries, Multilingualism, Cultural Pluralism, Cultural Differences, Industry, High School Students |
| Geographic Terms: | Canada (Calgary) |
| DOI: | 10.1080/1554480X.2015.1029481 |
| ISSN: | 1554-480X |
| Abstract: | This article reports on a case study inspired by the concept of "linguistic landscapes." We collaborated with a group of Humanities teachers to design and implement the "Word on the Street" project, in which Grade 10 students took on the role of researchers to explore the linguistic, visual and spatial texts of their neighbourhood. We show how the concept of linguistic landscapes fits especially well with a pedagogy of multiliteracies by encouraging the critical study of multimodality and linguistic diversity in context. We then describe the design and implementation of the project, which combined visual analysis with the production of place-based documentaries. Reading two of the documentaries, we illustrate ways that students used the project to identify and investigate the gap between how their community is represented, and how they experience it in their daily lives. In the end, we argue that linguistic landscape analysis provides a unique pedagogical tool for recognizing the complexity of meaning-making in urban landscapes, one with the potential to confront the inequities that shape the lives of many youth living in contemporary global cities. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Number of References: | 49 |
| Entry Date: | 2016 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1089381 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFc5TFUBzjaq48cqO1OnX0JAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDBV1Ylo9rJpLLNFaMwIBEICBm4alh2o3v0qQBLL6Hk3d2IGr-EWy0ZJzRiLrB43ihRbgUWigIc0gK7Tgqzhej9AXdi-BfeFjQe9ni7MZMfFJ8GXuRV7tS33SH3_lyTOH6NEl0MQN6xyaL6I-5gzVpJeocT1WZeyz0m0XdvpcOQs2N0QXxdnsAaMjdi_r_rUQCV5n_5ROppRANS5iObRUMfdSbdiNxRjoVAWOi3R0 Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0103309233;[2iyt]01jul.15;2019Feb07.14:06;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0103309233-1">Word on the street: Investigating linguistic landscapes with urban Canadian youth. </title> <p>This article reports on a case study inspired by the concept of "linguistic landscapes." We collaborated with a group of Humanities teachers to design and implement the "Word on the Street" project, in which Grade 10 students took on the role of researchers to explore the linguistic, visual and spatial texts of their neighbourhood. We show how the concept of linguistic landscapes fits especially well with a pedagogy of multiliteracies by encouraging the critical study of multimodality and linguistic diversity in context. We then describe the design and implementation of the project, which combined visual analysis with the production of place-based documentaries. Reading two of the documentaries, we illustrate ways that students used the project to identify and investigate the gap between how their community is represented, and how they experience it in their daily lives. In the end, we argue that linguistic landscape analysis provides a unique pedagogical tool for recognizing the complexity of meaning-making in urban landscapes, one with the potential to confront the inequities that shape the lives of many youth living in contemporary global cities.</p> <p>Keywords: linguistic landscapes; multiliteracies; urban schools; media production; identity</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-2">Introduction</hd> <p>On a warm spring day in Calgary, as the school year was drawing to a close, we sat down with a group of five Grade 10 students to discuss the community-based media project they had just completed. Along with the rest of their classmates, the students had been asked to produce a short documentary exploring the use of language, texts and symbols in the public spaces of their neighbourhood. As we chatted, the word "ghetto" cropped up repeatedly to describe the community where most of the students lived and all of them went to school. Attempting to get a better idea of what that word implied, one of us finally asked "What do you mean by 'it's ghetto?' What's in your mind when you use that word?" The students laughed. "Ghetto means it's a place where bad things happen," Katie ventured. Then Jennifer spoke up, and tried to instruct us with a story:</p> <p>When I was on the volleyball team, we visited Lord Essex, I think it was. It's a higher end school. When we told one of the spectators that we were from Brockton, they're like, "Oh. Don't shank me," and I'm like, "We're girls!" We are considered dangerous. In some cases, we're considered illiterate, undeveloped.</p> <p>As she told her story, the other students laughed and nodded. Jennifer, it seemed, had captured the meaning of ghetto to their satisfaction, and the conversation shifted to other topics, even as it circled back to ideas of danger and difference. For us too, Jennifer's concise tale proved illuminating. It pointed us towards the discourses of inclusion and exclusion that shape and reflect the inequities of the contemporary "global city" (Sassen, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref1">37</reflink>]). It gestured towards the complex connections between identity, place and schooling that face young urban citizens (Gruenewald, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref2">13</reflink>]). And by giving expression to the gap between how she experiences life in her community and how others perceive her based on her place within the city, Jennifer's story also gave us an important key to understanding the concerns of her classmates.</p> <p>Writing about youth at the margins of urban life, Dillabough and Kennelly ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref3">9</reflink>]) note that "the contextual, class and spatial realities of young people's lives in cities are negotiated in relation to wider scales of global change" (p. 12). As Jennifer and her peers suggest, young people navigate the uneven impacts of global change in the course of routine life within home and school communities, constantly negotiating their own and others' perceptions of identity and place. Yet such negotiations are rarely the subject of school itself. Instead, young people's everyday experiences of the city remain submerged beneath the weight of official curriculum – curriculum frequently configured for "global competitiveness." But if, as Lefebvre ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref4">28</reflink>]) argued, urban spaces are social products and if youth experience urban space in such vivid – and such inequitable – terms, then perhaps local inquiries into urban landscapes deserve a more central position in the high school classroom. Maybe it is time for us to critically explore with young people the conditions under which some places – and some people – are produced as "dangerous," "illiterate," and "undeveloped."</p> <p>In this article, we show how these kinds of inquiries fit especially well within a multiliteracies pedagogy by reporting on a project inspired by the concept of "linguistic landscapes" (Landry &amp; Bourhuis, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref5">26</reflink>]; Shohamy &amp; Gorter, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref6">41</reflink>]). Collaborating with a group of Grade 10 Humanities students and their teachers to read the linguistic, visual and spatial texts of the urban landscape, we hoped to provide a space for learners to explore questions of language, identity and representation through the creation of place-based documentaries. Our interdisciplinary project was designed to connect school and community literacies, promote awareness of multilingual and multimodal communication in public spaces, and encourage reflection on the influence of global flows on local spaces. Students took on the role of language researchers whose task was to uncover the social meanings of language and text in their neighbourhood, demonstrating the capacity of youth to inquire into their own lives and circumstances.</p> <p>Our account of these inquiries proceeds in five parts. In part one, we map the confluences between linguistic landscape and multiliteracies research and consider how linguistic landscape analyses might be integrated into a pedagogy of multiliteracies. In part two, we sketch a picture of Brockton, the neighbourhood where we worked, demonstrating how the community illustrates the uneven and locally inflected effects of global change within cityscapes. In parts three and four, we outline the design and implementation of the project, and detail the activities that scaffolded students' learning. Finally, in part five, we focus on the students' own media productions. Reading two of their photo documentaries side by side, we note how many students used the project to identify and investigate the gap between how their community is represented, and how they experience it in their daily lives. Naming, narrating and giving visual form to these differences, we argue, are important steps towards literacies that recognize the complexity of meaning-making in contemporary urban landscapes.