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Maternal Socialization Responses to Preschoolers' Success and Struggle: Links to Contextual Factors and Academic and Cognitive Outcomes

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Title: Maternal Socialization Responses to Preschoolers' Success and Struggle: Links to Contextual Factors and Academic and Cognitive Outcomes
Language: English
Authors: Ferrar, Saskia J., Stack, Dale M., Dickson, Daniel J., Serbin, Lisa A., Ledingham, Jane, Schwartzman, Alex E.
Source: Journal of Research in Childhood Education. 2019 33(3):363-381.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 19
Publication Date: 2019
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Early Childhood Education
Descriptors: Mothers, Socialization, Preschool Children, Success, Context Effect, Academic Achievement, Cognitive Ability, Children, Early Adolescents, Parent Attitudes, Parent Influence, Parenting Styles, Early Childhood Education, Cognitive Development, Individual Characteristics, Foreign Countries, Family Environment
Geographic Terms: Canada
Assessment and Survey Identifiers: Home Observation for Measurement of Environment, Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children
DOI: 10.1080/02568543.2019.1607787
ISSN: 0256-8543
Abstract: The present study examined mothers' responses to their at-risk preschool-age children's (N = 156) successful and unsuccessful attempts during a puzzle task. Associations between mothers' responses and the children's ecological context, as well as children's cognitive and academic abilities at two subsequent time points (ages 6-11, and 9-13 years), were examined. Maternal responses to children's successful attempts included process praise, person praise, and neutral acknowledgments. Responses to unsuccessful attempts included encouragement or help, discouragement, neutral indications of mistake, or taking over. Results revealed that maternal responses were associated with child characteristics. In addition, encouragement was positively associated with the quality of the home environment, whereas taking over was positively associated with maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal. Furthermore, decreased taking over, as well as increased encouragement and neutral acknowledgments, were associated with higher child cognitive and academic abilities later on. Implications for early childhood education are discussed.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2019
Accession Number: EJ1221139
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0137286109;40z01jul.19;2019Jul04.02:47;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0137286109-1">Maternal Socialization Responses to Preschoolers' Success and Struggle: Links to Contextual Factors and Academic and Cognitive Outcomes </title> <p>The present study examined mothers' responses to their at-risk preschool-age children's (N = 156) successful and unsuccessful attempts during a puzzle task. Associations between mothers' responses and the children's ecological context, as well as children's cognitive and academic abilities at two subsequent time points (ages 6–11, and 9–13 years), were examined. Maternal responses to children's successful attempts included process praise, person praise, and neutral acknowledgments. Responses to unsuccessful attempts included encouragement or help, discouragement, neutral indications of mistake, or taking over. Results revealed that maternal responses were associated with child characteristics. In addition, encouragement was positively associated with the quality of the home environment, whereas taking over was positively associated with maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal. Furthermore, decreased taking over, as well as increased encouragement and neutral acknowledgments, were associated with higher child cognitive and academic abilities later on. Implications for early childhood education are discussed.</p> <p>Keywords: Achievement; cognitive ability; early childhood; parent and child; preschool</p> <p>As early as preschool age, parenting practices that support children's needs while limiting control promote cognitive, academic, and social growth (Joussemet, Koestner, Lekes, & Landry, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref1">37</reflink>]; Matte-Gagné, Harvey, Stack, & Serbin, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref2">46</reflink>]). In particular, parental responses to children's task performance have been theorized to help shape children's motivation, self-efficacy, and perseverance (Lutkenhaus, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref3">43</reflink>]). However, little is known concerning the more precise and immediate behaviors that form supportive parenting during the course of children's engagement in cognitively challenging tasks, and the impacts of these behaviors on children's long-term cognitive and academic development. Given that parents frequently observe and engage with their children in learning situations, particularly in the preschool period, their interactions in this context may have pervasive impacts on the development of their children's abilities. Understanding these relations is crucial to early education programs aimed at supporting parents and preparing preschool-age children for academic success.</p> <p>According to Bronfenbrenner's bioecological theory (BT; e.g., Bronfenbrenner, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref4">10</reflink>]; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref5">11</reflink>]), child development is the result of the dynamic interaction between the child and environmental variables that exist at multiple levels of influence. These include proximal factors, such as children's own characteristics (e.g., age, sex, temperament), parenting, and the home environment (i.e., the microsystem), as well as interactions between these factors (the mesosystem). In addition, more distal factors, including parental histories of risk and the family's socioeconomic context (the exosystem), cultural values and ideologies (the macrosytem), and life history (the chronosystem), are also considered. Importantly, the influence of distal factors occurs in part as a result of their influence on more proximal factors (e.g., specific parenting behaviors). The present study used BT as a framework to examine multiple levels of influence that converge to affect children's cognitive and academic development. The specific, proximal behaviors that mothers exhibit in response to their preschool-age children's successful and unsuccessful attempts during an educational task were observed. Associations between mothers' responses and the child's environment were examined to assess how these parenting behaviors are associated with other proximal variables (e.g., child characteristics, quality of the home environment) as well as more distal factors (e.g., childhood histories of maternal risk). Finally, associations between mothers' observed responses and children's cognitive and academic abilities at two subsequent time points during school age were assessed to examine how these multiple levels of influence ultimately shape child development.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-2">Parenting during early childhood education: Autonomy support and parental feedback</hd> <p>As mentioned above, parents' influence on their children's academic and cognitive development has been thought to depend partly on the degree to which they encourage independent problem solving in their children while minimizing the use of control, known as autonomy support (Ryan, Deci, Grolnick, & La Guardia, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref6">56</reflink>]). According to self-determination theory (SDT), autonomy support fosters children's intrinsic motivation toward learning (e.g., Ryan & Deci, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref7">55</reflink>]). Indeed, autonomy supportive parenting is positively associated with children's self-efficacy, academic abilities, and socioemotional development, concurrently and longitudinally (Grolnick & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref8">27</reflink>]; Joussemet et al., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref9">37</reflink>]; Matte-Gagné et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref10">46</reflink>]). Autonomy support is generally studied in the context of compliance and choice of activities. However, parents' behavior when involved in their children's educational activities could be particularly important in predicting cognitive and academic development. Further, autonomy support is frequently rated globally over the course of an entire interaction (e.g., Whipple, Bernier, & Mageau, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref11">74</reflink>]). Assessing some of the individual behaviors that make up autonomy supportive parenting as they occur in real time would allow for a more precise and deeper evaluation of the specific actions involved. For example, in an educational context, autonomy-supportive parenting may involve verbal expressions of encouragement of independent problem solving, providing guidance that takes children's current behavior and knowledge into account, and refraining from coercing child behavior or giving commands (e.g., Harvey et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref12">30</reflink>]; Matte-Gagné et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref13">46</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although autonomy supportive parenting has rarely been observed during educational activities, parental responses to children's performance on challenging tasks has received some attention. Dweck and colleagues theorize that parents socialize their children's attitudes toward challenges through their responses to their success and failure (Kamins & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref14">39</reflink>]). Specifically, when parents use more "process" praise and criticism, which are directed at efforts and actions (e.g., "You worked hard," "You should try another way"), children are thought to learn that their performance results from their effort. Conversely, children who experience more "person" praise and criticism, which are directed at their traits (e.g., "You're smart," "You're dumb"), learn that their innate characteristics determine their performance (Haimovitz & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref15">29</reflink>]). Due to enhancing effects on motivation and perseverance, believing that abilities develop through effort (termed a "growth mindset") is associated with higher academic grades than believing in the importance of fixed qualities or traits (termed a "fixed mindset"; Burnette, O'Boyle, VanEpps, Pollack, & Finkel, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref16">17</reflink>]). Hypotheses regarding the effects of person versus process feedback on children's beliefs have been supported experimentally (e.g., Brummelman et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref17">14</reflink>]; Kamins & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref18">39</reflink>]). However, longitudinal studies of parents' natural praise have only partially supported predictions: Pomerantz and Kempner ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref19">54</reflink>]) reported that only maternal use of person praise predicted children's fixed mindsets 6 months later, whereas Gunderson et al. ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref20">28</reflink>]) found that only mothers' use of process praise predicted children's growth mindsets 5 years later.