Deconstructing Supplementary Education: From the Pedagogy of the Supplement to the Unsettling of the Mainstream
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| Title: | Deconstructing Supplementary Education: From the Pedagogy of the Supplement to the Unsettling of the Mainstream |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Burman, Erica, Miles, Susie |
| Source: | Educational Review. 2020 72(1):3-22. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 20 |
| Publication Date: | 2020 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Descriptors: | Supplementary Education, Foreign Countries, Informal Education, Educational History, Community Schools, Blacks, Minority Groups, Educational Research, Research Needs |
| Geographic Terms: | United Kingdom |
| DOI: | 10.1080/00131911.2018.1480475 |
| ISSN: | 0013-1911 |
| Abstract: | Globally, the purpose of education is becoming increasingly narrowly defined. In this context, this article proposes that supplementary schooling offers a resource for re-thinking the epistemologies and processes of schooling. Drawing on Derrida's notion of "the supplement", the nature and status of this under-researched and marginal sector is interrogated from a historical perspective. Our primary focus is on educational settings established by adults from Black and minority ethnic communities in urban environments in England, which are typically focused on (and societally marked by their attention to) "language", "culture", "heritage", "identity" and, sometimes, "extra tuition". Drawing on exploratory meetings held with key players and conferences, as well as some informal observations in schools, alongside a review of international literature, we highlight the role of theory in posing "better" questions about this disparate, yet vital, sector. Specifically, we discuss how the supplementary status of these schools is produced from the outset, rather than added later, such that the designation "supplementary" fails to specify its precise relationship with formal, mainstream schooling. "Supplementary" emerges as fundamentally ambiguous, and -- within dominant discourse -- as working to suppress sociocultural features of the "mainstream", thereby highlighting the normative and exclusionary character of that mainstream. Two key issues emerge from this analysis: first, that the few commonalities across supplementary schooling provision may arise precisely because of its binary relationship with mainstream schooling; and, second, this analysis not only decentres the "settled" status of mainstream schooling, but also opens up for inquiry the diverse forms and functions of the mainstream. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2019 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1237606 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwGfS_3R6f8vfEDocE-hl-dZAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDCCag9cYPdRo_UzdkgIBEICBmzLwsCSB-ZnlSOA8NQORMZ5edBExXHNZPrSAxxDI7SD4IYWIyZWYCToF16XEf33MYoyZdN_q7jh9NhyB8JHqM9xJXD2MW4rJoAnnu7-bfc1VT5MD4xo6xWe1arqIQk1Hkl_21rJeXv_aUUHFM-HQzFhdpL2Xhx5QNwlw9Vz5FWS_bm6J1xmqA2YH8zMTsUgdIoCUERlqph51L4nb Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0140429335;edi01jan.20;2019Dec20.04:53;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0140429335-1">Deconstructing supplementary education: from the pedagogy of the supplement to the unsettling of the mainstream </title> <p>Globally, the purpose of education is becoming increasingly narrowly defined. In this context, this article proposes that supplementary schooling offers a resource for re-thinking the epistemologies and processes of schooling. Drawing on Derrida's notion of "the supplement", the nature and status of this under-researched and marginal sector is interrogated from a historical perspective. Our primary focus is on educational settings established by adults from Black and minority ethnic communities in urban environments in England, which are typically focused on (and societally marked by their attention to) "language", "culture", "heritage", "identity" and, sometimes, "extra tuition". Drawing on exploratory meetings held with key players and conferences, as well as some informal observations in schools, alongside a review of international literature, we highlight the role of theory in posing "better" questions about this disparate, yet vital, sector. Specifically, we discuss how the supplementary status of these schools is produced from the outset, rather than added later, such that the designation "supplementary" fails to specify its precise relationship with formal, mainstream schooling. "Supplementary" emerges as fundamentally ambiguous, and – within dominant discourse – as working to suppress sociocultural features of the "mainstream", thereby highlighting the normative and exclusionary character of that mainstream. Two key issues emerge from this analysis: first, that the few commonalities across supplementary schooling provision may arise precisely because of its binary relationship with mainstream schooling; and, second, this analysis not only decentres the "settled" status of mainstream schooling, but also opens up for inquiry the diverse forms and functions of the mainstream.</p> <p>Keywords: Schooling; Derrida; Black; Asian and minority ethnic communities; cultural heritage; racism; resistance</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Our thesis is that supplementary schools are as old as schooling. The subset on which we focus in this paper include community-organised and culture-focused forms of "out of hours" educational provision, many of which – although informal in origin – are now assuming various levels of formalisation. We are taking "culture" here in its broadest sense to include political as well as religious, linguistic and national heritages. Sustaining this thesis involves both conceptual and historical inquiry, and questioning the perceived and named ("supplementary" vs "mainstream") relationship between these two schooling sectors.</p> <p>As an analytical framework, we draw on Derrida's ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref1">22</reflink>]) method of deconstruction, specifically his notion of "the supplement", to inform this analysis, and to critically interrogate the language used to position the supplementary nature of these "other" marginal educational spaces. We use this to consider their relationship with the formal sector in a way that avoids homogenising them, and instead appreciates their distinctive differences. This theory is used as a way to enrich and reconceptualise definitions and understandings that come to inform debates on educational provision and practice (taking education here as the broader project of enabling learning, and schooling as one of various designated institutional arenas in which education of children is supposed to take place). We propose that this conceptual intervention may enable reconsideration, not only of the cultural-politics of mainstream schooling (that is, the daytime schools in which children spend more than 15,000 hours, as Rutter et al. ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref2">44</reflink>]) evocatively noted), but that this also ushers in exciting new research agendas and possibilities for fruitful alliances and mutual learning between these two sectors.</p> <p>Taking the UK as our primary focus, this article aims to explore in what ways supplementary schooling – i.e. volunteer-run, community-based schools – supplement the mainstream. In answering this question, we interrogate the practice of informal education, as offered to school-age children and young people by the subset of supplementary schools defined above. We also examine its positioning in relation to formal educational settings. Williams ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref3">55</reflink>]) and Gerrard ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref4">27</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref5">28</reflink>]) have taken historical examples to explore the complexity and contested character of the relationships between formal and informal, and non-formal and formal education. Here, however, we draw on such analyses to argue that to define the informal sector solely in relation to the formal sector (i.e. as supplementary) is to miss some key points. Our account moves between analytical exploration and connection with available literature to indicate research applications. We also draw on perspectives emerging from our own local engagements, as indicative of issues demanding further investigation. From this philosophically informed approach, we suggest that this longstanding but marginalised set of educational practices and provisions can teach us about the scope and limits of understandings of education and, in particular, of "mainstream" formal education.</p> <p>In interrogating the complex (and often invisible) history, context, practice and status of supplementary schools, alongside reviewing the literature, we draw upon our experiences over the past four years of attending and organising meetings and workshops with and for supplementary school teachers and their networks, both locally and nationally, including observing and discussing lessons with staff. Our involvement began with a direct request from a Black community leader for support and expertise in training teachers, and for the promotion of recognition of this sector. This has led to the introduction of supplementary education into the curriculum of undergraduate and postgraduate courses at the university, and engagement with the City Council over the dilemmas staff face in their quality assurance role of formally registering and monitoring safeguarding processes in supplementary schools.