</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-3">Linguistic landscapes within a pedagogy of multiliteracies</hd> <p>The contemporary city is a barrage of linguistic and visual signs. Billboards, storefronts, street names, traffic signs, flyers, posters, graffiti, political announcements and public art all compete for our attention. Multilingual, multimodal and constantly changing, the signs of the city have recently received scholarly attention through the notion of the linguistic landscape. This concept first took shape in the work of Canadian linguists Landry and Bourhuis ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref7">26</reflink>]), who studied Francophone adolescents' responses to the signs in their multilingual communities. In defining the term, Landry and Bourhis wrote that</p> <p>the language of public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place names, commercial shop signs, and public signs on government buildings combines to form the linguistic landscape of a given territory, region, or urban agglomeration. (p. 25)</p> <p>Since that definition was conceived, linguistic landscape research has been undertaken by scholars in areas such as applied linguistics, urban sociology and cultural geography. Linguistic landscape research not only considers the social construction of spaces but also connects public texts to cultural, political and economic contexts. Like the architects of multiliteracies, linguistic landscape scholars have demonstrated an interest in themes such as power and status within linguistic communities, identity construction, and the relationship between local language use and global change. Indeed, linguistic landscape corresponds with multiliteracies in a surprising number of ways. In this section, we map some of those correspondences, with a particular focus on multimodality, multilingualism and learning. We then consider how introducing students to linguistic landscape concepts and analysis within a pedagogy of multiliteracies has the potential to address both global and local concerns, not only accomplishing multiliteracies' aim of responding to global communicative diversity, but also realizing the more intimate and local benefits of a place-based pedagogy that "introduce[s] learners to the complex political nature of ... the places they call home" (Gruenewald, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref8">14</reflink>], p. 264).</p> <p>While Landry and Bourhis' original assertion of the importance of the <emph>linguistic</emph> landscape remains, more recent research has pushed the concept into new semiotic realms. In their introduction to <emph>Semiotic Landscapes: Language, Image, Space</emph>, Jaworski and Thurlow ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref9">19</reflink>]) write that they are concerned "with the interplay between language, visual discourse, and the spatial practices and dimensions of culture" (p. 1), suggesting that it is the <emph>interactions</emph> between multiple modes that presents the most significant challenges to communication landscapes. In conducting multimodal analysis, linguistic landscape researchers frequently draw on the principles of "geosemiotics" outlined by Scollon and Wong Scollon ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref10">39</reflink>]). Scollon and Wong Scollon define geosemiotics as "the study of the social meaning of the material placement of signs in the world" (p. 110) and they note that "signs and symbols take a major part of their meaning from how and where they are placed" (p. 2). A billboard, for example, requires us to consider not only the relationship between written text, image, colour and design, but also its spatial relation to the street and the city. This principle is well illustrated in Hult's ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref11">16</reflink>]) study of the visual environments constructed along San Antonio's highways. Hult conducts both a micro- and macro-analysis of the commercial signs that line the city's highways, employing Kress' and Leeuwen's ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref12">25</reflink>]) visual grammar to interpret images, composition and representation on individual signs, and quantitative analysis to discern the overall distribution of language on signs. Together, these analyses point to the importance of visual environments in constructing an image of English dominance, despite the city's demographic bilingualism. More generally, Hult observes how the social realities of cities are constructed through a wide range of semiotic resources (p. 3).</p> <p>Multimodality is similarly a key feature of multiliteracies. In their original document, the New London Group ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref13">33</reflink>]) recognized "the increasing multiplicity and integration of significant modes of meaning-making," including linguistic, audio, visual, spatial and gestural modes of communication (p. 64). In outlining their vision of a transformed pedagogy, the authors suggest that multimodal forms of expression need to be recognized as equally significant to more conventional linguistic texts (Vaish &amp; Towndrow, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref14">47</reflink>]). But they also suggest that multimodality requires "a different kind of pedagogy, one in which language and other modes of meaning are dynamic representational resources, constantly being remade by their users" (p. 64). In subsequent work on multimodality, Kress ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref15">24</reflink>]) argues that young people today are expected not simply to consume but to actively shape meaning in their social environments. This means that schools have a new obligation to teach students the skills and abilities "to act flexibly in representation, communication, text-making and knowledge creation" (p. 194). An emphasis on multimodal production as a means of exploring the politics of representation and exercising agency (Janks, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref16">18</reflink>]) is apparent in recent studies of multimodal learning. Jocson's ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref17">20</reflink>]) study of video production in a Grade 9 social studies class, for example, demonstrates how multimodality is employed by youth to create new narratives of immigration, while Vasudevan's ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref18">48</reflink>]) study of an African-American boy's out-of-school digital activity captures the potential of multimodal production to author new representations of the self.</p> <p>As digital media embrace an ever-wider range of modes, including not only the linguistic, audio and visual, but also increasingly the gestural and spatial (through mobile and gaming technologies), multimodality appears to have taken centre stage in recent literacy research. Yet the New London Group ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref19">33</reflink>]) argued contemporary literacy pedagogy also needs to take into account linguistic plurality. From the outset, multiliteracies was intended to encompass two "multis" – multimodality <emph>and</emph> multilingualism. "We want to extend the idea and scope of literacy pedagogy," they wrote, "to account for the context of our culturally and linguistically diverse and increasingly globalized societies" (p. 61). The cultural and linguistic diversity identified in multiliteracies is complex. It includes the global dominance of English, the fate of minority languages and the hybrid mixing of languages arising from transnational flows. It also includes differences within single languages based in subcultural diversity (Cope &amp; Kalantzis, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref20">6</reflink>]). Moreover, as later reflections on multiliteracies noted, the convergence of multilingualism with multimodality creates further complications, as "modes, codes and cultural meanings interact with each other" (Lo Bianco, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref21">29</reflink>], p. 93).</p> <p>Like multiliteracies, linguistic landscape research attends to both multimodality and multilingualism. Indeed, while linguistic landscape analysis employs a range of methods and theoretical approaches, multilingualism nonetheless emerges as a central concern in much of this work. Shohamy ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref22">40</reflink>]) suggests this emphasis "has been spurred on by the realization that the study of language in public spaces offers a unique lens on multilingualism" (p. 539). Linguistic landscape research into multilingualism includes analyses of the impact of English on local languages (e.g., Backhaus, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref23">1</reflink>]; Heubner, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref24">15</reflink>]), the influence of multilingual displays of language on identity (e.g., Curtin, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref25">7</reflink>]; Trumper-Hecht, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref26">45</reflink>]), and the commodification of multilingual environments (e.g., Kallen, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref27">21</reflink>]; Leeman &amp; Modan, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref28">27</reflink>]). Common to all of these studies, and to much of linguistic landscape research, is a commitment to critical analysis of linguistic diversity that recognizes semiotic landscapes as complex, contested and ideological – as spaces not only worth attending to, but even, as we suggest next, as spaces we learn from.