</p> <p>Dweck and colleagues' model (e.g., Kamins & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref21">39</reflink>]; Haimovitz & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref22">29</reflink>]) posits that parents' use of person versus process feedback could affect the type of motivational mindset that children develop. However, it may not predict how these responses support children's skill development in the domains in which they occur. According to Hattie and Timperley ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref23">31</reflink>]), for feedback to be instructive, it must go beyond motivating the child, and help him or her bridge the gap between what is known and what remains to be understood. This can be done by restructuring his or her understanding, offering alternative strategies or information, or simply by indicating to the child whether the attempt was correct or incorrect. This may explain why teacher praise has one of the smallest impacts on academic performance when compared to other forms of feedback (Burnett & Mandel, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref24">16</reflink>]). Even process praise (e.g., "Good effort!") is usually delivered in a general manner, rather than being clearly targeted at a specific behavior (Burnett & Mandel, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref25">16</reflink>]). Thus, it does not provide useful information to the child that will help him or her continue to perform well (Hattie & Timperley, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref26">31</reflink>]). For this reason, in addition to praise, the impact of responding to children's success with specific, task-relevant behavior on their cognitive and academic development is an important avenue to consider. Despite this, parental behaviors studied empirically to date have largely been restricted to these two forms of praise. No study to our knowledge has examined parents' natural use of person and process criticism, nor explored a wider range of spontaneous behaviors.</p> <p>Although past research has certainly been informative, another important limitation is that parental feedback and autonomy support are typically measured either during unstructured time (e.g., free play, random samples of home life) or following a challenging activity. Studying parental responses to children's progress over the course of an educational activity allows for a more immediate measure of their behavior during their children's learning opportunities. As a result, it permits a more precise measurement of the impact of parenting behaviors on the socialization of child attempts in particular, as parental feedback is particularly effective when it immediately follows the target behavior (Hattie & Timperley, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref27">31</reflink>]). Results from the few observational studies that have assessed parental feedback over the course of task completion are in line with predictions made by SDT and Dweck's model (e.g., Kamins & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref28">39</reflink>]; Haimovitz & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref29">29</reflink>]). Hokoda and Fincham ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref30">35</reflink>]) demonstrated that mothers of 3rd-graders with growth mindsets displayed more teaching behaviors and focused more on their children's efforts while they attempted unsolvable puzzles than mothers of children with fixed mindsets. Similarly, Saltaris et al. ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref31">57</reflink>]) found that preschool-aged children whose mothers displayed more scaffolding behavior during a puzzle task had greater cognitive abilities, although these were measured concurrently. Moorman and Pomerantz ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref32">49</reflink>]) observed interactions between 4-year-olds and their mothers while engaged in a cognitively challenging task. Results showed that the more mothers utilized control (i.e., gave commands, took over the task) and the less they displayed autonomy support, the less their children showed persistence, over the course of the task and six months later. Still, these studies again focused on only a few types of responses at a time, rather than exploring the full range of behaviors shown by parents during the course of educational activities. For example, simply indicating to one's child whether an attempt was effective could support their strategy and skill development. In addition, these studies measured maternal behaviors independently of children's performance during the task. The present study took an important next step by assessing maternal responses to children's successful and unsuccessful attempts during the course of an educational activity, to observe parental responses to task success and failure on a more immediate time frame. The impacts of these parental behaviors may be particularly important to children's skill development, given that they occur much more frequently than responses to overall task success or failure. Furthermore, this type of feedback follows the precise child behaviors that it is meant to shape, rather than providing children with an overall assessment of their performance that cannot be used to directly refine their strategy.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-3">Influences of parenting behavior on children's cognitive development</hd> <p>The vast majority of prior research has assumed that impacts of parental responses to their children's task success are limited to outcomes in children's motivation or academic functioning (e.g., Haimovitz & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref33">29</reflink>]; Moorman & Pomerantz, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref34">49</reflink>]; Ryan & Deci, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref35">55</reflink>]). However, the effects may be broader, extending to children's intellectual abilities. Although intellectual abilities are quite stable across the lifetime, this stability only sets in starting around school age (e.g., Watkins & Smith, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref36">72</reflink>]). There is increasing evidence that while genetics play an important role in determining cognitive abilities, so do many environmental variables (Armor, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref37">3</reflink>]). Environmental effects on cognitive development are especially visible during a sensitive period that lasts from the prenatal period until preschool age (e.g., McDermott, Westerlund, Zeanah, Nelson, & Fox, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref38">47</reflink>]). Risk factors that occur during this time, including economic disadvantage and problematic parenting, are thus associated with decreased cognitive abilities in children (Sharkey & Elwert, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref39">64</reflink>]). Although parenting has been identified as an important aspect of environmental influence on cognitive development, it remains unclear which components of parenting explain this association. Cognitive stimulation, or parents' efforts to engage their children in activities that promote learning, has been argued to be a major element (Armor, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref40">3</reflink>]). However, no observational research has been conducted to directly determine specific behaviors involved in cognitive stimulation, beyond providing children with books and educational toys. Thus, the impacts of specific maternal behaviors during children's educational activities on cognitive abilities and academic skills should be assessed. Providing appropriate responses to children's attempts during educational activities could be a way of promoting cognitive development, even in the contexts of economic and psychosocial risk (Saltaris et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref41">57</reflink>]). Understanding the role of such interactions on cognitive and academic development has important implications for early childhood education, as it can help shed light on the mechanisms through which parenting shapes children's school readiness.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-4">Parenting behavior as part of the child's larger bioecological system</hd> <p>Given the clear impact of parenting behaviors on children's development, it is equally important to consider the various environmental factors that come together to predict how parents respond in key moments of child success and struggle. Elements of the child's exosystem, such as socioeconomic status (SES) and parental histories of psychosocial risk, have well-established and enduring effects on child outcomes (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref42">12</reflink>]; Senia, Neppl, Gudmunson, Donnellan, & Lorenz, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref43">60</reflink>]; Stack, Serbin, Enns, Ruttle, & Barrieau, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref44">65</reflink>]), largely due to their influences on the microsystem, including parenting. There is evidence that mothers with histories of psychosocial problems, lower SES, and increased stress display less autonomy support with their preschool-age children (Harvey et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref45">30</reflink>]). Similar factors may be affecting the more micro behaviors demonstrated by mothers when monitoring their children's performance in a learning task, and these were considered in the present study.</p> <p>Maternal education is an important aspect of SES that predicts a number of parenting behaviors (Kalil, Ryan, & Corey, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref46">38</reflink>]) as well as children's cognitive and academic abilities (Carneiro, Meghir, & Parey, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref47">20</reflink>]). Educated mothers are more likely to provide books, musical instruments, computers, and special lessons to their children, partly because they often have increased means to do so. In addition, they hold higher expectations for their children's academic success (Davis-Kean, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref48">22</reflink>]). As such, they might be expected to be more encouraging when engaged in their children's learning activities. On the other hand, they may also expect greater task mastery from their children from a younger age. The quality of the home environment, as measured by The Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment (HOME; Caldwell & Bradley, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref49">18</reflink>]), is also associated with SES and predicts children's cognitive, emotional, and social development (Totsika & Sylva, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref50">69</reflink>]). As the measure largely reflects parents' global efforts to provide an educational and supportive environment for their children, scores are likely associated with specific parenting practices in the context of a learning task. In fact, the provision of educationally supportive home environments may be a more direct predictor of parental support during children's activities than parents' own education level.