</p> <p>It should be noted that the National Resource Centre on Supplementary Education (NRCSE), a small charitable organisation based in London, is the only organisation which provides information, support and advice nationally and administers an award system of bronze, silver and gold awards. Schools are encouraged to work towards these awards in order to increase their credibility, raise standards of teaching and learning, ensure the health and safety of the children, and to be able to raise funds. Yet the cost of applying for these awards is considerable. Both the schools and Local Authorities (LAs) are caught in a dilemma – increased pressure from central government to improve safeguarding alongside heightened political surveillance, both of council practice and of these "unregistered schools (Department for Education [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref6">20</reflink>]). This is on top of pressures to manage in "borrowed spaces" (Kenner and Ruby [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref7">35</reflink>], 520) with minimal resources on a voluntary basis. Furthermore, levels of support and monitoring provided by LAs should be noted as varying considerably around the country – a matter which is under-researched in itself. For example, Manchester City Council seems to provide more support to supplementary schools than other northern cities.</p> <p>Contested histories of the relationships between and positioning of the formal sector and informal community-based supplementary schools are discussed. To clarify, our interest here is not to evaluate specific schools or forms of schooling, but to identify the multiple agendas and dynamics at issue. With this increased analytical clarity, and our suggestions for a new research agenda, these educational practices can be investigated outside the dominant frame of pathologisation and regulation.</p> <p>We argue that attending to supplementary educational provision promotes critical reflection on implicit hidden norms inscribed within mainstream educational practices that can destabilise the normalizing claims of formal education. It can also offer resources to resist or undo the dynamic of homogenisation that threatens to regulate the diversity and vitality of this creative, community-organised and (sometimes) entrepreneurial educational sector. It does this through the chain of deferral or <emph>differance</emph> – Derrida's term that puts into play, and so links, notions of socio-spatial difference and temporal delay – indicated by <emph>supplementarity</emph>. As we will discuss, terminology in this field is contested. We have chosen here to refer primarily to "supplementary" schooling and education (taking schooling and education as related, though not identical, projects).</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-3">The complexity of the supplementary education sector</hd> <p>Supplementary schooling can be seen as connecting three areas of locally relevant and internationally significant research: out-of-hours learning (Dyson [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref8">24</reflink>]), cultural affirmation (Andrews [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref9">3</reflink>]) and community capacity-building (Kerr and Dyson [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref10">36</reflink>]). Gordon ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref11">30</reflink>]) defines supplementary educational provision "as the formal and informal learning and developmental enrichment opportunities provided for students outside of school and beyond the regular school day or year" (<reflink idref="bib329" id="ref12">329</reflink>). In international educational debates the field of supplementary education is generally understood to be about "private tutoring", or other forms of "out of hours" learning designed to support and promote children's academic achievement, often purchased by middle class or affluent parents. Yet, even within this restricted understanding, important differences remain in both form (state, market or non-profit) and in organisational logic according to whether they are seen as competing with, supporting or transforming mainstream education (Aurini and Davies [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref13">4</reflink>]). In terms of educational focus, they cover a range of explicit interventions, such as "academic tutoring", "study skills" and "guidance services", and implicitly promote "parental modeling" and "indigenous and hegemonic acculturalization" (Bridglall, Green, and Mejia [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref14">9</reflink>], 153).</p> <p>Even within the subset of minority community-organised, informal educational provision that forms our focus, "supplementary schooling" encompasses a diverse range of educational settings and approaches to learning and teaching, including language, faith, culture, "self-esteem/resilience" activities, core curriculum subjects, and exam preparation. The language used to describe supplementary forms of education is also diverse. Supplementary education has been said to include "... Saturday schools, home schooling, extra tuition, homework clubs, breakfast clubs, and other varieties of non-mainstream education" (Clennon [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref15">13</reflink>], 54). We also include religious out of hours schooling, the most well known being Sunday schools for Christians, Cheder for Jews, and Madrassas or Koranic schools for Muslims. The literature contains descriptors such as, "alternative", "additional", "out of hours", "part-time" and "extended" – and more recently (within mainstream media and policy) "unregulated" and "illegal" to which we will return later. While various forms of extended schooling emerged in the 2000s, in response to concerns to tackle poverty and disadvantage (DfES [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref16">21</reflink>]; Dyson [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref17">24</reflink>]), in this article we focus on community, rather than state-provided, out of hours schooling.</p> <p>It is estimated that there are 3–5000 supplementary schools in England, and that up to 18% of children and young people from Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) backgrounds attend supplementary schools (Evans and Gillan-Thomas [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref18">25</reflink>]). Research evidence is, however, sparse. Strand ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref19">49</reflink>]) asserts that this little understood and undervalued sector has been neglected by researchers and overlooked by policy makers, and that "no large-scale quantitative studies and no previous research" (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref20">1</reflink>) had been conducted at national level. His own study, the first of its kind, involved 772 pupils attending 63 supplementary schools in Birmingham, Bristol, London and Manchester. Key issues identified were that the levels of educational disadvantage experienced by supplementary school learners were well above the national average; 84% received help with their mainstream school work; and the learners had more positive attitudes towards their supplementary schools than to the mainstream schools they attended (Strand [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref21">49</reflink>]).</p> <p>Francis, Archer, and Mau ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref22">26</reflink>]) use the term "complementary education" to refer specifically to schools where language teaching is the primary purpose. In this sense, language teaching is conceptualised as "complementary" to the mainstream curriculum. Issa and Williams ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref23">33</reflink>], 14) argue that, "Government support for complementary schools started in the 1970s following an EEC declaration supporting the maintenance of mother tongue languages of migrant children [and was considered necessary] for the case of eventual return to the country of origin".</p> <p>By contrast, the curriculum in Black supplementary schools tends to be seen as being "more directly supplementary to mainstream schooling" (Francis, Archer, and Mau [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref24">26</reflink>], 536). The John Lyons Charity ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref25">34</reflink>]) asserted, for example, that supplementary schools provide: "targeted educational support from a shared cultural and/or linguistic perspective" [and] "dedicated and hard-working role models from their own cultural backgrounds" (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref26">3</reflink>), and that they focus on cultural engagement; engaging parents; core-curriculum teaching; peer support; partnership with mainstream; raising aspirations; learning mother tongue; and culture of achievement. Teachers frequently complain (as we have heard often at supplementary school networking meetings) that their contribution to children's achievement in the state sector is overlooked and unappreciated.</p> <p>Commenting on the various terminologies, Newman-Turner argues that the term <emph>complementary</emph> implies a relationship to mainstream schools, whereas the term <emph>supplementary</emph> implies "...less suggestion of compatibility with mainstream schooling" ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref27">40</reflink>], 210). Our concern in this article is to better understand how and why community-based organisations are formulated as either complementing or supplementing the mainstream, a concern that takes us to enquire into the <emph>supplement</emph>.