</p> <p>While a great deal of theoretical and classroom-based research has gone into developing a pedagogy of multiliteracies over the past 20 years, linguistic landscape's foray into educational research is relatively new. But recent scholarship has convincingly demonstrated the pedagogical potential of the linguistic landscape as an "authentic, dynamic, public mega-text" (Rowland, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref29">35</reflink>], p. 503). This scholarship has taken up the linguistic landscape with a wide range of students in a variety of locales. Sayer ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref30">38</reflink>]) demonstrates the possibility of using the linguistic landscape as a pedagogical resource by conducting his own small-scale study of the use of English in signs in Oaxaca, Mexico. Based on his experience as an English as a Foreign Language (EFL) teacher in that city, Sayer suggests that asking EFL students to analyse the use of English in their own environments has two benefits: it allows students to make connections between the classroom and community, and encourages students "to think creatively and analytically about how language is used in society" (p. 153). Rowland ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref31">35</reflink>]) puts Sayer's model to the test in his study of EFL students exploring English on signs in the Japanese city of Chiba. He notes how a student-led study of local environments develops students' critical capacities, as they build a new awareness of language in context and begin to recognize patterns related to linguistic diversity – and linguistic inequality. Where Rowland's study focuses on learners between the ages of 18 and 21, Dagenais et al. ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref32">8</reflink>]) work with elementary school students, yet garner surprisingly similar insights. Like Rowland, these Canadian researchers working with multilingual students in Montreal and Vancouver note that "attending to the LL in language awareness activities provides a promising avenue for teaching about language diversity and literacy practices from a critical perspective" (p. 266).</p> <p>Adding to this small but focused body of work, we are particularly interested to explore linguistic landscapes with youth who not only have "their own take" (Dagenais, p. 254) on the communities where they live, but also a stake in how those communities are positioned and perceived within the city at large. We contend that integrating linguistic landscape research with multiliteracies pedagogy creates opportunities for students to learn about – and through – multimodality, multilingualism, production and critique. To begin with, the linguistic landscape's emphasis on multimodality in cityscapes provides a new venue for exploring multimodality outside of multiliteracies' current focus on digital space. In fact, linguistic landscape analysis quite literally demands that teachers and students get outside and into "familiar, everyday places" in an effort to reflect on and build connections to those physical spaces (Gruenewald, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref33">13</reflink>], p. 8). At the same time, opportunities for multimodal production through digital media are not lacking in linguistic landscape research. In fact, the movement towards production fits well with emerging methods of linguistic landscape research, that have been fuelled by the accessibility of digital photography (Jaworski &amp; Thurlow, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref34">19</reflink>]). Educators can take advantage of many students' access to mobile technology to incorporate this emerging method of documentation into their literacy pedagogy. Equally important, linguistic landscape analysis provides concrete ways to make real multiliteracies' commitment to linguistic and cultural diversity. Luke ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref35">31</reflink>]) argues that a multiliteracies education must engage students with the increasingly global "traffic in texts, images, information, data, signs and symbols" (p. 21). Through the linguistic landscape, urban students and teachers have the opportunity to observe first hand the diverse (and in many urban neighbourhoods, multilingual) semiotic systems of their own streets, and to make connections between these local markers and global issues related to corporatization, immigration, tourism and official language policies. This capacity to connect local meanings to larger contexts is crucial in negotiating the value-laden messages of cityscapes. As Dagenais et al. ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref36">8</reflink>]) suggest, critically engaging with the ideologies, power and absences embedded in public language use may be especially important – and revealing – in a Canadian context in which issues of language have historically been connected to ethnic, racial and colonial divides and injustices. Canadian city streets – and indeed streets the world over – provide relevant, accessible and interesting sites for just this kind of critical engagement.</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-4">Brockton, Calgary: "Gritty multiculturalism" in Canada's oil capital</hd> <p>"The story of Calgary," writes novelist and historian Stenson ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref37">43</reflink>]), "begins about 90 million years ago." With these words, Stenson hearkens back to a time when tiny living organisms accumulated in the shallow seas that covered what is now the province of Alberta. "Add heat, pressure, and numberless centuries," Stenson continues, "and you get petroleum – in this case, petroleum sufficient to sustain an Alberta oil and gas industry through much of the twentieth century. That industry has always been headquartered in Calgary" (p. 4). Calgary is indeed the headquarters for the oil and gas industry, not only within Alberta, but within Canada generally. Of course, in between the laying down of sediment and the emergence of Canada's oil capital, a great deal has occurred. The Blackfoot, Blood, Peigan and the Tsuu T'ina First Nations peoples, for example, long inhabited this area, moving across large swaths of land as bison hunters. In 1883, the Canadian Pacific Railway reached the area, and in 1884 Calgary was incorporated as a town, becoming a significant commercial and agricultural centre. Oil was discovered in the region in 1902, and by the 1950s Calgary's economy had became closely associated with oil, a trend that continues until today.</p> <p>Calgary is currently undergoing rapid change. Having doubled in size during the last 30 years, the city now has over 1.2 million people. With the important exception of the city's First Nations population, Calgary is a city of settlers and immigrants. Immigration to the area has steadily increased in the past decade. In 2001, one-fifth of Calgarians were born outside of Canada; by 2010, that number was one-third (City of Calgary, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref38">4</reflink>]). This means that Calgary is also a multilingual city. In 2011, 70.9% of Calgary's population reported English as their first language, 1.5% reported French only, and 25.3% reported another language as their mother tongue (Statistics Canada, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref39">42</reflink>]). Economically, Calgary has experienced a number of years of financial growth. However, such growth has not been distributed equally throughout the city. In 2011, Calgary was reported to have the largest neighbourhood income gap in Canada – that is, the gap between the highest and lowest income neighbourhoods within a city (Chen, Myles &amp; Picot, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref40">3</reflink>]). Like many cities around the world, then, Calgary is marked by increasing urban social inequalities, inequalities that are accompanied by spatial economic segregation (Massey, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref41">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>As a sprawling city divided into distinct neighbourhoods, Calgary is composed of myriad visual, linguistic and spatial modes. At its downtown core, though, Calgary's semiotic landscape signals both the city's current ties with the oil industry and its ambitions to occupy a more central place within Canadian and global finance, politics and culture. While a complete reading of Calgary's linguistic landscape is outside the scope of our work, we present a few of its