</p> <p>At a more distal level, parental histories of psychosocial difficulty have also been associated with adverse parenting outcomes. Intergenerational studies have demonstrated that parenting is a primary mechanism by which psychological and socioeconomic risk is transferred across generations, highlighting the importance of the chronosystem in individual development (e.g., Belsky, Conger, & Capaldi, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref51">9</reflink>]; Cost et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref52">21</reflink>]). Aggression and social withdrawal are two characteristics that are quite stable over the lifetime and have been associated with many forms of maladaptive parenting. For example, mothers with histories of aggression or social withdrawal during childhood are more unresponsive and use more severe discipline (Serbin et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref53">61</reflink>]), less scaffolding (Saltaris et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref54">57</reflink>]), and more maladaptive problem-solving approaches (Martin, Stack, Serbin, Ledingham, & Schwartzman, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref55">45</reflink>]) with their own children. However, little research to date has assessed how aggression and social withdrawal impact maternal behavior during challenging educational activities. They may be expected to respond to their children in more controlling ways, as they might be less skilled at offering more sensitive and constructive forms of help.</p> <p>Finally, BT emphasizes the importance of considering how children's own characteristics interact with environmental influence. Indeed, leading models in developmental psychology concur that children are active players in their own socialization, in part because parents' perceptions of their children influence how they respond to them (Belsky, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref56">8</reflink>]; Kuczynski & De Mol, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref57">41</reflink>]; Sameroff, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref58">58</reflink>]). Bidirectional influences are often studied in terms of positive feedback loops, whereby difficult child characteristics elicit increasingly maladaptive parenting (e.g., Barbot, Crossman, Hunter, Grigorenko, & Luthar, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref59">5</reflink>]; Burke, Pardini, & Loeber, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref60">15</reflink>]). However, there is evidence that parents sometimes respond to greater child need with added support. For example, Serbin, Kingdon, Ruttle, and Stack ([<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref61">62</reflink>]) found that internalizing symptoms in children predicted an increase in mothers' positive parenting over time, which in turn led to decreases in children's internalizing symptoms. Similarly, Pomerantz and Eaton ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref62">53</reflink>]) reported that low achievement in elementary school triggered maternal worry, which then predicted increased support. Thus, in addition to socioeconomic and psychosocial familial risk, effects of mothers' perceptions of their children on their socialization behaviors during educational activities should also be considered. In turn, this will lead to a broader understanding of the impacts of maternal behavior on children's development.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-5">The present study</hd> <p>Although there is substantial evidence of the importance of parenting behaviors on academic development, in this study we sought to take several steps forward. First, the full range of immediate maternal responses to children's successful and unsuccessful attempts during the entire course of an educational activity were assessed. Second, in line with BT, predictor variables at multiple levels were included to understand the larger context in which these responses develop. A disadvantaged, academically at-risk sample was used to allow for a wider range of adaptive to maladaptive responses than would otherwise be observed (Serbin, Stack, & Kingdon, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref63">63</reflink>]). Thus, our results may help identify mechanisms by which children's early cognitive and academic abilities, important components of school readiness, become compromised. In addition, the child's chronosystem was considered using a longitudinal, intergenerational design to examine relations between mothers' characteristics as children and their own parenting behaviors. Finally, due to recent evidence that cognitive abilities are linked with environmental variables during early childhood, cognitive and academic abilities were measured at two subsequent time points, allowing us to consider broad impacts of maternal behaviors on child development.</p> <p>The objectives were to 1) examine how variables at multiple levels of families' current environments are associated with mothers' behaviors in response to their preschool-age children's successful and unsuccessful attempts during an educational activity, 2) examine relations between maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal and the maternal responses used, and 3) assess relations between maternal responses during the preschool age (Time 1) and children's subsequent cognitive and academic abilities at ages 6–11 (Time 2) and 9–13 (Time 3) years.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-6">Methods</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0137286109-7">Participants</hd> <p>The participants in the current study represent a subset of the Concordia Longitudinal Risk Project (Concordia Project; Schwartzman, Ledingham, & Serbin, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref64">59</reflink>]; Stack et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref65">66</reflink>]), a longitudinal study of primarily Francophone at-risk individuals from Montréal, Canada. In 1976–1978, children attending inner-city elementary schools were screened for peer-nominated aggression and social withdrawal. Oversampling at the upper extremes led to a sample of 1,774 participants composed of equal groups of children across the continua of aggression and social withdrawal scores. These participants were followed until adulthood and into parenthood, and many of their children were recruited into the project to study the intergenerational transfer of socioeconomic and psychosocial risk.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-8">Preschool sample</hd> <p>One hundred seventy-five offspring of original Concordia Project participants, between ages 1 and 6 years, participated in the present study with their mothers. Nineteen dyads were excluded due to incomplete recordings, dyads speaking a language other than French or English, or dyads not engaging in the task. Thus, 156 dyads were retained. The mean age of the mothers was 30.41 years (<emph>SD</emph> = 3.41) and their mean level of education was 11.80 years (i.e., high school completion; <emph>SD</emph> = 2.30). Dyads had a mean maximum family prestige score (Standard International Occupational Prestige Scale; Treiman, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref66">70</reflink>]) of 38.37 (<emph>SD</emph> = 11.29), representing occupations such as manufacturing laborers and service workers. The children's mean age was 3.60 years (<emph>SD</emph> = 1.53), and there were 82 girls and 74 boys. Ninety-eight of the mothers were original Concordia Project participants, and 58 were spouses of original participants.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-9">School-aged samples</hd> <p>Time 2 data were collected when the children were 6–11 years old (<emph>M</emph> = 7.69, <emph>SD</emph> = 1.02), approximately 3 years later. Data were available for 125 (80.12%) of the children who participated at Time 1. Time 3 data were collected when the children were 9–13 years old (<emph>M</emph> = 10.88, <emph>SD</emph> = .91), approximately 3 years after Time 2. Data were available for 98 (62.82%) of the children who participated at Time 1. Families who participated in the study at Time 2 and/or Time 3 did not differ from those who did not on any demographic variables (all <emph>p</emph>s >.05).</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-10">Procedure</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0137286109-11">Time 1</hd> <p>This study was conducted as part of a larger longitudinal project. Ethics approval was obtained and granted by the university's research ethics review board prior to data collection. Home visits were conducted by a Ph.D.-level researcher and a research assistant who were trained to administer a standard protocol and were blind to families' histories of risk. Once informed consent was obtained (consent obtained at each time point), mother–child dyads engaged in a number of tasks, including a 4- (1–3-year-olds) or 7-minute (4–6-year-olds) puzzle task. Dyads were provided with four age-appropriate puzzles that ranged in difficulty and were instructed to work on them for the duration of the task. Mothers were asked to interact with their children as they normally would.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-12">Times 2 and 3</hd> <p>Children's cognitive and academic abilities were assessed in a standardized manner during school visits made by the research team.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-13">Measures</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0137286109-14">Observational coding</hd> <p>Observational coding was conducted using the Maternal Responses to Children's Successful and Unsuccessful Attempts Coding System (Ferrar & Stack, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref67">24</reflink>]) with Mangold Interact 14 (Mangold, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref68">44</reflink>]) (observational coding software). The coding system was developed for the present study and was designed to ensure that all responses displayed by mothers were coded, rather than limiting coding to responses that were chosen a priori. Maternal responses were coded each time the mother responded to the child displaying a successful (successfully placing a puzzle piece or finding a match between a puzzle piece and a spot) or unsuccessful (placing a puzzle piece in an incorrect spot or struggling to find the correct spot for at least three seconds) attempt.</p> <p>Maternal responses to children's successful attempts were divided into three categories: person praise, process praise, and neutral acknowledgment. The distinction between person and process praise was based on Dweck and colleagues' conceptualization (Kamins & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref69">39</reflink>]). Maternal responses to children's unsuccessful attempts were divided into four categories: encouragement or help, discouragement, neutral indication of mistake, or taking over. Table 1 provides brief operational definitions. To control for children's performance on the task, mothers' scores for each response type were calculated as the proportion of their children's successful or unsuccessful attempts in which that response type was used. To establish inter-rater reliability, 30% of the sample was double-coded by a B.A.-level research volunteer who was blind to the research objectives. Cohen's kappas ranged from substantial to almost perfect (Table 1). Both raters were blind to dyads' risk status.</p> <p>Table 1. Brief operational definitions for maternal responses to children's successful and unsuccessful attempts (Ferrar & Stack, 2015).</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Operational definition</td><td>Example</td><td>Kappa</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><bold>Successful Child Attempt</bold></td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Person praise</td><td>Praise that attributes a stable characteristic to the child.</td><td>"You're great!"; "You're a smart girl!"</td><td>.83</td></tr><tr><td>Process praise</td><td>Praise directed at the child's action or nonverbal positive reinforcement.