</p> <p>Supplementary schools vary considerably in size, status and resources. Kenner and Ruby ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref28">35</reflink>], 520) argue that they are "subject to a dual discrimination, since they teach undervalued languages in undervalued educational settings", and the teachers, who are mostly volunteers, "tend to work in "borrowed" spaces that belong to, or are used by, others, ranging from rooms in church halls or community centres to mainstream classrooms" (ibid, 520). Both informal and formal surveys of provision highlight how some schools pay exorbitant fees to use the buildings just on Saturdays, while others have developed more mutually respectful relationships and rent-free arrangements with sympathetic religious and educational institutions. In our own experience we are aware of generous arrangements being made between mainstream and supplementary schools which limit (or dispense with) fees to parents for attendance. Some higher education institutions waive or reduce fees for the hire of their buildings, but we still know of supplementary schools paying exorbitant fees in our locality. Whatever the arrangement, most supplementary schools occupy transient, temporary spaces (sometimes originating in people's homes, around kitchen tables, or with piecemeal funding for use of youth or community spaces) with inadequate storage facilities.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref29">1</reflink>]</p> <p>Beyond the logistical arrangements for the hire of buildings, there are some encouraging examples of mutually beneficial partnerships existing between supplementary and mainstream schools. For example, a network of six geographical "hubs" was formed in Leicester in 2012, led by head teachers of mainstream schools, with each hub typically meeting once per term. Each mainstream school provides training and support for five to six complementary schools, as well as mentoring for the managers or principals of these schools (Newman-Turner [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref30">40</reflink>]). However, the academisation of the education system, the Prevent agenda and austerity (which we prefer to conceptualise as <emph>poverty arising from welfare cuts</emph>) have been identified as threats to the effectiveness and survival of supplementary schools (Tolley [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref31">52</reflink>]). The diminished role and resources of LAs to support schools to sustain working relationships with the "mainstream" while continually improving safeguarding processes and teacher quality, constitutes a further threat. Indeed, less than 1% of the 200 supplementary schools in the London borough of Brent have achieved a quality award from the National Resource Centre for Supplementary Education (NRCSE), which involves training supplementary school staff, safeguarding and ongoing development (Tolley [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref32">52</reflink>]). This warning from a senior educational leader, who has supported and promoted supplementary education over many years, highlights prevailing pressures towards academic achievement that privilege curricular subjects over sociocultural and political education, and which militate against the dynamic impact and influence of supplementary schools in the least privileged urban communities. Indeed one of the challenges identified by supplementary school teachers at the network meetings we have attended is the difficulty in collaborating with mainstream teachers on issues such as examinations, curriculum demands, and approaches to children identified as having Special Educational Needs (SEN). Meaningful partnerships and relationships between mainstream and supplementary schools have been described by Nwulu ([<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref33">41</reflink>]) as "unproductive and fragile" (<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref34">37</reflink>) and "sporadic and difficult" (<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref35">45</reflink>). There is also a danger of supplementary school teachers being seen as "lacking expertise and qualifications", and so some partnerships are more likely to be directed by the mainstream head teachers and teachers.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-4">Tracing the history of the supplementary education "sector"</hd> <p>Supplementary education has a long and rich history in England, as internationally, but has received scant attention from educational researchers (Francis, Archer, and Mau [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref36">26</reflink>]; Strand [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref37">49</reflink>]). Variously described in the literature as "supplementary", "complementary", and even "alternative" and "informal", provision tends to be focused on particular national and religious identities (e.g. Polish school, Hebrew classes, Madrassas), and varies enormously in scale and duration from a couple of hours a week for a language class, to activities and lessons taking place at the weekends. Although diverse and inconsistent accounts of the history of supplementary schools in the UK can be found (Issa and Williams [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref38">33</reflink>]; Simon [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref39">46</reflink>]), it is generally agreed that these informal schools largely have their origins in communities migrating to the UK, and have been established to ensure "community maintenance", as well as sustaining ties to countries and cultures of origin. In recent years, supplementary schools have become actively involved in the building of settled, hybrid communities, while also embracing "new arrivals" from Syria and other countries caught up in conflict. Similar forms of schooling have been established by migrant communities in other western nations (Hall et al. [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref40">32</reflink>]), but here we focus on the UK context.</p> <p>The origins of supplementary schools in the UK can be traced back to the early 1800s, when schools were established by Russian, Irish and Italian migrants. By the late 1800s, a supplementary school for children of Chinese Dockers had been established. The chief focus of these supplementary schools has been said to be maintenance of language and cultural values (Conteh [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref41">16</reflink>]). However, following the Second World War, many more supplementary schools were formed by communities from Commonwealth countries (especially India and the West Indies), and some commentators identify the supplementary school movement from this time (Issa and Williams [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref42">33</reflink>]; Maylor et al. [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref43">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>Some schools receive funding from non-UK governments who promote diasporic/migrant populations to take national exams and maintain competence in their home language and, in some cases, home exams e.g. Saudi Arabian, Arabic and Latvian schools. Indeed, anecdotal evidence indicates that some children struggle to cope with taking exams in a range of subjects set in their home country, in addition to their mainstream school exams.</p> <p>Yet there are other cultural-political forms. While some retain official links with countries of origin, for others this makes no sense. The very designation of Black supplementary education highlights the emergence of hybrid identities (of Black British, for example) (Chevannes and Reeves [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref44">11</reflink>]). Moreover, it should be noted that some of the BAME supplementary schools, with which we have developed links through university-based academic relationships and Manchester City Council, have adopted an inclusive, community-based response to those children disadvantaged by the school system, and whose (largely working class) parents have limited knowledge of the fast-changing school curriculum (Clennon [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref45">13</reflink>]). One of these schools in particular is not exclusionary in its intake, but rather provides educational and other resources for the immediate community.</p> <p>In interpreting the project and function of supplementary schooling, it is important to attend to the diverse forms of cultural identifications at play. Gerrard's ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref46">27</reflink>]) historical study of early twentieth century British socialist Sunday schools, catering for working class children, highlights other "minority" forms organised around political, rather than cultural-religious, forms of belonging. Gerrard discusses how such examples not only extend the understanding of "cultural" identifications to include political orientations and movements, but also attest to community mobilisations that connect with current forms of youth work and provision, such as the Woodcraft Folk (Cooperative News [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref47">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although religion, language, culture and identity are intertwined, they are not of course equivalent, nor should they be essentialised – that is, treated as fixed and abstracted from cultural-political contexts of practice. It is also important to recognise that minority ethnic communities' desire to maintain their own cultural, religious and linguistic traditions through supplementary schooling does not mean that they do not recognise or value mainstream (secular) education.