salient features in order to provide context for the students' interpretations of their own neighbourhood. The city's new commitment to public art and architecture, for example, is worth noting. The recent installation of the large-scale sculpture "Wonderland" by Spanish artist Jaume Plensa and the completion of the Peace Bridge by Spanish architect Santiago Calatrava have both drawn attention (see Figure 1). Architecture critic Hume ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref42">17</reflink>]) suggests that the two works mark "the city as one interested and willing to spend money to enhance its public realm." At the same time, there is clear evidence of the privatization of urban space and the commodification of public life. Indoor malls, large glass towers, oil company logos and corporately owned chains such as Starbucks and The Bay dot the downtown core (see Figure 2). They brand the city with nationally and internationally recognized signs of industry, commerce and consumption, signs that, despite the city's growing multilingualism and its First Nations population, almost always appear in English. Still, scattered amongst these symbols of international commerce are the signs of the city's early twentieth century agricultural origins, reclaimed and commodified as markers of a new "Calgary cool." Taken together, these complex and sometimes contradictory interactions of the public and private demonstrate the dynamism of linguistic landscapes as social constructs.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Jaume Plensa's sculpture "Wonderland" in Calgary's downtown core.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 2. Signs of Calgary's oil and gas industry dot downtown streets.</p> <p>Most linguistic landscape research to date has focused on urban commercial zones with a large number of restaurants and shops (Leeman &amp; Modan, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref43">27</reflink>]). While such spaces present themselves as a veritable "festival of signs" (Jaworski &amp; Thurlow, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref44">19</reflink>], p. 31) a great deal of urban space is marked in considerably different – and less festive – ways. Certainly this is the case with Brockton, a mixed residential and commercial community seven kilometres east of the city centre. Brockton is one of the poorest neighbourhoods in the city (United Way, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref45">46</reflink>]), and also one of the most racially diverse. In 2006, approximately 20% of Brockton's population was born outside of Canada, 21% belonged to a visible minority and 8.2% identified as aboriginal (City of Calgary, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref46">5</reflink>]). This convergence of poverty and minority status reveals the economic disadvantages faced by many immigrants and aboriginal people in Calgary and within Canada generally. At the same time, the neighbourhood's multiculturalism appears to be a source of pride amongst residents. In a recent neighbourhood profile appearing in the progressive magazine <emph>Alberta Views</emph>, residents were asked what they loved most about their community. Most respondents answered by pointing to the community's diversity and "international flavour" (Postal [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref47">34</reflink>], p. 11). In fact, it is this "international flavour" that is used by the city as an official branding strategy for the community. In 1993, the neighbourhood's main thoroughfare, 17th Avenue, was proclaimed International Avenue as part of a plan to revitalize the area. Promoting 17th Avenue to tourists, Calgary's current mayor, Naheed Nenshi, explains:</p> <p>It's called International Avenue and it's worth a look. It's not yet beautiful, and we're working on making it a better pedestrian environment, but the shops and restaurants from every corner of the world make it a great example of Canadian multiculturalism at its real, front line, gritty, just-came-to-the-country best. (Fong, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref48">11</reflink>])</p> <p>While some residents and their politicians may value this "gritty multiculturalism," they also dislike the way the neighbourhood is presented through local media. "What concerns me most," says one woman interviewed in <emph>Alberta Views</emph>, "is how hard it is to break the stereotype of this neighbourhood. The media, for whatever reason, likes to play up anything negative that happens here" (Postal Code: T2A, T2B, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref49">34</reflink>], p. 11). Even a brief scan of the media suggests there is truth to the claim. In a three-month period between April and July 2013, for example, stories in the <emph>Calgary Herald</emph> mentioned Brockton in relation to dog bites, bank robberies, drug-dealing, motorcycle gangs, house fires and murder, along with community revitalization, public transportation and the opening of a new Target discount store.</p> <p>As a linguistic landscape, Brockton reads very differently from the downtown core. While corporate symbols such as McDonald's golden arches or Target's red bulls eye are evident along 17th Avenue, there are far fewer of these. More notable is the abundance of multilingual signs on small storefronts, hand-painted sidewalk signs, vintage graphics and ads for payday loans and quick cash. All of these can be found beneath the city's International Avenue banners that feature multiracial figures encircling a globe, emblazoned with the logo "Around the World in 35 Blocks" (see Figure 3). Together, they create a complex linguistic and visual representation of the relationships between local and global aesthetics, public and private space, and official and lived multiculturalism. For an examination of how this urban landscape is interpreted by the young people who live there, we turn next to a description of the project and an analysis of students' photo documentaries.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 3. The city's official International Avenue banners in Brockton.</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-5">"See it for yourself": Design of the Word on the Street project</hd> <p>The "Word on the Street" project was created in collaboration with four Humanities teachers at Brockton High School, a secondary school serving approximately 1600 students from Grades 10 to 12. With school completion rates below the provincial average, efforts are being made to increase student engagement. Recently, the school implemented a new cohort programme for incoming students. All Grade 10 students are enrolled in pods that remain together for half a day throughout the year. During that half day, students take two interdisciplinary courses – one a combination of Social Studies and English Language Arts (known as Humanities), and the other a combination of Math and Science. Both courses are team-taught, and emphasize collaborative learning, effective integration of technology and self-directed work. As Klein ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref50">23</reflink>]) argues, this kind of interdisciplinary curriculum offers the potential to develop critical thinking and introduce "innovative pedagogies that emphasize exploration and active involvement in the process of meaning-making" (p. 15). Still, such a curriculum can be challenging to implement, requiring a radical rethinking of the disciplinary boundaries that have been an important part of curriculum and instruction at the secondary level. As Klein writes, interdisciplinarity should not be simply "additive but transformative, an act of reinventing and refiguring" the production of knowledge (p. 13). Indeed, interdisciplinary learning environments, with their emphasis on transformed epistemological approaches, are an ideal location for projects such as Word on the Street, which place young people in the role of knowledge producers, recognizing that "expertise and knowledge are widely distributed" (Fine, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref51">10</reflink>], p. 215).</p> <p>We entered into collaboration with the teachers at Brockton High School as literacy researchers from a faculty of education at a nearby university. A year before the Word on the Street project began, one of our team members (Catherine) had the chance to join a group of researchers and teacher educators as they provided instructional support to Brockton teachers and administrators establishing the interdisciplinary cohort programme. While there were many successes that year, including an increase in the number of students participating in classroom projects, there were still significant challenges, including the need to develop curriculum that provided opportunities for students to engage issues relevant to their own communities. Interested in working with teachers to develop such a curriculum, we presented the possibility of student-led linguistic landscape research to the Humanities teachers in the fall of 2012.