</td><td>"You got it!"; "Continue like that!"; offers a high-five</td><td>.87</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral acknowledgment</td><td>An indication that the mother has registered the child's successful attempt, without any praise.</td><td>"Yes"; "Okay."</td><td>.78</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Unsuccessful Child Attempt</bold></td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Encouragement or help</td><td>A statement used to motivate the child to continue trying, a tip or hint, or teaching. Includes process criticism.</td><td>"You can do it!"; "Try somewhere else"; "Do you see anywhere with similar colors?"</td><td>.81</td></tr><tr><td>Discouragement</td><td>A comment that serves to dissuade the child from continuing to try. Includes person criticism.</td><td>"You're not very good at this"; "Of course it doesn't go there!"</td><td>.69</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral indication of mistake</td><td>An utterance that signals to the child that he or she made a mistake, without any attempt to encourage, teach, or discourage the child.</td><td>"No"; "It doesn't go there."</td><td>.82</td></tr><tr><td>Taking over</td><td>Mother completes the action for the child.</td><td>Mother places puzzle piece in the successful spot for the child or shows the child exactly where it goes.</td><td>.83</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0137286109-15">Demographic information</hd> <p>Demographic information (e.g., maternal education) was collected using the Demographic Information Questionnaire (Serbin et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref70">61</reflink>]), which has been used effectively in past Concordia Project studies (e.g., Martin et al., [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref71">45</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-16">Home environment</hd> <p>The quality of the home environment was evaluated using the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment, Preschool version (HOME; Caldwell & Bradley, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref72">18</reflink>]). The HOME is an observational tool administered by a trained researcher that assesses the level of stimulation and support available to the child. The majority of HOME items are completed based on the observations of the researcher, and certain items are completed in the context of a parent interview. Standardized total scores were used, where a higher score indicates a higher quality home environment. The psychometric properties of the HOME range from satisfactory to excellent (Caldwell & Bradley, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref73">18</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-17">Maternal perceptions of child difficultness</hd> <p>The Parental Stress Index – Short Form (PSI-SF; Abidin, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref74">1</reflink>]) is a self-report measure of distress experienced by parents as a result of their interactions with their children. It is scored on a Likert-type scale (1 = <emph>strongly disagree</emph> to 5 = <emph>strongly agree</emph>). In the present study, the Difficult Child subscale was used. It assesses parent-perceived child temperament, defiance, noncompliance, and demandingness. A higher score reflects a higher rating of child difficultness. Use of the PSI-SF in low-SES populations has been well supported, and its psychometric properties are excellent (Whiteside-Mansell et al., [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref75">75</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-18">Maternal histories of aggression and social withdrawal</hd> <p>Mothers' histories of aggression and social withdrawal were assessed using the Peer Evaluation Inventory (PEI; Pekarik, Prinz, Liebert, Weintraub, & Neale, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref76">51</reflink>]), when they were children in Grades 1, 4, or 7. The PEI is a peer-nomination tool composed of 34 items that load onto three factors: Aggression (e.g., starts a fight over nothing), Social Withdrawal (e.g., too shy to make friends easily), and Likeability (not used in the current study). Children nominated up to four boys and four girls who most resemble each item. The number of nominations received by each child was summed to create Aggression and Social Withdrawal scores, which were then subjected to a square root transformation to reduce skew. Transformed scores were standardized for each sex within each classroom to control for class size and sex differences (see Serbin et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref77">61</reflink>], for further details).</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-19">Time 1 child cognitive functioning</hd> <p>The cognitive functioning of children aged 12–42 months was assessed using the Bayley Scales of Infant Development, Second Edition (Bayley, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref78">7</reflink>]) Mental Development Index (MDI). The cognitive functioning of children aged 43–72 months was assessed using the Abstract Visual Reasoning (AVR) composite of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, Fourth Edition (SB-IV; Thorndike, Hagen, & Sattler, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref79">68</reflink>]). Scores on each measure were standardized within the age-based subsamples, and these standardized scores were then combined into one variable, to assign each child in the sample a comparable score on cognitive functioning.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-20">Time 2 child reading skills</hd> <p>Children's reading skills were assessed using the <emph>Bilan Qualitatif de l'Apprentissage de la Lecture</emph> (BQAL; Campeau-Filion & Gauthier, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref80">19</reflink>]). This tool measures sound-letter correspondence, decoding and reading comprehension in children in Grades 1–3 and reliably predicts the development of learning disabilities (Campeau-Filion & Gauthier, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref81">19</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-21">Time 2 child cognitive functioning</hd> <p>The SB-IV (Thorndike et al., [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref82">68</reflink>]) was used to evaluate cognitive functioning at Time 2. The Vocabulary, Comprehension, and Absurdities subtests were administered to compute Verbal Reasoning (VR) scores.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-22">Time 3 child cognitive functioning</hd> <p>Children's cognitive abilities at Time 3 were assessed using the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, Third Edition (WISC-III; Wechsler, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref83">73</reflink>]). The WISC-III is a well-validated standardized intellectual test. The Full Scale IQ (FSIQ) was used.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-23">Results</hd> <p>Prior to conducting analyses, outliers were converted to the most extreme nonoutlier in the data set (Tabachnick & Fidell, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref84">67</reflink>]). Many maternal response variables remained positively skewed, though this was expected given that they represented proportions of maternal responses. None of the variables showed significant kurtosis. Only statistically significant results are described below. All results can be found in the tables.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-24">Objective 1: Associations between the family environment and maternal responses</hd> <p>Means and standard deviations of responses used by mothers were first calculated (see Table 2). Hierarchical multiple regressions were then used to examine relations between family characteristics and maternal responses. In each analysis, child sex and age were entered as control variables in Step 1. In Step 2, predictor variables were entered (i.e., HOME scores, child difficultness, and maternal education). The outcome variable in each analysis was a maternal response proportion score.</p> <p>Table 2. Means and standard deviations of mothers' responses to child behavior and proportions of mothers' responses.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Raw number <italic>M</italic></td><td>Raw number <italic>SD</italic></td><td>Proportion <italic>M</italic></td><td>Proportion <italic>SD</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><bold>Successful Child Attempt</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Person praise</td><td>.71</td><td>1.45</td><td>.05</td><td>.07</td></tr><tr><td>Process praise</td><td>5.60</td><td>4.24</td><td>.45</td><td>.30</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral acknowledgment</td><td>1.87</td><td>2.63</td><td>.13</td><td>.15</td></tr><tr><td>No response</td><td>6.26</td><td>7.03</td><td>.37</td><td>.29</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Unsuccessful Child Attempt</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Encouragement or help</td><td>7.06</td><td>5.98</td><td>.30</td><td>.20</td></tr><tr><td>Discouragement</td><td>.53</td><td>1.08</td><td>.03</td><td>.07</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral indication of mistake</td><td>3.18</td><td>3.10</td><td>.14</td><td>.14</td></tr><tr><td>Taking over</td><td>3.91</td><td>3.67</td><td>.17</td><td>.14</td></tr><tr><td>No response</td><td>8.10</td><td>7.73</td><td>.36</td><td>.25</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0137286109-25">Predicting maternal responses to successful child attempts (Table 3)</hd> <p>Person praise was associated with child sex (β = .18, <emph>p</emph> < .05; <emph>R</emph><sups>2</sups> = .03, <emph>p</emph> > .05), with mothers using more person praise with girls than with boys. Process praise was negatively associated with child age (β = −.46, <emph>p</emph> < .001; <emph>R</emph><sups>2</sups> = .20, <emph>p</emph> < .001); thus, mothers of younger children used more process praise.</p> <p>Table 3. Multiple regressions with contextual variables predicting maternal use of responses to children's successful attempts.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Person praise</td><td>Process praise</td><td>Neutral acknowledgments</td></tr><tr><td /><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><bold>Model 1</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>0</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.26</td><td>−0.09</td><td>−0.46</td><td>−6.06***</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.08</td><td>0.98</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.19</td><td>2.19*</td><td>0.02</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.38</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.58</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Model 2</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>0</td><td>−.03</td><td>−0.30</td><td>−0.09</td><td>−0.46</td><td>−6.03***</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.08</td><td>0.97</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.18</td><td>2.16*</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.02</td><td>0.23</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.62</td></tr><tr><td>Home environment (HOME)</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.07</td><td>0.68</td><td>0.02</td><td>0.06</td><td>0.62</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.27</td></tr><tr><td>Difficult child (PSI)</td><td>0</td><td>0.10</td><td>1.19</td><td>0</td><td>−0.08</td><td>−0.95</td><td>0</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.61</td></tr><tr><td>Mothers' years of education</td><td>0</td><td>0.10</td><td>1.00</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.56</td><td>−.01</td><td>−0.09</td><td>−0.85</td></tr><tr><td><italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup> (adj.)