</p> <p>As an early example, the local history of Jewish community mobilisation in our city, Manchester, suggests that such provision was formulated <emph>in relation to and alongside</emph> mainstream education (Williams [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref48">55</reflink>]), and seems likely to have preceded the establishment of formal education for all children in the UK, in 1871. In this sense, the provision of education by the Jewish community was not temporally formulated as a supplement to the introduction of mainstream education. In fact, there is evidence that pressure from local cultural–religious communities played a part in agitating for the introduction of precisely the formal mainstream education alongside which the Jewish schools came to coexist (Williams [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref49">55</reflink>]). Such examples highlight how, as early as the mid-nineteenth century, minority ethnic communities were both invested in the project of state-provided education <emph>and</emph> in elaborating their own additional specialist provision.</p> <p>The conditions giving rise to early forms of minority community-initiated education in the UK mark them out as different from later forms – that arose precisely to combat a sense of lack or insufficiency of provision or engagement for children from particular backgrounds within mainstream schooling. However, what this historical attention offers is not only a matter of comparison across different times, but also (alongside Derridean deconstruction) a way into re-thinking the conceptualisation of the dynamic of supplementation. In particular, far from being spatially or temporally left out, or left over, the earliest community-organised schools had their origins in educational initiatives that <emph>preceded</emph> the introduction of compulsory, mainstream education. In such respects they were anterior to, and also thereby active agents in, the formation of formal education, albeit <emph>subsequently</emph> being constituted by their relationships with formal educational provision.</p> <p>These different historical moments of origination may help explicate the complexity of tasks and functions fulfilled by supplementary schools. Their role has not only been focused on cultural, linguistic or religious maintenance, but also concerned with reducing alienation from education. This is especially true of Black supplementary school movements. Indeed, their efforts to promote educational engagement have often focused on the promotion of wellbeing and positive cultural belonging. This is also, significantly, tied to explicit agendas of community advancement and social empowerment, rather than segregation (Chevannes and Reeves [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref50">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-5">Black supplementary schools</hd> <p>Amid the many forms of provision comprising the supplementary sector, Black supplementary schools stand out as having a distinct, though not uniform, identity. Dating back to the 1950s, their focus is primarily on promoting educational engagement and attainment within mainstream education through the provision of additional educational and social support to resist and counteract racism (Mirza and Reay [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref51">39</reflink>]). As early as the 1970s, analyses emerged of the ways the British school system was failing young Black pupils, especially boys (Coard [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref52">14</reflink>]; Troyna and Carrington [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref53">54</reflink>]; Wright [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref54">56</reflink>]). Chevannes and Reeves ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref55">11</reflink>]) stress the "importance of asserting Black people's control over Black children's education", of "self-help", "cultural assertiveness", "Black visibility" and "community intuitivism", asserting that the Black community knows best, while condemning the materialism of white society, and arguing for Black studies, anti-colonialism and African liberation.</p> <p>The British rapper, Akala ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref56">1</reflink>]),[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref57">2</reflink>] speaks from direct experience of growing up in London in an era when supplementary schools prioritised resisting incorporation and appropriation (Mirza and Reay [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref58">39</reflink>]), and taught the history, politics and economics of the British Empire:</p> <p>My passion for learning world history came from Pan-African Saturday School ... I was a lucky recipient of some of that knowledge. And it meant that I didn't feel inferior to what I was being taught [in mainstream school]. (Akala [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref59">1</reflink>])</p> <p>Parents and community activists typically continue to provide additional "voluntary" (Chevannes and Reeves [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref60">11</reflink>]) educational support, ranging from extra tuition on subjects such as mathematics and science, to a focus on social and emotional issues by building confidence and relationships in the context of a Black-led, affirmative environment. Black supplementary schools are mostly "self-funding, organic grassroots organisations [which provide] a space for historically racialised silenced peoples to construct knowledge" (Mirza and Reay [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref61">39</reflink>], 5). We share the view that, in collaboration with other agencies, supplementary schools "are well placed to play a pivotal role in supporting BME youth from low-income backgrounds as well as youth who are new to the country" (Nwulu [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref62">41</reflink>], 45).</p> <p>More recently, Andrews ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref63">2</reflink>], 57–58) has identified contrasting ideologies at play, between those supplementary school leaders who "seek accommodation" within the education system and those who adopt a more critical stance and question the validity of mainstream schooling. He also warns that many supplementary schools tend to focus on fixing perceived deficits in communities and families, and in individual Black children – rather than addressing racism in schools and celebrating the cultural diversity of Black people in the UK.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-6">Supplementary or central?</hd> <p>As we have outlined, one key limitation of the supplementary designation is the suppression of diversity that can arise through positioning this supplementary status as if it was unitary across these different "supplementary" contexts. Indeed (as with other specialist forms of schooling, as Thomas and Loxley [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref64">51</reflink>], highlight in relation to special education) the "supplementary" character of supplementary education is produced through being defined in relation to the mainstream.</p> <p>In a reconfigured English educational system, we argue that supplementary education lies at the interface of several competing and contested debates around privatisation, volunteering, social entrepreneurship and community responsibility, alongside securitisation anxieties (connecting child protection and counterterrorism) with the new discourse of concern over the "unregulated" and "unregistered" status of certain types of community-led initiatives (Department for Education [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref65">20</reflink>]). Rather than being on the margins, supplementary schools are, arguably, at the heart of a number of key political debates related to citizenship, "Fundamental British Values", cultural, intercultural and transnational identities and belonging; urban diversity, language and migration, voluntarism, and faith-based education. Just as Dixon-Romàn ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref66">23</reflink>]) identifies the democratic potential of supplementary education in contemporary USA, Mirza and Reay ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref67">39</reflink>], 538) recognised their potential contribution to challenge educational inequalities and marketisation, as well as control of the curriculum: "Embedded in the extremely complex and contradictory culture and social positioning of Black supplementary schools lies paradoxically one of the few challenges to individualism and free markets within the field of education."</p> <p>Ironically, the increasing fragmentation (and deregulation) of the education system through academisation (including the proliferation of new sub-types of academy), privatisation and the dismantling of local authorities' structural capacity and discursive legitimacy to support schools (Courtney [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref68">19</reflink>]), have enabled some supplementary school leaders to take advantage of government funding by becoming providers of full-time, "mainstream" free schools. At the same time, Government concerns about "unregulated schools" have led to increased regulation (Department for Education [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref69">20</reflink>]). Meanwhile, escalating concerns about child protection/safeguarding, discoursed through the trope of "grooming", now extend beyond sexual exploitation to new securitisation and surveillance agendas. Concerns about "radicalisation" and the Prevent agenda (Coppock and McGovern [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref70">18</reflink>]; O'Donnell [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref71">42</reflink>]) bring disproportionate critical media and political gaze upon minoritised and Black supplementary educational provision.