</p> <p>The teachers were quick to recognize and expand on Word on the Street's potential for interdisciplinary and multiliteracies learning. They noted how a project that encouraged students to "read their environment," as the teachers came to express it, provided opportunities that connected the provincial Social Studies and English Language Arts (ELA) programme of studies. Students could apply their understanding of globalization – the central topic of the Grade 10 Social Studies curriculum – to their own community through an examination of the material realities of language, image and spatial arrangement. And in the spirit of the ELA curriculum, students would have the opportunity to reflect on a variety of real-world, multimodal texts, and to make connections between these texts and the social and economic contexts in which they appeared. As we worked together throughout the fall and winter, the teachers also grappled with the challenge of designing a unit that would be truly student-led. They hoped to find a place for students to express their experiences of belonging – or not belonging – within the school, the community and the city, and to be able to transform these affective and identity-based understandings into the production of new meanings and new knowledge that would situate them as experts on their own communities.</p> <p>The Word on the Street project, as it was implemented by the teachers and lived by the students, teachers and researchers, took place over four weeks in April 2013. During those weeks, we took on the role of participant observers. We visited the Humanities classes frequently to observe, assist with media workshops and excursions, and talk with students and teachers. We used various methods to gather data during the implementation of the project, including field notes, classroom photos and audio-taped student and teacher interviews. We also collected curricular materials, student-produced photo documentaries, and written student reflections, all of which we draw upon here.</p> <p>Two central questions framed the students' investigations:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> What is the identity of the Brockton Community?</item> <p></p> <item> How is that identity revealed through the language, texts and symbols used in its public spaces?</item> </ulist> <p>Students were asked to address those questions through the production of a collaboratively created audiovisual photo documentary. Over the course of the four weeks, they participated in a variety of activities, including guided practice in visual analysis, documentary viewing, photo-taking excursions, media production workshops, and a final screening of the completed documentaries to classmates and the neighbourhood's alderman. Throughout the project, students worked in production-oriented groups of three to four people. The groups were tasked with answering the questions in a process that entailed gathering linguist and visual evidence, grappling with the multiple viewpoints presented by that evidence, and arriving at interpretations that captured the complexity of contemporary urban environments. Rather than being purveyors of answers, teachers, researchers and the internet were presented as resources the students could draw upon in their efforts to formulate interpretations.</p> <p>On the whole, students embraced the self-directed nature of the investigation, perhaps because they had experience with inquiry-based learning earlier in the year and also because the project placed students' own environments at the centre of inquiry. Neither the teachers, nor the researchers, nor even the internet held the answers to the questions they grappled with, a circumstance students themselves quickly realized. In a conversation at the end of the unit, Alison remarked that the project encouraged "you to find the answers for yourself instead of just Googling it. It's better to actually go out into the community and see it for yourself." In a similar exchange between students and researcher, the students reflect on why the project was "fun," connecting their enjoyment with their independence as learners: Catherine:Is there anything else you want to add about the whole experience?Danielle:I just really enjoyed it. It was fun.Alex:It was like learning without learning. (Laughing)Danielle:Yah, exactly!Catherine:That's a fascinating thing. What is learning without learning?Alex:You're learning something without knowing it and that way more people participate because it's not school.Catherine:It didn't quite feel like school?Alex:No, because you didn't really have a teacher nagging you to do work.Danielle:It was all you actually. It was just all of us. It was just us doing our own work. We were told to do something, but we did it ourselves. You know what I mean?</p> <p>Danielle's observation that "it was just us doing our own work" reveals the students' sense of ownership over the project. Indeed, both our observations and the observations of other researchers (Dagenais et al., [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref52">8</reflink>]; Rowland, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref53">35</reflink>]) suggest that projects focused on "reading the city" deeply engage young people's identities, values and perceptions. And because such linguistic landscape projects present cities as spaces where meanings are contested and open to interpretation, they also acknowledge "the enormous role of agency in the meaning-making process" (Cope &amp; Kalantzis, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref54">6</reflink>], p. 175), making them a particularly apt focal point for a pedagogy of multiliteracies.</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-6">"But people still live here": Tensions in implementing the project</hd> <p>Explicit instruction in multimodal analysis, as well as discussion of concepts related to urban development and public communication were interjected at key points throughout the four weeks. At the beginning of the project, for example, students were introduced to the idea of linguistic landscapes, and the ways in which language, symbols and spatial arrangement construct public spaces (Jaworski &amp; Thurlow, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref55">19</reflink>]). After brainstorming answers to the questions "What counts as public space?" and "What are some of the texts you find in public spaces?" teachers guided students in an analysis of "visual semiotics" (Kress &amp; van Leeuwen, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref56">25</reflink>]) by showing them pairs of photographs taken in Calgary's urban landscape. One set of photos, for instance, juxtaposed a picture of protestors in a downtown square holding a red cloth banner reading "Occupy" with a picture of campaign signs posted at a busy intersection during a recent election. Students were asked to consider the written text, materials, colour schemes and composition used in the signs, as well as their placement within the city. Students remarked not only on salient differences related to political colours, sign size, graphic design, and location but also on the relationship of the signs to actual bodies and political realities. As one student suggested, by holding up their sign themselves, the protestors demonstrated that they "really supported their own idea" and also hinted that they might have to remove the sign at any moment, an observation that pointed towards a recognition of public spaces as expressions of ideological tensions.</p> <p>These emerging observations about the complex messages communicated in public spaces were reinforced a few days later, when students watched and discussed clips from the documentaries <emph>Helvetica</emph> (2006) and <emph>Urbanized</emph> (2011). Both documentaries emphasize the social construction of urban spaces, the first through an examination of the aesthetics associated with the font Helvetica, and the second through an analysis of urban design. <emph>Urbanized</emph>, in particular, highlights the use of public communication as a way of creating community. In a clip shown to students, for example, the New Orleans-based artist Candy Chang places stickers with the words "I wish this was..." followed by a space for writing throughout parts of the city destroyed by Hurricane Katrina, as a way of both inciting the imagination of the residents and beginning dialogue. In response, students were asked to consider "how words, images and symbols might be used to encourage or discourage a sense of community" and took part in conversations about the politics of urban revitalization. As the project continued, teachers were able to return to these discussions to help students make meaning from their own photos.</p> <p>The students also participated in exploratory activities that allowed them to experiment with meaning-making from multimodal texts. One such activity gave students the opportunity to read and record the environment of the school itself. Following a short lesson on photographic technique, students documented the linguistic landscape of the school's hallways equipped with either a personal cell phone or school-owned iPad. Returning to the classroom with dozens of photographs of banners, instructions, posters, artwork, advertising, food machines and graffiti, students worked in groups to make sense of their evidence. With the help of their teachers, they practiced interpreting individual pictures, identifying patterns across photos, and crafting arguments about the ways the school addresses students, teasing out themes related to compliance, resistance, safety and belonging.