</td><td>0.028</td><td /><td /><td>0.196***</td><td /><td /><td>−0.018</td><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>10 <emph>Note</emph>. HOME = Home Observation for the Quality of the Environment; PSI = Parental Stress Index.*<emph>p</emph> <.05. **<emph>p</emph> <.01. ***<emph>p</emph> <.001.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-26">Predicting maternal responses to unsuccessful child attempts (Table 4)</hd> <p>Encouragement or help was negatively associated with child age (β = −.28, <emph>p</emph> < .01) and positively associated with child difficultness (β = .17, <emph>p</emph> < .05; <emph>R</emph><sups>2</sups> = .10, <emph>p</emph> < .01). That is, mothers of children who were younger and those who were rated as more temperamentally difficult encouraged or helped more. Discouragement was negatively associated with the quality of the home environment (β = −.32, <emph>p</emph> < .01) and positively associated with mothers' level of education (β = .24, <emph>p</emph> < .05; <emph>R</emph><sups>2</sups> = .06, <emph>p</emph> < .05): mothers who provided less stimulating home environments and those who were more educated discouraged more. Taking over was negatively associated with child age (β = −.30, <emph>p</emph> < .001) and child difficultness (β = −.20, <emph>p</emph> < .05; <emph>R</emph><sups>2</sups> = .10, <emph>p</emph> < .01). That is, mothers of children who were younger and those who rated as less temperamentally difficult took over more.</p> <p>Table 4. Multiple regressions with contextual variables predicting maternal use of responses to children's unsuccessful attempts.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Encouragement/help</td><td>Discouragement</td><td>Neutral indication of mistake</td><td>Taking over</td></tr><tr><td /><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><bold>Model 1</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.28</td><td>−3.40**</td><td>0</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.64</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.31</td><td>−3.84***</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.27</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.56</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.56</td><td>0</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.10</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Model 2</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.28</td><td>−3.56**</td><td>0</td><td>0.07</td><td>0.87</td><td>0</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.06</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.30</td><td>−3.74***</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.26</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.06</td><td>0.67</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.59</td><td>0</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.20</td></tr><tr><td>Home environment (HOME)</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.12</td><td>1.26</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.32</td><td>−3.34**</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.54</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.12</td><td>−1.32</td></tr><tr><td>Difficult child (PSI)</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.17</td><td>2.00*</td><td>0</td><td>0.05</td><td>−0.588</td><td>0</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.25</td><td>0</td><td>−0.20</td><td>−2.37*</td></tr><tr><td>Mothers' years of education</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.12</td><td>1.30</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.24</td><td>2.63*</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.12</td><td>−1.19</td><td>0</td><td>0.02</td><td>0.18</td></tr><tr><td><italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup> (adj.)</td><td>0.101**</td><td /><td /><td>0.055*</td><td /><td /><td>0</td><td /><td /><td>0.103**</td><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>11 <emph>Note</emph>. HOME = Home Observation for the Quality of the Environment; PSI = Parental Stress Index.</item> <item>12 *<emph>p</emph> <.05. **<emph>p</emph> < .01. ***<emph>p</emph> < .001.</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0137286109-27">Objective 2: Associations between maternal histories of aggression and social withdrawal and...</hd> <p>Hierarchical multiple regressions were used to assess relations between maternal histories of aggression and social withdrawal and maternal responses, beyond the role of predictors included in Objective 1. Only dyads in which the mothers were the original Concordia Project participants were included (<emph>n</emph> = 98). Control variables (i.e., child age, child sex, HOME scores, child difficultness, and maternal education) were entered as predictors in Step 1, and predictor variables (i.e., mothers' childhood levels of aggression and withdrawal) were entered in Step 2. The outcome variable was a maternal response proportion score (Tables 5 and 6). As many of the results were similar to those in Objective 1, only differences in statistically significant predictor variables are described here.</p> <p>Table 5. Multiple regressions with histories of psychosocial risk predicting maternal use of responses to children's successful attempts.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Person praise</td><td>Process praise</td><td>Neutral acknowledgments</td></tr><tr><td /><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><bold>Model 1</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>0.00</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.30</td><td>−0.08</td><td>−0.38</td><td>−3.67***</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>−0.03</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.18</td><td>2.16*</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.12</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.13</td><td>−1.18</td></tr><tr><td>Home environment (HOME)</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.07</td><td>0.68</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.13</td><td>1.05</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.31</td></tr><tr><td>Difficult child (PSI)</td><td>0</td><td>0.10</td><td>1.19</td><td>0</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.33</td><td>0</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.26</td></tr><tr><td>Mothers' years of education</td><td>0</td><td>0.10</td><td>1.00</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.12</td><td>−0.99</td><td>0</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.32</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Model 2</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>0</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.26</td><td>−0.08</td><td>−0.38</td><td>−3.59**</td><td>0</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.12</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.2</td><td>2.37*</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>0.03</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.15</td><td>−1.29</td></tr><tr><td>Home environment (HOME)</td><td>0</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.45</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.14</td><td>1.08</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.3</td></tr><tr><td>Difficult child (PSI)</td><td>0</td><td>0.14</td><td>1.54</td><td>0</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.47</td><td>0</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.42</td></tr><tr><td>Mothers' years of education</td><td>0</td><td>0.06</td><td>0.55</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.11</td><td>−0.83</td><td>0</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.12</td></tr><tr><td>Maternal histories of aggression</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.14</td><td>−1.55</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.46</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.1</td><td>0.78</td></tr><tr><td>Maternal histories of social withdrawal</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.09</td><td>−1.02</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.27</td><td>0</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.18</td></tr><tr><td><italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup> (adj.)</td><td>0.035</td><td /><td /><td>0.093*</td><td /><td /><td>−0.052</td><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>13 <emph>Note</emph>. HOME = Home Observation for the Quality of the Environment; PSI = Parental Stress Index.*<emph>p</emph> <.05. **<emph>p</emph> <.01. ***<emph>p</emph> <.001.</p> <p>Table 6. Multiple regressions with histories of psychosocial risk predicting maternal use of responses to children's unsuccessful attempts.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Encouragement/help</td><td>Discouragement</td><td>Neutral indication of mistake</td><td>Taking over</td></tr><tr><td /><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td><italic>t</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><bold>Model 1</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.25</td><td>−2.48*</td><td>0</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.12</td><td>0</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.26</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.25</td><td>−2.38*</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.06</td><td>−0.55</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.06</td><td>0.56</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.13</td><td>1.26</td><td>0</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.10</td></tr><tr><td>Home environment (HOME)</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.21</td><td>1.78</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.37</td><td>−3.01**</td><td>0</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.22</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.11</td><td>−0.91</td></tr><tr><td>Difficult child (PSI)</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.24</td><td>2.28*</td><td>0</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.40</td><td>0</td><td>−0.17</td><td>−1.58</td><td>0</td><td>−0.22</td><td>−2.06*</td></tr><tr><td>Mothers' years of education</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.07</td><td>0.57</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.30</td><td>2.53*</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.15</td><td>−1.26</td><td>0</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.26</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Model 2</bold></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.26</td><td>−2.56*</td><td>0</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.11</td><td>0</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.34</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.22</td><td>−2.14*</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.41</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.05</td><td>0.45</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.14</td><td>1.32</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.48</td></tr><tr><td>Home environment (HOME)</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.19</td><td>1.58</td><td>−0.03</td><td>−0.36</td><td>−2.90**</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.34</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.06</td><td>−0.49</td></tr><tr><td>Difficult child (PSI)</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.28</td><td>2.47*</td><td>0</td><td>−0.06</td><td>−0.55</td><td>0</td><td>−0.15</td><td>−1.23</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.33</td><td>−2.96**</td></tr><tr><td>Mothers' years of education</td><td>0</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.34</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.31</td><td>2.57*</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.17</td><td>−.1.36</td><td>0</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.35</td></tr><tr><td>Maternal histories of aggression</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.09</td><td>−0.77</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.07</td><td>0.58</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.06</td><td>−0.5</td><td>0.03</td><td>0.24</td><td>2.22*</td></tr><tr><td>Maternal histories of social withdrawal</td><td>−0.02</td><td>−0.09</td><td>−0.85</td><td>0</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.12</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.08</td><td>−0.67</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.24</td><td>2.27*</td></tr><tr><td><italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup> (adj.)