</p> <p>In adopting a deconstructionist approach to understanding the nature of the supplement and supplementary schools, we aim to decentre or destabilise the binary and associated primacy implied by the terminology of "supplementary" vs. "mainstream". As Gordon, Bridglall, and Meroe ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref72">31</reflink>]) have noted, in relation to the US context, supplementary schools face certain structural and organisational dilemmas in defining their task as well as orientation: if they supplant (or replace) features of mainstream schooling this could reduce the demand for public education to make this provision, while the move towards private provision threatens to deepen the educational inequalities many schools were set up to counter. Indeed the paradoxes between individualism and the free market are not just unresolved, but scarcely even addressed in the current context, as Aurini and Davies ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref73">4</reflink>]) have empirically documented. Later, we discuss the way certain forms of private, self-organised, even "free" educational initiatives are only considered appropriate for particular (white, middle class) groups.</p> <p>Supplementary schools are outside of, and yet parallel to, the mainstream, and until the relatively recent concern with children being perceived to be at risk from extremist ideologies of various kinds, largely ignored (but see Marsh [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref74">37</reflink>]). The exemplary contribution of socially responsible, community-based volunteers, dedicated to reducing marginalisation and disaffection by supplementing their children's education through extra-curricular activities, is rarely recognised. Moreover, in some cases, this is seen as an <emph>undesirable</emph> form of active citizenship and entrepreneurship.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-7">The supplement in Derrida</hd> <p>While there is a considerable literature applying Derrida's philosophical methods and arguments of deconstruction to educational theory (e.g. Biesta [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref75">7</reflink>]; Trifonas [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref76">53</reflink>]), there is very little that connects this directly either to the conceptualisation or the practical delivery of supplementary education. In this section we outline Derrida's account of "the supplement", which is central to his arguments in <emph>Of Grammatology</emph> (Derrida [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref77">22</reflink>]), (hereafter referred to as <emph>OG</emph>), while bearing in mind the incongruities outlined above in relation to the supplementing of mainstream education. As Spivak ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref78">48</reflink>]) explains in her Translator's Preface, a "brief description of deconstructive procedure is to spot the point where a text covers up its grammatological structure" (p.lxxiii). (It is therefore "[a] reading that <emph>produces</emph> rather than <emph>protects</emph>" (Spivak, p.lxxv), disclosing otherwise hidden assumptions structured into sets of oppositions that are "...set in a violent hierarchy... To deconstruct the opposition is first... to overthrow [<emph>renverser</emph>] the hierarchy" (ibid., p.lxxvi-vii). As various educational theorists have noted, ethical-political imperatives follow from deconstruction, which we will later consider in relation to supplementary education.</p> <p>In Derrida's celebrated account, the cultural privileging of speech over writing (exemplified by Rousseau, in this instance) sets up a metaphysics of presence that is central to modern models of natural childhood that have structured education (Taylor [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref79">50</reflink>]). Or, as Derrida ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref80">22</reflink>]) puts it: "Without childhood, no supplement would ever appear in Nature. The supplement is here both humanity's good fortune and the origin of its perversion" (<reflink idref="bib147" id="ref81">147</reflink>). Just as writing is, then, positioned as supplementary to speech – the latter seen as the prototype or ideal of relationship – so also are some forms of education rendered more central, and others secondary or peripheral. That which has been rendered supplementary is thereby ambiguously related to what it supplements. Echoing the supplementary education theorists' efforts to classify and evaluate the role of such interventions (c.f. Gordon, Bridglall, and Meroe [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref82">31</reflink>]), this analysis goes beyond questions, such as whether this provision adds to, aims to substitute for, or sits alongside and so enables completion of, the implicit norm – or presence – after which it is positioned.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-8">Deconstructing the name of the supplement</hd> <p>Just as Derrida commented on the ambiguity of the position of the supplement, as already indicated, the language used to describe supplementary forms of education is diverse. Indeed, the precise nature of the perceived deficits in so-called "mainstream" education remain unspecified, and crucially ambiguous. For example, what do supplementary schools aim to make up for, and what do they feel the need to re-teach, or interpret newly? The answers to such questions carry significant ethical-political consequences with which educational researchers have engaged (Andrews, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref83">3</reflink>]; Clennon [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref84">13</reflink>]; Simon [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref85">46</reflink>]). These include questions of access, and audience, community involvement and accountability, all of which carry some tensions within the current landscape of extended education.</p> <p>The temporal and logical character of this privileging of mainstream over supplement invites critique. First, its non-normalised positioning threatens to render the supplementary contribution and content deviant (or, as in Derrida's designation, "subaltern"), as well as less important. Moreover, second, Derrida illustrates both the elusive and violent forces at play that militate against supplementary substitution instituting substantive change, or enabling completion, since it has already been designated as intrinsically lacking:</p> <p>But the supplement supplements. It adds only to replace. It intervenes or insinuates itself <emph>in</emph>-<emph>the</emph>-<emph>place</emph>-<emph>of,</emph> if it fills, it is as if one fills a void; If it represents and makes an image, it is by the anterior default of a presence. Compensatory [<emph>suppléant</emph>] and vicarious, the supplement is an adjunct, a subaltern instance which <emph>takes</emph>-<emph>(the)</emph>-<emph>place [tient</emph>-<emph>lieu</emph>]. As substitute, it is not simply added to the positivity of a presence, it produces no relief, its place is assigned in the structure by the mark of an emptiness. (Derrida [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref86">22</reflink>], 145)</p> <p>Applied to supplementary schools, this suggests that their marginal status prevents transfer of methods and agendas to the mainstream. Hence the designation of "supplementary" works precisely to confirm the normalised status of that which it is positioned to supplement (as discretionary, additional, or perhaps compensatory).</p> <p>... whether it adds or substitutes itself, the supplement is <emph>exterior</emph>, outside of the positivity to which is it super-added, alien to that which, in order to replace it, must be other than it. (ibid, 145)</p> <p>Yet what Derrida goes on to show is how this <emph>exteriority</emph> has in fact been produced by virtue of suppressing acknowledgement of the impossibility of the very fullness of meaning (or what he calls "presence") that the supplement then retroactively guarantees. This analysis of how lack, or constitutive absence, in fact inhabits presence deconstructs the supplementary in and of education.</p> <p>The challenges and alternatives posed by supplementary schools have of course long been recognised. As Mirza and Reay ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref87">39</reflink>], 5) highlighted: "Black supplementary schools are similarly grounded in definitions of difference that attempt to resist incorporation and appropriation by providing a space for historically racialised silenced peoples to construct knowledge". But they also acknowledge their necessarily marginal position – as sites of refusal and dissidence:</p> <p>Thus it can be argued, in opposition to those who suggest Black struggles for educational opportunities are too fragile, defensive, and powerless to constitute stable forms of political action (Gilroy [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref88">29</reflink>], p.230), that Black supplementary schools as political, social and symbolic sites of refusal and transformation of meaning form the genesis of a new social movement. (Mirza and Reay [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref89">39</reflink>], 538)</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-9">Deconstructing the supplement in education</hd> <p>Derrida's discussion of the logic of the supplement was explicitly formulated as a critique of Western education, generated from his close analysis of the autobiographical account, as well as philosophical claims, elaborated by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the originator of modern western educational