</p> <p>After experimenting with meaning-making inside the school, students, teachers and researchers were ready to step outside to begin the main task of reading Brockton's streets. The teachers planned a walk that would take us past public buildings such as recreation centres and elementary schools and also across a typical section of 17th Avenue lined with strip malls, gas stations and small businesses. Students were tasked with taking photos that they would later use in the production of photo documentaries, to be constructed on classroom sets of iPads. The day arrived for the excursion – and with it snow. Although they had their permission forms signed, many students seemed reluctant to go. Yet once outside, the students were considerably more enthusiastic. They took pictures of street signs, store signs, school murals, city banners, automobile advertising, graffiti and even litter. As they walked and talked with their production groups, they began to identify themes and search out signs and symbols that might support their ideas. They appeared to enjoy what Vasudevan and Reilly ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref57">49</reflink>]) call the "symbiotic relationship" between walking and taking photos as a way of simultaneously "being in the world and making sense of it" (p. 458). Although most of the students knew the route well, by looking through the digital lens of the camera and the conceptual lens of cityscapes as productive of meaning, they seemed to see familiar landscapes anew. As one of their teachers remarked later in relation to the walk, "becoming aware of things you hadn't noticed before in your own community was pretty powerful."</p> <p>Indeed, leaving the school and collectively engaging the local linguistic landscape had a profound effect on many students. After the walk, Alicia remarked, "I never try to stay around here. I think now that I went on this little walk and everything, I realized that this is my own community and I should be comfortable here. Maybe I'll go for a walk." While Alicia found herself feeling more connected to her community, Colleen moved through the neighbourhood looking through the eyes of an outsider. Asked how she approached the photo-taking, she advised:</p> <p>You just have to keep an open mind when you're out there walking around. Even though you're from that community, you kind of have to face it as if you were on your way to work driving through 17th Ave. Like you live outside Brockton and you're just looking around, and you're like, "That building is really old, and I wouldn't eat there."</p> <p>While taking up the gaze of the outsider had the positive effect of helping students to see anew, it also put them in the destabilizing position – at least temporarily – of seeing the community through both the eyes of the powerful outsider who drives through Brockton and the eyes of someone who lives there. As Tanya commented, "We took a lot of images, and as we were looking through them we saw how run-down our community is. But people still live here." This was a tension we had not anticipated, one that spoke to complex intersections of geographic and economic inequities that increasingly characterize contemporary cities (Massey, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref58">32</reflink>]). While it at first appeared to be a troubling circumstance that undermined students' own identities and lived experiences, it later proved to be a productive tension, becoming the focus of many discussions and documentaries.</p> <p>Returning from the excursion, students had again amassed a large amount of photographic evidence. Although they had begun to formulate themes during their walk, the process of categorization and analysis, as Rowland ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref59">35</reflink>]) notes with his older students, was nonetheless daunting. This was not only due to the quantity of material, but also to the contradictions, paradoxes and, in the students' own words, "ironies" that arose from the photos. At the simplest level, students struggled to reconcile the differing faces of globalization. The recent arrival of the Target discount store with its sleek, familiar graphics, for example, was one aspect of globalization, but so too were the small, multilingual signs that dotted 17th Avenue. Similarly, while the city's official banners proclaimed 17th Avenue to be "international" with bright, cheerful graphics, it was difficult for students not to note that many of the business themselves looked, in their own words, "run down," and that a large number of the neighbourhood's signs were devoted to advertising pay-day loans and quick credit. These kinds of messages ran counter to many students' own experiences of the neighbourhood as a safe place that offered belonging, yet for the students seemed to confirm the neighbourhood's "ghetto" reputation within the city.</p> <p>Such dilemmas were reflected in conversations during the production workshops. A student looking through her photos of 17th Avenue remarked despondently that the pictures made Brockton look "old and broken-down," but that was not really what her community was like. Another group struggled with the idea that Brockton had "stigma attached to it," but that when they looked at their photos, what they saw was "multiculturalism that shows the residents' pride." As these tensions began to surface, we encouraged students to explore rather than ignore them. We worked with them to find visual and narrative strategies that might embrace multiple viewpoints – for example, by representing "both sides of the story," or reading "against the grain" of their photos in an effort to tell a more complex, nuanced story about their neighbourhood. We encouraged them to take additional photos that more accurately represented their own experiences of Brockton. And we urged them to ask critical questions about the kinds of symbols, signs and language that are valued in urban settings, as a way of connecting linguistic landscapes to larger cultural and economic phenomenon such as cultural homogenization, linguistic hierarchies, and class- and race-based segregation within contemporary Canadian cities (Teelucksingh, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref60">44</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-7">"More than the cover story": Representing the linguistic landscape through photo documentary</hd> <p>Many groups did find ways to incorporate these complications into their documentaries. Two documentaries stand out in this regard. The first of these was produced by Mohamed, Zafar, Saurab and Farah. From the first stages of production, this group of students was taken by the thought that the signs and symbols in their neighbourhood were "double-coded," a phrase they employed in both their conversations and their documentary. Summarizing the documentary's theme, Farah explained, "The main idea was that the signs in Brockton, they have more than one meaning." Farah also told us that as she and her group created the documentary, they realized "there's so much more than the cover story." Trying to get past the cover story, and to insist on the possibility of <emph>many</emph> stories, became this group's main task.</p> <p>The group begins their documentary with a voiceover that announces:</p> <p>A variety of aspects contribute to define the Brockton community, although one defining piece particular to the public signage in the community seems to be unnoticed by many, yet viewed by everybody. The signage in Brockton is double-coded. The way we view the signage depends on the way we intake [sic] and analyze the messages around us.</p> <p>The documentary then goes on to provide examples of the "double-coded" nature of signs and symbols. These include an examination of a sign advertising phone unlocking services. The top half of the sign exclaims "SALE 10% OFF" in large red letters, while the bottom half reads "phone unlocks" in smaller black letters. The narrator explains that the bottom portion of the sign is hardly noticeable to those driving by, such as "law enforcement officers," but entirely visible to those "citizens" who require phone unlocking services. While the students' interpretation of the sign is based on the (incorrect) assumption that cell phone unlocking is illegal in Canada, it once again demonstrates a separation between those who drive through the area and those who inhabit it more intimately. It also illustrates (in a literal way) the students' argument that "signs have a subtext," and are interpreted variously. Another example points out the differing ways that adults and teens might interpret the bright orange sign "Nemo fish available here" at Gold's Aquarium. The narrator contends that the sign may be confusing for adults, but not so for young people, who instantly recognize the kind of fish available based on their familiarity with the similarly coloured hero of the animated film, <emph>Finding Nemo</emph>. The documentary's final example of the variability of interpretation comes from the storefront of the Modern Barbershop which, the students argue, is interpreted differently based on gender – while men read the signs and symbols (including a barber pole and price list) as inclusive and welcoming, women do not. The documentary ends with an assertion of the community's diversity, based on "background, profession, religion, language, culture and so on." In the final sentence of their narration, the students assert that "the identity of this community is multicultural and we have varied perspectives on the way we interpret things."