</td><td>0.102*</td><td /><td /><td>0.047</td><td /><td /><td>0</td><td /><td /><td>0.119*</td><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>14 <emph>Note</emph>. HOME = Home Observation for the Quality of the Environment; PSI = Parental Stress Index.</item> <item>15 *<emph>p</emph> <.05. **<emph>p</emph> < .01. ***<emph>p</emph> < .001.</item> </ulist> <p>Maternal histories of both aggression (β = .24, <emph>p</emph> < .05) and social withdrawal (β = .24, <emph>p</emph> < .05; <emph>R</emph><sups>2</sups> = .12, <emph>p</emph> < .05) positively predicted taking over. That is, mothers with higher childhood levels of aggression and social withdrawal took over more.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-28">Objective 3: Associations between maternal responses and children's subsequent abilities</hd> <p>Generalized estimating equations (GEE; Ballinger, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref85">4</reflink>]) were used to examine relations between maternal responses at Time 1 and child cognitive abilities at Times 1, 2, and 3, to control for the within-subject correlation in children's cognitive abilities over time. Child sex, child age, and each maternal response score were entered as predictors. As maternal response proportion scores could not be entered as predictor variables in the same analysis due to interdependence, frequencies of each response were used. The outcome variable was cognitive abilities (Bayley MDI or SB-IV AVR at Time 1, SB-IV VR at Time 2, and WISC FSIQ at Time 3; Table 7).</p> <p>Table 7. Generalized estimating equations predicting children's cognitive abilities over time.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td><italic>B</italic></td><td><italic>SE</italic></td><td>95% Wald Confidence Interval</td><td>Wald Chi-Square</td><td><italic>df</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Child age</td><td>1.36</td><td>0.62</td><td>[0.14, 2.58]</td><td>4.78*</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>−0.52</td><td>1.96</td><td>[−4.36, 3.33]</td><td>0.07</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Person praise</td><td>−0.61</td><td>0.69</td><td>[−1.96, 0.75]</td><td>0.77</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Process praise</td><td>0.16</td><td>0.32</td><td>[−0.48, 0.79]</td><td>0.24</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral acknowledgment</td><td>0.64</td><td>0.34</td><td>[−0.03, 1.30]</td><td>3.50†</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Encouragement/help</td><td>0.13</td><td>0.20</td><td>[−0.27, 0.52]</td><td>0.39</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Taking over</td><td>−0.99</td><td>0.25</td><td>[−1.49, −0.50]</td><td>15.33***</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral indications of mistake</td><td>−0.19</td><td>0.39</td><td>[−0.96, 0.59]</td><td>0.22</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Discouragement</td><td>−0.97</td><td>0.87</td><td>[−2.68, 0.74]</td><td>1.24</td><td>1</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>16 † <emph>p</emph> <.10. *<emph>p</emph> <.05. **<emph>p</emph> < .01. ***<emph>p</emph> < .001.</p> <p>Mothers' taking over behavior negatively predicted children's cognitive abilities over time (χ2(<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref86">1</reflink>, _I_N_i_ = 156) = 15.33, <emph>p</emph> <.001), and child age positively predicted children's cognitive abilities over time (χ2(<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref87">1</reflink>, _I_N_i_ = 156) = 4.78, <emph>p</emph> <.05). Mothers' neutral acknowledgments trended toward positively predicting child cognitive abilities over time (χ2(<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref88">1</reflink>, _I_N_i_ = 156) = 3.50, <emph>p</emph> =.062). That is, children whose mothers took over less and neutrally acknowledged more at Time 1, and children who were older at Time 1, showed higher cognitive abilities over Times 2 and 3, controlling for abilities at Time 1.</p> <p>A hierarchical multiple regression was used to examine relations between maternal responses at Time 1 and reading abilities at Time 2. Child sex, age, and cognitive abilities at Time 1 were entered in Step 1, and each maternal response score was entered in Step 2. As maternal response proportion scores could not be entered as predictor variables in the same analysis due to interdependence, frequencies of responses were used. The outcome variable was BQAL scores at Time 2 (Table 8).</p> <p>Table 8. Multiple regression predicting children's reading abilities (BQAL scores) at Time 2.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>β</td><td>t</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><bold>Model 1</bold></td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>4.27</td><td>0.46</td><td>5.73***</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>4.12</td><td>0.15</td><td>1.78</td></tr><tr><td>Child Time 1 cognitive abilities</td><td>2.00</td><td>0.14</td><td>1.72</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Model 2</bold></td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Child age</td><td>5.12</td><td>0.55</td><td>6.05***</td></tr><tr><td>Child sex</td><td>6.33</td><td>0.22</td><td>2.69**</td></tr><tr><td>Child Time 1 cognitive abilities</td><td>1.71</td><td>0.12</td><td>1.45</td></tr><tr><td>Person praise</td><td>0.16</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.12</td></tr><tr><td>Process praise</td><td>−0.57</td><td>−0.17</td><td>−1.76</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral acknowledgment</td><td>−0.59</td><td>−0.12</td><td>−1.34</td></tr><tr><td>Encouragement/help</td><td>0.89</td><td>0.36</td><td>3.05**</td></tr><tr><td>Taking over</td><td>−0.91</td><td>−0.23</td><td>−2.67**</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral indication of mistake</td><td>0.07</td><td>0.02</td><td>0.143</td></tr><tr><td>Discouragement</td><td>−0.18</td><td>−0.01</td><td>−0.16</td></tr><tr><td><italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup> (adj.)</td><td>0.284***</td><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>17 <emph>Note</emph>. BQAL = Bilan Qualitatif de l'Apprentissage de la Lecture.</item> <item>18 *<emph>p</emph> < .05. **<emph>p</emph> < .01. ***<emph>p</emph> < .001</item> </ulist> <p>Time 2 BQAL scores were positively associated with child age (β = .55, <emph>p</emph> < .001), child sex (β = .22, <emph>p</emph> < .01), and mothers' encouragement or help (β = .36, <emph>p</emph> < .01), and negatively associated with mothers' taking over behavior (β = −.23, <emph>p</emph> < .01; <emph>R</emph><sups>2</sups> = .28, <emph>p</emph> < .001). That is, children whose mothers took over less and encouraged or helped more at Time 1, girls, and children who were older at Time 1, showed higher reading abilities at Time 2.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-29">Discussion</hd> <p>In the present study, naturalistic behaviors of at-risk mothers were observed in response to their children's successful and unsuccessful attempts during educational activities. Important associations were found between these behaviors and variables at multiple levels of the children's environment, as well as with children's cognitive and academic development. Results build on previous research that highlighted the importance of parenting in educational development and provide important contributions by identifying a wide range of immediate maternal responses to child attempts over the entire course of an educational activity, and by considering their longitudinal links to cognitive as well as academic abilities.</p> <p>The first objective was to examine how variables at multiple levels of preschool-age children's environments were associated with behaviors that their mothers expressed in response to their successful and unsuccessful attempts. In line with BT, maternal parenting behaviors were associated with a number of variables within the child's larger ecological context (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref89">11</reflink>]). First, children's own characteristics were associated with maternal responses. With regard to child sex, girls received more person praise than boys. This is consistent with results from Pomerantz and Kempner's ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref90">54</reflink>]) study of mothers' daily praise of their school-age children. Given that girls outperform boys academically (Kingdon, Serbin, & Stack, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref91">40</reflink>]), these findings may together indicate that mothers expect greater abilities from their daughters, whereas sons' effort is seen as more crucial to their success (Jones & Myhill, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref92">36</reflink>]). Child age was another important predictor of maternal responses. Mothers offered more process praise, encouragement, and help, and took over more often with younger children. These findings are consistent with evidence that parents scaffold their children's learning by playing a more active role when their children are less skilled, and gradually encouraging more independent problem solving as their abilities grow (Vygotsky, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref93">71</reflink>]). Mothers who rated their children as more temperamentally difficult responded to their unsuccessful attempts with more encouragement and help, as well as less taking over. These results are consistent with bidirectional models of child development (Belsky, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref94">8</reflink>]; Kuczynski & De Mol, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref95">41</reflink>]; Sameroff, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref96">58</reflink>]). Children with more difficult temperaments often struggle in intellectual and academic contexts (Gartstein, Putnam, & Kliewer, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref97">25</reflink>]; Lemelin, Tarabulsy, & Provost, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref98">42</reflink>]). Thus, their mothers may display more autonomy support as an attempt to offset their difficulties. This novel result may highlight a negative feedback loop, whereby child need elicits more adaptive parenting. Together, these findings support the BT tenet that children's own traits influence their immediate environment, and contribute to the growing body of literature on the active role children play in eliciting the parenting they receive.