philosophy including child-centred educational approaches. As Trifonas ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref90">53</reflink>]) points out, however, this approach also instituted two other key features that are especially relevant to the rationale for supplementary education: first, it installed a model of universal human development that presumed both teleology and progress, at the expense of attending to, and equally valuing, difference and diversity. Second, this harked back to an earlier mythic time of social harmony and uniformity:</p> <p>That is, the mythical epoch of a democratic community before originary difference and the alterity of the supplement. The vision is truly romantic and utopian. It details the beginnings of an archaeology of teaching and learning that must always be looking backwards as it looks forward to (re)construct the conditions for achieving a sentimental education, a pedagogy before supplementarity or the fall of human beings from a state of perfectability within nature. (Trifonas [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref91">53</reflink>], 251)</p> <p>Crucially, this process also installs a logic of (self) identity and progress. This not only normalises development, privileging some trajectories over others (Burman [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref92">10</reflink>]), it also – crucially - elaborates a notion of community without difference. Hence alterity, otherness and difference are excluded, in this sense rendered supplementary, and by virtue of this only a <emph>homogeneous</emph> community is portrayed as able to function as a guarantor of democracy. Trifonas clarifies the links with universal educational provision and practices: "...the logic of the supplement is without doubt the primary theme of all education and grounds the rationale of the formal structure of pedagogical institutions and the institution of pedagogy" (Trifonas [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref93">53</reflink>], 248). Hence what Trifonas calls "the pedagogy of the supplement" is western education as we know it. Unknowingly premised on a repudiation of an originary and irreconcilable difference, it wilfully overlooks or at best acknowledges by designating difference or otherness in a repudiated or stigmatised form, that "entrenches a pedagogy bent on mobilizing a vision of the natural progression of human beings along a history of the West" (Trifonas [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref94">53</reflink>], 249). Since the logic of the supplement is what secures the dominant educational order, with its corresponding meaning systems, this exemplifies the need for deconstruction:</p> <p>Deconstruction can help us to understand how a pedagogy of the supplement produces through itself the (de)limitations of its own excesses that permeate the scene of teaching and exposes the curious folly of its obsessions and contradictions. Rousseau was blind to this fact: we must not be. (Trifonas [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref95">53</reflink>], 261)</p> <p>Not only does deconstruction return ethics to the forefront of educational debate, but this ethical dimension is intrinsically allied to questions of social justice and diversity, to:</p> <p>... a vision of pedagogy that is inclusive because it has no definitive limits and is open to the Other through a self-questioning of the ground of its knowledge, the foundation of its authority, and the conditions of its possibility and impossibility to be just. (Trifonas [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref96">53</reflink>], 263)</p> <p>Once again, such possibilities have been identified in the research literature: "Black supplementary schools propose new "cosmologies" or "values" which enter into the ethical identities of others through the women's reworking of the notion of community" (Mirza and Reay [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref97">39</reflink>], 538).</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-10">Derrida and supplementary schooling</hd> <p>Attending to the logic of the supplement, therefore, prompts interrogation of the conceptual underpinnings of the role and regime of schooling within modern state apparatuses. Deconstructing this logic offers vital interpretative resources for destabilizing the truth claims and certainties structuring dominant educational discourse. Given both the resonance of terms, and consonance of topics, it is perhaps surprising that Derridean discussions of the dynamics of supplementarity have not figured explicitly within supplementary education debates. In part this may be because of subdisciplinary divisions (between philosophy or sociology, and policy or curricular studies, for example), or due to different methodological paradigms and priorities of activist, social justice-informed research engagements in this area. Certainly, it is noteworthy that most literature on supplementary schools is practice-oriented, rather than theoretically focused. Nevertheless, Trifonas ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref98">53</reflink>]) claims of deconstruction's potential to undo, or reveal, the marking of culture as (only?) attached to the supplement, highlights the culturally arbitrary, but also located, character of naturalised norms. In this way, it comes close to arguments about the marking and unmarking of cultural differences as they are structured into the debates about what makes this form of education supplementary.</p> <p>The only paper that we could find which also connects the two domains is Dixon-Romàn ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref99">23</reflink>]), who draws on Derrida, but also on Bourdieu, Foucault and the discourse theory of Laclau, to address the problematic nature of supplementary education. He mobilises these frameworks to address what he calls the "economy of difference" or the (re)production of power and privilege. Dixon-Romàn ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref100">23</reflink>]) does not, however, address the logic of the supplement to consider the case of supplementary education, but rather focuses on one of the analytical tropes on which Derrida's analysis of the supplement also relies: the play and interplay between notions of difference and <emph>différance</emph>. Deriving from the verb to differentiate, these terms import temporal-spatial considerations: what is deferred (positioned as later) is rendered different, and eventually deviant. In Badiou's ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref101">6</reflink>], 137) account</p> <p>difference... a single term that can activate the being/existent distinction in its vanishing point.... Derrida puts to flight what remains of a metaphysical opposition in the being/existent difference in such a way that we grasp difference, as such, in its act. And difference in action is obviously that which stands at the vanishing point of any opposition between being and existent, that which cannot in in any sense be reducted to the figure of that opposition.</p> <p>Applied to the educational arena:</p> <p>This temporal differential, in part produces difference and disguises through repetition that which is deferred. Those forces which produced difference defer total or complete presence of or reference to the economy of difference in educational difference. Thus the deferred presence of the economy of difference enables differences in education to become taken for granted, legitimated traces of the symbolic structure of power. (Dixon-Román [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref102">23</reflink>], 99)</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-11">The production of educational difference</hd> <p>What underlies this process is a cultural logic that hierarchizes bodies based on constructed difference through processes of socially constructed categories, stigmatization, xenophobia, exclusion and marginalization. This economy of difference is that point of convergence (différence) that produces other forms of difference, particularly educational difference. (Dixon-Román [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref103">23</reflink>], 96)</p> <p>It is worth recalling that a felt sense of differential attainment between majority and minority schoolchildren is a key motivator for setting up supplementary schools (Evans and Gillan-Thomas [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref104">25</reflink>]). Indeed, the global intensification of supplementary education (Aurini, Davies, and Dierkes [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref105">5</reflink>]), in its wider sense of private tuition after school, stands in stark contrast to the marginal (independent, voluntary) status of most supplementary schools in England. Clearly, here the supplementary status is one that is deemed to add to mainstream achievement rather than offer a different educational project. "Shadow education", the term used to describe the burgeoning supplementary education market in east Asia, (Bray and Lykins [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref106">8</reflink>]) constitutes a lucrative business which contributes to the project of mainstream school achievement, while exploiting parent insecurity. It is for this reason that Gordon, Bridglall, and Meroe ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref107">31</reflink>]) claim that "privatisation is not the answer" to the challenge of resourcing supplementary schools (<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref108">83</reflink>).