</p> <p>While the voiceover makes little mention of the neighbourhood's visible multilingualism, this is captured through the group's choice of images. Indeed, amongst their classmates, this group used the largest number of photographs. As they make their argument, photos from the neighbourhood flash by, including store signs written in Chinese, Vietnamese and Arabic scripts (see Figure 4). Thus, while it remains mostly unspoken, the neighbourhood's multilingualism appears as part of the documentary's visual message, implying that variations in interpretation are, as the students suggest at the end of their documentary, based on language and culture.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 4. Brockton's multilingual signs appeared in many of the documentaries.</p> <p>The students' emphasis on the importance and variability of interpretation demonstrates their growing awareness of "how texts work in context" (Luke, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref61">30</reflink>], p. 453). They approach language not as fixed, but rather as contingent upon the receiver. Variables within reception include the receiver's location (as a community outsider or insider), their prior knowledge (for example, of popular culture texts), as well as their age, gender, profession, culture, religion and language. Through the making of the documentary and the need to grapple with the role language plays in the community's identity, the students take on the active role of "conceptualizers, making the tacit explicit" (Cope &amp; Kalantzis, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref62">6</reflink>], p. 185). As they do so, they begin to develop ways of thinking and talking about language itself, evident in their use of phrases such as "double-coded," "cover story," "subtext," and "intake and analyse messages." This development of "languages for talking about language" (Luke, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref63">30</reflink>], p. 459), a key component of multiliteracies, is encouraged through a project that asks learners not only to consider language in context, but also to analyse language within their own contexts, allowing them to draw on insights, experiences and knowledge frequently marginalized by school cultures.</p> <p>Where Farah and her group members focused on matters of interpretation, Ricky, Kevin, Caroline and Kyla confronted their community's reputation head on, offering alternative ways of reading its signs, symbols and surfaces. Their three-minute documentary is structured as a dialogue between group members and begins with three voices in conversation: Kyla– What do you guys think of Brockton?Kevin– Brockton is a community in Calgary that has a surrounding stigma which canonly be described as, ummmm...Caroline– Cheap and ghetto!Kyla– I agree. Have you seen the signs in our community? They're tacky, old and some of the time, even unreadable!</p> <p>As the dialogue unfolds, images of the group members appear. Kevin is shown sitting pensively as he describes Brockton in voiceover. The next frame depicts Caroline making air quotes as she replies "cheap and ghetto." The production then begins to document some of these signs. The letters for the Eastgate Restaurant are shown falling off the side of the building. A photo for Pat's Place Restaurant shows a peeling, hand-painted sidewalk sign (see Figure 5). But rather than accept these as signs of disrepair or economic disadvantage, the students turn their argument around. They note that while there are a few corporately owned businesses in the neighbourhood, most of the businesses are owned by residents of the community. These businesses don't need costly logos and advertising, they suggest, because "they already have a strong customer base achieved through word-of-mouth." They argue that "the lack of expensive signage is indicative of a strong sense of community" and conclude that "the value of the community isn't based on appearance or reputation, it's about the connection we have as the people of the community." As they make this argument, their photos also shift, highlighting art work on a nearby school and community centre. The documentary ends with Kevin inviting the others to join him at "that noodle house that just opened up." In doing so, he demonstrates his connection to the community. Ultimately, the answer to the opening question "What do you guys think of Brockton?" is answered not through the words "cheap and ghetto" but through the invitation to participate in the life of the community.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 5. Hand-painted signs on 17th Avenue.</p> <p>At first glance, it might appear that the documentary dismisses the linguistic and aesthetic markers of the neighbourhood by proclaiming they don't matter. Yet read through the lens of the previous group's documentary about the variability of interpretation based on identity (that includes relationship to place), we see the group offers an alternative way of reading the neighbourhood. To know Brockton is to understand that the general absence of global corporate aesthetics speaks to the presence of community and support. By structuring their script as voices in dialogue and including photos of themselves in the neighbourhood, the group claims their own place within the community. Asked to gather and examine the texts of their linguistic landscape and to make connections between these and broader social contexts, Ricky, Kevin, Caroline and Kyla take the opportunity to refute local discourses that identify their part of the city – and with it, <emph>them</emph> – as "dangerous and undeveloped." Like the youth in Gannon's ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref64">12</reflink>]) study of high school students countering negative media representations of their Sydney suburb, they work to "evoke notions of social cohesion and community despite disadvantage" (p. 618). They also shift the meaning of "value" from one of economic worth to one of social solidarity, engaging in the multiplication and transformation of meanings.</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-8">Conclusion</hd> <p>Linguistic landscapes might well be thought of as "public pedagogies" (Sandlin, O'Malley, &amp; Burdick, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref65">36</reflink>]), forming a kind of dynamic, interactive background to our movements through city spaces. They influence our ways of knowing the world and are given meaning through our interpretations. Given their importance and their ubiquity, linguistic landscapes also make an excellent object of study with urban youth, whose everyday lives are lead within the context of multiple and competing public discourses, texts and messages. As we have tried to show here, the study of linguistic landscapes fits especially well with a pedagogy of multiliteracies. Such a pedagogy encourages the critical study of language in context. It also grows out of a recognition of the very sorts of global shifts – in language, culture, media, technology and finance – that shape our semiotic environments. Brought together, these two bodies of thought create a fruitful starting place for projects that place young people in the role of language researchers, interpreting and posing questions about the messages around them.