</p> <p>Second, maternal responses to children's unsuccessful attempts were related to other variables in the child's environment. Specifically, mothers who provided higher quality home environments used less discouragement. As the HOME assesses the cognitive stimulation offered to the child, it might tap into mothers' attitudes toward their children's learning opportunities. Thus, mothers who discourage their children from persevering or express exasperation when they face difficulties may also be unlikely to provide them with the patience and stimulation needed to foster their cognitive development. Increased use of discouragement was also associated with higher levels of maternal education. Given the abundance of evidence that maternal education is associated with more adaptive parenting (e.g., Kalil et al., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref99">38</reflink>]), this finding was somewhat unexpected. However, more highly educated mothers also hold greater expectations for their children (Davis-Kean, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref100">22</reflink>]). Thus, this result could indicate that they are more likely to express disappointment in response to their children's unsuccessful attempts. Together, findings from Objective 1 support BT, as they demonstrate mesosystem relations between specific parenting behaviors in the context of educational mother–child activities and variables in the child's wider microsystem and exosystem. Parenting does not occur in a vacuum, and these findings identify key variables that contribute to the early education children receive in the home.</p> <p>The second objective was to examine the influence of maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal in predicting maternal responses used. Mothers with higher levels of aggression and social withdrawal in childhood took over more often in response to their children's unsuccessful attempts. This result is consistent with evidence that histories of aggression and social withdrawal are associated with more controlling, versus autonomy supportive parenting (Harvey et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref101">30</reflink>]), less scaffolding (Saltaris et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref102">57</reflink>]), as well as several other suboptimal child-rearing practices (e.g., Stack et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref103">66</reflink>]). Mothers with histories of aggression may have decreased patience or inhibitory control, which could manifest itself in more controlling parenting behaviors. Conversely, those with histories of social withdrawal may have had fewer opportunities to develop socially competent behavior. As a result, these mothers appear to be less skilled in effectively helping their children and instead take over the task themselves. By contributing to the literature on the impacts of maternal psychosocial risk on parenting, these findings serve to elucidate one way in which temporally distal and exosystem-level risk variables influence child development.</p> <p>The final objective was to explore associations between maternal responses to children's attempts and their subsequent cognitive and academic abilities. Results showed that children whose mothers took over less and neutrally acknowledged more at Time 1 showed increased cognitive abilities at Times 2 and 3, controlling for the stability in cognitive abilities over time. Thus, these findings support the literature indicating that environmental factors in early childhood play a role in shaping cognitive development. Importantly, though previous research has suggested that parental stimulation can promote children's cognitive development (Armor, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref104">3</reflink>]), this study was a first to identify specific maternal behaviors occurring in an educational context that predict children's cognitive abilities several years later. In line with SDT, mothers' controlling behavior in the form of taking over when their children struggled predicted poorer cognitive development. In an educational context, controlling behaviors may hinder children's intellectual development by decreasing children's motivation (Grolnick & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref105">27</reflink>]) as well as by preventing them from learning from their mistakes and developing problem-solving strategies (Dawson & Guare, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref106">23</reflink>]; Piaget, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref107">52</reflink>]). Given findings from Objective 2 indicating longitudinal associations between maternal histories of childhood aggression and social withdrawal and maternal taking over, these results point to one way in which the intergenerational transfer of risk may occur. Specifically, they suggest that maladaptive or suboptimal parenting during educational activities could in part explain associations between parental behavior problems or psychopathology and decreased cognitive and academic abilities in their children (Hay et al., [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref108">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>Neutral acknowledgments are a type of maternal behavior that, to our knowledge, has previously never been measured as a response to child success; yet they seem to be a particularly adaptive type of response, suggesting that mere parental monitoring and communication of child performance supports cognitive development. This may be because this type of response offers the child important task-related information: notably, that they are on the right track and should continue working in a similar way (Hattie & Timperley, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref109">31</reflink>]). Although praise was recorded immediately after children's successful attempts, it may not have always been perceived by the preschoolers as directly contingent on their specific task behaviors. This result is also in line with training programs for parents of disruptive children, which endorse the use of verbal behavioral descriptions of children's actions. These statements help maintain children's engagement in their activities and demonstrate to them that their parents are attending to their behavior (Barkley, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref110">6</reflink>]; McNeil & Hembree-Kigin, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref111">48</reflink>]). Similarly, parental involvement in children's education is associated with increased achievement insofar as it teaches children positive attitudes toward learning and enhances their self-efficacy (Hill & Tyson, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref112">34</reflink>]; Kingdon et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref113">40</reflink>]). Neutral acknowledgments may communicate to the child that their task behavior is worth their mothers' attention, which could increase their interest in and motivation toward learning opportunities (Ainley, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref114">2</reflink>]). Thus, our finding suggests an important way that parents can promote their children's cognitive development without using praise.</p> <p>Finally, children whose mothers offered more encouragement or help and took over less had greater reading abilities at ages 6–11 years. Indeed, these are important aspects of autonomy supportive and controlling parenting, respectively. Autonomy support predicts greater academic skills in children (Joussemet et al., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref115">37</reflink>]), likely by promoting intrinsic motivation (Grolnick & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref116">27</reflink>]) and persistence (Hokoda & Fincham, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref117">35</reflink>]), which are expected to lead to opportunities for enhanced learning. Offering encouragement and help scaffolds children's learning by encouraging their independence and giving tips when needed without taking control of the task. In doing so, parents support their children's autonomy while also providing helpful feedback (Grolnick & Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref118">27</reflink>]; Hattie & Timperley, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref119">31</reflink>]). Results from this study were the first to demonstrate that autonomy supportive behaviors that occur in direct response to children's performance over the course of an educational activity are associated with greater academic and cognitive abilities several years later. Thus, these findings support the tenets of SDT while also extending them by demonstrating long-term positive effects of autonomy supportive parenting in a novel context.</p> <p>Interestingly, person versus process praise did not differentially predict children's cognitive and academic outcomes. Although experimental studies have found process praise to be more beneficial than person praise (e.g., Kamins & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref120">39</reflink>]), results from naturalistic studies have been mixed (Gunderson et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref121">28</reflink>]; Pomerantz & Kempner, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref122">54</reflink>]). Further, results from Henderlong Corpus and Lepper ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref123">33</reflink>]) suggest that younger children are less susceptible to the subtle differences in praise: though person and process praise had opposite effects on school-age children's motivation, preschool-age children showed enhanced motivation in response to all forms of praise. Together with the findings from the present study, this suggests that preschool-age children might lack the cognitive sophistication required to make causal inferences based on slight linguistic differences. Thus, our results may help demarcate some limits of Dweck and colleagues' (e.g., Kamins & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref124">39</reflink>]; Haimovitz & Dweck, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref125">29</reflink>]) theory on the differential effects of praise. Specifically, at the preschool age, it appears that monitoring children's progress and neutrally acknowledging their successes are more beneficial, likely due to the increased specificity in feedback relative to both forms of praise (Burnett & Mandel, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref126">16</reflink>]; Hattie & Timperley, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref127">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>The results from the present study indicate several directions for future research. First, it will be important to explore the context specificity of maternal responses. For instance, mothers impose more control on their children's tasks when the pressure to succeed is greater (Grolnick, Gurland, DeCourcey, & Jacob, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref128">26</reflink>]). As no specific instructions were given in the present study concerning the importance of completing the puzzles, the perceived pressure likely differed across dyads. Second, results suggest that maternal responses are associated with their perceptions of their child. Future studies should examine the mechanisms through which this occurs. For example, were the associations between maternal ratings of child difficultness and responses due to their beliefs about their children's needs, or because some children reacted more negatively to other maternal behaviors? In addition, children may be differentially influenced by parenting behaviors. Ng, Kenney‐Benson, and Pomerantz ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref129">50</reflink>]) found that lower achieving children benefited more from autonomy-supportive parenting during challenging tasks than higher achieving children. Similarly, Brummelman, Thomaes, Orobio de Castro, Overbeek, and Bushman ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref130">13</reflink>]) reported that inflated praise increased challenge seeking in children with high self-esteem but had the opposite effect on children with low self-esteem. Methodologies that account for bidirectional influences between mothers and children would help elucidate these findings.