</p> <p>Indeed, the rapid growth of private tutoring in the UK context is indicative of this global trend, and many well established supplementary schools are increasingly responding to parental pressures and demands for exam-oriented education, such as tutoring for the 11-plus exam. This stands in contrast to the original purpose of supplementary schools which was to promote cultural affirmation and resist racism, and is indicative of an intensely competitive context, in which some parents choose to purchase a range of extra-curricular activities to advantage their children (Southgate [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref109">47</reflink>]). Aurini, Davies, and Dierkes ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref110">5</reflink>], xxi) goes so far as to describe this as an educational "arms' race" which "can equalise educational opportunity by providing extra support to disadvantaged children or it can deepen educational inequality by providing a market-based resource for advantaged children".</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-12">Beyond the attainment gap</hd> <p>Clearly, practices of cultural maintenance or support do not have a zero-sum relation with greater "success" in mainstream school. Drawing on Laclau, Dixon-Román's ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref111">23</reflink>]) particular focus is what he calls the "empty signifier of the "achievement gap" ... [which] suppresses difference even as it reproduces it" (p.100). While Dixon-Romàn portrays Bourdieu as too determinist in his analyses of habitus and cultural reproduction, he is nevertheless concerned with the role of education in reproducing inequality, in particular focusing on how "heritage" or minoritised cultural differences are represented. He suggests that the "achievement gap" discourse works to suppress the underlying social antagonisms at play, such that it also "symbolically legitimates the hierarchical structure of education and system of meritocracy as well as cloaks the produced culture of poverty and the rhetoric of social pathology" (Dixon-Román [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref112">23</reflink>], 98). He applies Derrida's notion of "the gift" to offer a reading of the way notions of heritage function in relation to supplementary education. Reviewing how Derrida highlights the double injunction of choice, such that it is not really a choice, he highlights how inheritance can never be fully or completely assumed, rather it can only be imperfectly ("unfaithfully") appropriated as "a trace of heritage and the symbolic structure of difference". Inheritance, then, becomes "a marker of the deferred presence of what was, as well as deferring the presence of what is to come" (Dixon-Román [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref113">23</reflink>], 105).</p> <p>We find these comments useful to interpret the current role and status of supplementary schooling. We would also claim the need for an intersectional approach (Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref114">12</reflink>]; Collins [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref115">15</reflink>]) that attends to the complex interweavings of racialised and gendered positionings with class, which of course also coincide with generational histories of migration.</p> <p>To summarise our argument so far, what such philosophical accounts offer are, first, a critique of the reproduction of normalisation and the hierarchisation of difference via the deconstruction of what is left over, or rendered supplementary to mainstream education. Second, "supplementary education" is positioned as other, or different from education, through imperfect notions of (cultural, linguistic) heritage – with the populations so qualified also typically institutionalised as lacking through such descriptions as "the attainment gap". Dixon-Romàn's analysis also highlights the need to keep open the instability of notions of heritage as a strategy to resist other incipient normalisations, and as a key challenge for "democratic community-embedded supplementary education" ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref116">23</reflink>], 109). Such arguments are useful to support analyses and research questions that avoid both reifying and essentializing cultural practices and also homogenizing the diverse forms of supplementary schooling.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-13">Research possibilities</hd> <p>Our narrative has alternated between our conceptual analysis of the dynamics of supplementarity and a review of current understandings of the role and diverse forms of supplementary education. It has focused on definitions – including cultural –linguistic and policy-related values - explicit or implicit, present or constituted - that, in Derridean terms, indicate an as yet unspecified absence that the supplementary status signifies. This Derridean analysis has been elaborated to help explain various significant analytical occlusions, or areas and topics that have been overlooked by virtue of the dominant conceptual framing. Provision and practice consequences arising from such occlusions can now be analysed and redressed. From this, and informed also by our current and ongoing research and practice partnerships with supplementary school providers, in the rest of this article we identify some empirical research agendas for, and with, supplementary schools. Our aim is to better recognise their pedagogical and educational potential, alongside the new and overlooked perspectives they bring to the field of schooling, and education in general.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-14">Learner experience</hd> <p>Applied practically, children and young people from minority ethnic communities move between their mainstream and supplementary schools, sometimes on a daily basis, yet little is known about their experience. The women in Mirza and Reay's ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref117">39</reflink>]) study reported being motivated by their own experience as children, and the desire to challenge the Government's view of their community, but they do not comment on the experience of attending both types of schools. There is some literature that examines children's experiences of supplementary schools, but little has been done to make sense of the combined experience of both formal and informal education – from both adults' and children's perspectives.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-15">Learner and teacher effects</hd> <p>Several studies have indicated improved self-esteem and academic achievement as a result of attending supplementary schools, yet there have been few in-depth case studies conducted to explore the experiences of the many stakeholders involved in such community-based provision. The time seems right for a research agenda that enables a greater recognition and more equal exchange between mainstream and supplementary schools.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-16">The diminishing role of local authorities</hd> <p>In current economic conditions, it seems unlikely that local authorities will prioritise resources to build relationships with, or promote recognition between, mainstream and supplementary schools, and still less likely that they will set up hubs, as happened in Leicester (Newman-Turner [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref118">40</reflink>]). Ongoing cuts to school budgets and the increasing fragmentation of the education system have contributed to the reduction in support which local authorities are now able to provide to the supplementary school sector. Yet local authorities are the only remaining structure with overall responsibility for children's well being.</p> <p>Notwithstanding the de-regulation of mainstream schooling, we consider that local authorities can and should retain a coordinating and communication role both between mainstream and supplementary provision, and between the various supplementary schools (beyond merely ensuring and ratifying safeguarding documentation). The different practices adopted across LAs could form an important research focus.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-17">Gender</hd> <p>It is estimated that 40% of supplementary schools are entirely dependent upon volunteers (John Lyons Charity [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref119">34</reflink>]), and it is evident that women play a particularly vital role. Although the literature does not have a strong focus on gender politics in supplementary schools, Mirza and Reay ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref120">39</reflink>], 537–8) have provided a rich narrative of the particular role of Black women in four Saturday schools: "These Black supplementary schools are sites of female collective action, engaged in covert yet radical acts of social transformation which challenge the dominant codes and expectations that hegemonic white-dominated societies have of Black people". Yet in our experience, the explicit involvement of Black men as positive role models within Saturday schools is also worthy of attention.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-18">Class</hd> <p>While much current supplementary provision has arisen out of a sense of critique, contestation or insufficiency of the mainstream (in particular the Black supplementary schools), there remains a strong commitment to educational access and success. Historically, a strong class-consciousness, as well as community orientation, informed the supplementary schooling sector; yet with recent patterns of migration changing the class composition of minority communities, this picture is changing and is worthy of study.