</p> <p>The design and implementation of the Word on Street project provided us with practical insight into how linguistic landscape research might be conducted with youth. Both students and teachers relished the opportunity to leave the classroom and explore the surrounding neighbourhood. Discussion about local spaces, local language and local politics were animated, and as the teachers had hoped, most students were motivated and visibly engaged in both the multimodal analysis and production. But moving beyond what Gruenewald ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref66">13</reflink>]) identifies as the "abstractions and simulations of classroom learning" (p. 8) to examine real places also created very real dilemmas for students, as they tried to reconcile their knowledge and experiences of home with others' projected fears and fantasies. In shifting the focus to students' home ground, educators need to anticipate, plan for and respond to these sorts of difficulties, recognizing the tremendous inequities of the global city and the pressures they place on youth. Indeed, in considering our own study, more candid conversations at the beginning of the project about how Brockton is discursively positioned within Calgary through mainstream media, everyday conversations and students' own encounters with peers across the city might have allowed students to take up a more subjective and empowering lens through which to view their neighbourhood – and their photos – from the very start of the project. Nonetheless, the Word on the Street project provided evidence for the transformative potential of critical reflection paired with creative media production, gesturing towards the ways in which a multiliteracies pedagogy can spark engagement, agency and community participation in the lives of urban youth (Berry &amp; Cavallaro, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref67">2</reflink>]; Jocson, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref68">20</reflink>]; Kinloch, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref69">22</reflink>]).</p> <p>Finally, we want to note that exploring the texts, signs and symbols of public spaces with youth also adds to the breadth of linguistic landscape research. Such exploration provides a sense of how young people move through, decode and make meaning from their multimodal environments. And as the young people of Brockton in particular showed, there is still much work to be done not simply on the cosmopolitan centre of large financial cities, but also at the edges of the city, where the relationship between core and periphery is illuminated through the public display of language and symbol, and where global relations of inequality are given local proportions.</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-9">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <hd id="AN0103309233-10">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>Thanks to the Galileo Educational Network and in particular Candace Saar for opening the doors at Brockton High School that allowed this research to be conducted. 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Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy, 56(6), 455–459. doi:10.1002/JAAL.165</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Catherine Burwell and Kimberly Lenters</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Catherine Burwell is an assistant professor in the Werklund School of Education, University of Calgary. Her research interests include media literacy, youth cultural production and the sociology of education. She has most recently published on young people's digital appropriation, including the production of video remixes and fan fiction. Catherine's current research project, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), explores young people's attitudes towards digital creativity and intellectual property. Before joining the University of Calgary, Catherine worked as a high school English and Media Studies teacher with the Toronto District School Board for more than a decade.</p> <p>Kimberly Lenters is an assistant professor at the Werklund School of Education, University of Calgary, Canada. Situated within a sociomaterial perspective on literacy, her work examines children's literacy practices as enacted in networks of people, objects and practices, and focuses on the complexity of children's meaning-making practices by considering the range of modalities and texts embedded and circulating in their communicational worlds. Kim's current research project, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), examines the use of comedic parody and satire for developing children's understanding and use of critical multimodal literacies.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref69"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Word on the Street: Investigating Linguistic Landscapes with Urban Canadian Youth – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Burwell%2C+Catherine%22">Burwell, Catherine</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lenters%2C+Kimberly%22">Lenters, Kimberly</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Pedagogies%3A+An+International+Journal%22"><i>Pedagogies: An International Journal</i></searchLink>. 2015 10(3):201-221. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 21 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2015 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Grade+10%22">Grade 10</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Secondary+Education%22">Secondary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22High+Schools%22">High Schools</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Urban+Areas%22">Urban Areas</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Grade+10%22">Grade 10</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Neighborhoods%22">Neighborhoods</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Adolescents%22">Adolescents</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Projects%22">Student Projects</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Diversity%22">Student Diversity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Research%22">Student Research</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Language+Usage%22">Language Usage</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Photography%22">Photography</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Documentaries%22">Documentaries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Multilingualism%22">Multilingualism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Pluralism%22">Cultural Pluralism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Differences%22">Cultural Differences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Industry%22">Industry</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22High+School+Students%22">High School Students</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Canada+%28Calgary%29%22">Canada (Calgary)</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/1554480X.2015.1029481 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1554-480X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This article reports on a case study inspired by the concept of "linguistic landscapes." We collaborated with a group of Humanities teachers to design and implement the "Word on the Street" project, in which Grade 10 students took on the role of researchers to explore the linguistic, visual and spatial texts of their neighbourhood. We show how the concept of linguistic landscapes fits especially well with a pedagogy of multiliteracies by encouraging the critical study of multimodality and linguistic diversity in context. We then describe the design and implementation of the project, which combined visual analysis with the production of place-based documentaries. Reading two of the documentaries, we illustrate ways that students used the project to identify and investigate the gap between how their community is represented, and how they experience it in their daily lives. In the end, we argue that linguistic landscape analysis provides a unique pedagogical tool for recognizing the complexity of meaning-making in urban landscapes, one with the potential to confront the inequities that shape the lives of many youth living in contemporary global cities. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: Ref Label: Number of References Group: RefInfo Data: 49 – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2016 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1089381 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/1554480X.2015.1029481 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 21 StartPage: 201 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Urban Areas Type: general – SubjectFull: Grade 10 Type: general – SubjectFull: Neighborhoods Type: general – SubjectFull: Adolescents Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Projects Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Diversity Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Research Type: general – SubjectFull: Language Usage Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Photography Type: general – SubjectFull: Documentaries Type: general – SubjectFull: Multilingualism Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Pluralism Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Differences Type: general – SubjectFull: Industry Type: general – SubjectFull: High School Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Canada (Calgary) Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Word on the Street: Investigating Linguistic Landscapes with Urban Canadian Youth Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Burwell, Catherine – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Lenters, Kimberly IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2015 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1554-480X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 10 – Type: issue Value: 3 Titles: – TitleFull: Pedagogies: An International Journal Type: main |
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