</p> <p>The important contributions of the present study should be considered in light of certain limitations. First, child behaviors were restricted to successful and unsuccessful attempts. Measuring responses to a wider range of child behaviors, such as bids for help or statements of self-efficacy, could have allowed for a broader perspective. Further, the operationalization of discouragement may require additional specificity. This code was meant to capture responses that discouraged perseverance, but its positive association with maternal education and its lack of prediction of child outcomes suggest that it may require a narrower breakdown. In addition, although mothers remain the primary caregivers in most households, including fathers' responses to child performance would be important and should be considered in future research. Lastly, this study found important longitudinal and cross-sectional associations between variables at multiple levels of the child's environment and both mothers' responses to their success and struggle as well as children's cognitive development over time. Still, it is clear that many other factors also influence how mothers respond to their children (e.g., personality, mood) as well as children's cognitive and academic abilities (e.g., genetics, prenatal nutrition). Future research will allow for a more comprehensive understanding of the specific role that each of these factors play in predicting parenting and child development.</p> <p>Results from the present study make a number of significant contributions to the literature on mothers' responses to children's success and struggle and their role in influencing children's cognitive and academic abilities. In line with BT, results pointed to variables at multiple levels of the child's environment that are associated with parenting behaviors in the context of children's educational activities. Identifying these crucial factors will help target parents who are at risk of responding in maladaptive or suboptimal ways, which in turn could impede on their children's readiness for school. Indeed, longitudinal findings showed that children whose mothers limited their use of controlling behaviors, and instead encouraged them, offered tips, or monitored their progress in a neutral fashion, showed higher cognitive and academic abilities years later. These results support the tenets of SDT while extending beyond them, by demonstrating that each interaction during the course of an educational activity matters in the long term. By monitoring and supporting their children throughout their learning experiences, while respecting their autonomy, parents can help children develop their academic and their intellectual abilities. Together, our findings can inform interventions aimed at supporting disadvantaged families and at-risk parents in their efforts to help their children prepare for educational success. As parents are children's earliest educators, helping all parents provide the best learning environments for their children is an important way to foster school readiness and academic success.</p> <hd id="AN0137286109-30">Acknowledgments</hd> <p>This research was conducted at the Centre for Research in Human Development and Department of Psychology at Concordia University. The Concordia Longitudinal Risk Project originated in 1976 under the direction of Jane Ledingham and Alex E. Schwartzman and is currently directed by Lisa A. Serbin and Dale M. Stack. We would like to thank Kathleen Kennedy-Turner for her assistance with coding. We also wish to extend our gratitude to Claude Senneville and the Concordia Project team for their assistance in data collection and analysis, as well as Joelle Belisle-Cuillerier and Catherine Delisle for their help with manuscript preparation. Finally, we are most indebted to the participants in the study.</p> <ref id="AN0137286109-31"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref74" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Abidin, R. R. (1995). Parenting Stress Index (3rd ed.). Odessa, FL : Psychological Assessment Resources.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref114" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Ainley, M. (2006). Connecting with learning: Motivation, affect and cognition in interest processes. Educational Psychology Review, 18 (4), 391 – 405. doi: 10.1007/s10648-006-9033-0</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref37" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Armor, D. (2017). 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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Maternal Socialization Responses to Preschoolers' Success and Struggle: Links to Contextual Factors and Academic and Cognitive Outcomes
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Ferrar%2C+Saskia+J%2E%22">Ferrar, Saskia J.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Stack%2C+Dale+M%2E%22">Stack, Dale M.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Dickson%2C+Daniel+J%2E%22">Dickson, Daniel J.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Serbin%2C+Lisa+A%2E%22">Serbin, Lisa A.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Ledingham%2C+Jane%22">Ledingham, Jane</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Schwartzman%2C+Alex+E%2E%22">Schwartzman, Alex E.</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Research+in+Childhood+Education%22"><i>Journal of Research in Childhood Education</i></searchLink>. 2019 33(3):363-381.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 19
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2019
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Early+Childhood+Education%22">Early Childhood Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mothers%22">Mothers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Socialization%22">Socialization</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Preschool+Children%22">Preschool Children</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Success%22">Success</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Context+Effect%22">Context Effect</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Academic+Achievement%22">Academic Achievement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cognitive+Ability%22">Cognitive Ability</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Children%22">Children</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Early+Adolescents%22">Early Adolescents</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Attitudes%22">Parent Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Influence%22">Parent Influence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parenting+Styles%22">Parenting Styles</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Early+Childhood+Education%22">Early Childhood Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cognitive+Development%22">Cognitive Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Individual+Characteristics%22">Individual Characteristics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Family+Environment%22">Family Environment</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Canada%22">Canada</searchLink>
– Name: SubjectThesaurus
  Label: Assessment and Survey Identifiers
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SU" term="%22Home+Observation+for+Measurement+of+Environment%22">Home Observation for Measurement of Environment</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="SU" term="%22Wechsler+Intelligence+Scale+for+Children%22">Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/02568543.2019.1607787
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0256-8543
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: The present study examined mothers' responses to their at-risk preschool-age children's (N = 156) successful and unsuccessful attempts during a puzzle task. Associations between mothers' responses and the children's ecological context, as well as children's cognitive and academic abilities at two subsequent time points (ages 6-11, and 9-13 years), were examined. Maternal responses to children's successful attempts included process praise, person praise, and neutral acknowledgments. Responses to unsuccessful attempts included encouragement or help, discouragement, neutral indications of mistake, or taking over. Results revealed that maternal responses were associated with child characteristics. In addition, encouragement was positively associated with the quality of the home environment, whereas taking over was positively associated with maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal. Furthermore, decreased taking over, as well as increased encouragement and neutral acknowledgments, were associated with higher child cognitive and academic abilities later on. Implications for early childhood education are discussed.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2019
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1221139
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1221139
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/02568543.2019.1607787
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 19
        StartPage: 363
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Mothers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Socialization
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Preschool Children
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Success
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Context Effect
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Academic Achievement
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Cognitive Ability
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Children
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Early Adolescents
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Influence
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parenting Styles
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Early Childhood Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Cognitive Development
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Individual Characteristics
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
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      – SubjectFull: Family Environment
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      – SubjectFull: Canada
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Home Observation for Measurement of Environment
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children
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    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Maternal Socialization Responses to Preschoolers' Success and Struggle: Links to Contextual Factors and Academic and Cognitive Outcomes
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            NameFull: Ferrar, Saskia J.
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            NameFull: Dickson, Daniel J.
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            NameFull: Serbin, Lisa A.
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            NameFull: Ledingham, Jane
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            NameFull: Schwartzman, Alex E.
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            – TitleFull: Journal of Research in Childhood Education
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