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-19">Prevent and the British Values agenda</hd> <p>Supplementary schools have only recently been acknowledged in the media, primarily in relation to the UK's Prevent (counter-terrorism) agenda, as discussed. Madrassas have received explicit government criticism and have been described as "unregulated" in a speech by the then Prime Minister, David Cameron (Sellgren, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref121">45</reflink>]). The term "unregistered" has also now entered the government's lexicon, with concern being expressed by the Department for Education (DfE) ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref122">20</reflink>], 2) about potentially "independent" schools "operating unlawfully". In this recent policy statement, "an independent school" is defined as providing "full-time education for five or more pupils of compulsory school age, or one or more pupils who are looked after, or have a statement of SEN" (Department for Education [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref123">20</reflink>], 1). Although this policy does not apply directly to supplementary schools, this shift in language indicates heightened surveillance of undesirable entrepreneurship in education, notwithstanding new funding streams becoming available for ever more independent forms of mainstream schooling. In the context of privatisation, de-politicisation and fragmentation of the English education system (Courtney [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref124">19</reflink>]), and alongside regimes of central control and current securitisation agendas, the private entrepreneurial educational initiatives of some supplementary schools seem to be perceived as undesirable. A research agenda which documents supplementary schools' role and contribution in promoting community responsibility and resilience would be an important contribution to the sparse literature.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-20">Conclusion</hd> <p>We began by claiming the centrality of supplementary education to concerns about cultural affirmation and community capacity-building. At the same time we have recognised that the few commonalities across supplementary school provision may arise precisely because of the way they compete with, support, and potentially transform mainstream education (Aurini and Davies [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref125">4</reflink>]).</p> <p>Our contribution in this article has been, first, to bring philosophical analysis to bear upon and inform educational debates (Ruitenberg [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref126">43</reflink>]), applying the critique of the "pedagogy of the supplement" (Trifonas [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref127">53</reflink>]) to a hitherto under-researched educational context. Second, we suggest that, in doing so, this thereby also <emph>performs</emph> deconstruction in showing how attending to the marginal brings into question assumptions that were previously overlooked, in this sense doing the work of witnessing (rather than authorizing) transformation advocated by Biesta ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref128">7</reflink>]). Third – beyond, or rather by virtue of, these conceptual-methodological interventions – we indicate how such analysis necessarily engages practically and politically with the material inequalities of the "economy of difference" exemplified by the "mainstream/supplementary education" binary (Dixon-Román [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref129">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>The significance of this analysis is that it both promotes new perspectives on current educational trends and controversies and suggests new lines of analytical and empirical inquiry. We recognise that the conceptual resources we have mobilised pose more questions than they resolve; however, this is precisely our contribution. As Dixon-Román ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref130">23</reflink>], 107) comments: "The affirmation of difference in community embedded supplementary education will enable the continued struggle and challenge against the normalization and standardization of advanced capitalism and the economy of difference." We have identified some of the gaps, occlusions and preferred visibilities in the limited research available. Our suggestions for research with the supplementary education sector arise from a commitment both to better understand and to support the role of supplementary education in celebrating and supporting their distinctive and multiple practices of cultural diversity and creativity, currently under threat from increased surveillance and pressures of regularisation.</p> <hd id="AN0140429335-21">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <ref id="AN0140429335-22"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref20" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> We are grateful to Tendayi Madzunzu for initially bringing these issues to our attention, via her experience of organising a Maths Club for Zimbabwean heritage boys in Manchester.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref57" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Akala is an artist, writer and academic.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0140429335-23"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Akala. 2015. 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Deconstructing Supplementary Education: From the Pedagogy of the Supplement to the Unsettling of the Mainstream – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Burman%2C+Erica%22">Burman, Erica</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Miles%2C+Susie%22">Miles, Susie</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Educational+Review%22"><i>Educational Review</i></searchLink>. 2020 72(1):3-22. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 20 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2020 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Supplementary+Education%22">Supplementary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Informal+Education%22">Informal Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+Schools%22">Community Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Blacks%22">Blacks</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Minority+Groups%22">Minority Groups</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Research%22">Educational Research</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Research+Needs%22">Research Needs</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+Kingdom%22">United Kingdom</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/00131911.2018.1480475 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0013-1911 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Globally, the purpose of education is becoming increasingly narrowly defined. In this context, this article proposes that supplementary schooling offers a resource for re-thinking the epistemologies and processes of schooling. Drawing on Derrida's notion of "the supplement", the nature and status of this under-researched and marginal sector is interrogated from a historical perspective. Our primary focus is on educational settings established by adults from Black and minority ethnic communities in urban environments in England, which are typically focused on (and societally marked by their attention to) "language", "culture", "heritage", "identity" and, sometimes, "extra tuition". Drawing on exploratory meetings held with key players and conferences, as well as some informal observations in schools, alongside a review of international literature, we highlight the role of theory in posing "better" questions about this disparate, yet vital, sector. Specifically, we discuss how the supplementary status of these schools is produced from the outset, rather than added later, such that the designation "supplementary" fails to specify its precise relationship with formal, mainstream schooling. "Supplementary" emerges as fundamentally ambiguous, and -- within dominant discourse -- as working to suppress sociocultural features of the "mainstream", thereby highlighting the normative and exclusionary character of that mainstream. Two key issues emerge from this analysis: first, that the few commonalities across supplementary schooling provision may arise precisely because of its binary relationship with mainstream schooling; and, second, this analysis not only decentres the "settled" status of mainstream schooling, but also opens up for inquiry the diverse forms and functions of the mainstream. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2019 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1237606 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/00131911.2018.1480475 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 20 StartPage: 3 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Supplementary Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Informal Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational History Type: general – SubjectFull: Community Schools Type: general – SubjectFull: Blacks Type: general – SubjectFull: Minority Groups Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Research Type: general – SubjectFull: Research Needs Type: general – SubjectFull: United Kingdom Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Deconstructing Supplementary Education: From the Pedagogy of the Supplement to the Unsettling of the Mainstream Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Burman, Erica – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Miles, Susie IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2020 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0013-1911 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 72 – Type: issue Value: 1 Titles: – TitleFull: Educational Review Type: main |
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