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Physical Educator and/or Health Promoter? Constructing 'Healthiness' and Embodying a 'Healthy Role Model' in Secondary School Physical Education

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Title: Physical Educator and/or Health Promoter? Constructing 'Healthiness' and Embodying a 'Healthy Role Model' in Secondary School Physical Education
Language: English
Authors: Parkinson, Sam (ORCID 0000-0003-3293-8792), Burrows, Adam (ORCID 0000-0002-2922-9808)
Source: Sport, Education and Society. 2020 25(4):365-377.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 13
Publication Date: 2020
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Secondary Education
Descriptors: Physical Education Teachers, Health Promotion, Role Models, Teacher Role, Secondary School Teachers, Health Related Fitness, Foreign Countries, Health, Beliefs, Human Body, Self Concept, Professional Identity
Geographic Terms: United Kingdom (England)
DOI: 10.1080/13573322.2019.1613635
ISSN: 1357-3322
Abstract: The following sociologically orientated study explores how two physical education (PE) teachers at two secondary schools in North West England construct the notion of 'healthiness', and how this informs their health-based PE practice. The research process was influenced by figurational sociology [Elias, N. (1978). "What is sociology?" New York, NY: Columbia University Press], and the use of in-depth, reflexive interviews allowed emergent beliefs of the teachers in relation to 'healthiness' to be made evident, as contextual elements of their lived-in world surfaced. Within health-based PE, the teachers embodied a 'healthy role model' to match dominant PE discourses, whereby teachers must work on their capacity to help pupils learn, and work on their own 'healthy bodies' simultaneously. It is suggested that notions of 'healthiness' constructed by PE teachers develop within the social contexts of their personal and professional lives as complex spaces that provide dilemmas, opportunities and possibilities within which the teacher constructs, adapts and embodies a 'healthy role model' to enhance both long and short term (self) interests.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2020
Accession Number: EJ1250914
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0142848925;0uv01may.20;2020Apr24.03:05;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0142848925-1">Physical educator and/or health promoter? Constructing 'healthiness' and embodying a 'healthy role model' in secondary school physical education </title> <p>The following sociologically orientated study explores how two physical education (PE) teachers at two secondary schools in North West England construct the notion of 'healthiness', and how this informs their health-based PE practice. The research process was influenced by figurational sociology [Elias, N. (1978). What is sociology? New York, NY: Columbia University Press], and the use of in-depth, reflexive interviews allowed emergent beliefs of the teachers in relation to 'healthiness' to be made evident, as contextual elements of their lived-in world surfaced. Within health-based PE, the teachers embodied a 'healthy role model' to match dominant PE discourses, whereby teachers must work on their capacity to help pupils learn, and work on their own 'healthy bodies' simultaneously. It is suggested that notions of 'healthiness' constructed by PE teachers develop within the social contexts of their personal and professional lives as complex spaces that provide dilemmas, opportunities and possibilities within which the teacher constructs, adapts and embodies a 'healthy role model' to enhance both long and short term (self) interests.</p> <p>Keywords: Physical education; figurational sociology; health promotion; health-based physical education; constructions; embodiment</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-2">Introduction</hd> <p>The following sociologically orientated study explores how two physical education (PE) teachers at two secondary schools in North West England construct the notion of 'healthiness', and how this informs their health-based PE (HBPE) practice. This 'healthiness' was not seen as objective or structural, nor understood separately from the different meanings and significances it had for the teachers involved. As will be made clear, notions of 'healthiness', HBPE and health promotion, cover different perspectives and complex relationships that remain to be (re)defined by the teachers' experiences and practices. 'Healthiness' in this study is, therefore, (re)envisioned as a social process. It evolves with time and is part of one's social reality. Essentially, we accept that notions of 'healthiness' are an individual perception, but nonetheless believe it to be a product of social interaction.</p> <p>The motivation for the study was instigated by the orthodox assumption that health is a static, objective outcome set up by research and Government policy as something to achieve in PE (McCuaig & Quennerstedt, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref1">31</reflink>]). Such an assumption holds that PE is a suitable vehicle for health promotion amidst children and young people, due to the practical nature and opportunities it affords to promote health messages (e.g. healthy eating and regular exercise) (McKenzie, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref2">32</reflink>]). Given this reported role, discourses dominant within the HBPE sphere increasingly suggest that teachers are crucial conduits for the transmission of health messages (Webb & Quennerstedt, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref3">45</reflink>]; Webb, Quennerstedt, & Ohman, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref4">46</reflink>]). In terms of PE teachers place in health promotion, Leahy, O'Flynn, and Wright ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref5">27</reflink>]) note the emphasis placed upon individuals' responsibility both for their own and others' 'healthiness' via the acquisition of relevant health knowledge (Leahy, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref6">26</reflink>]). Consequently, many teachers feel a moral and professional imperative to embody health and are duty-bound to intervene in their pupils' health (Rich, Evans, & De Pain, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref7">37</reflink>]). Such imperatives have led them to seek justification for their 'healthiness' through the embodiment of a 'healthy role model', but this justification has been questioned by Webb and Quennerstedt ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref8">45</reflink>]).</p> <p>If one accepts the orthodox assumption of health given by the World Health Organisation ([<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref9">47</reflink>]) as a static condition, achieved by merely the absence of disease, then as Halse ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref10">23</reflink>]) notes, a 'healthy role model' is not easily defined, except by a visual judgement that 'this person' is healthier than 'that person' (Fitzpatrick, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref11">16</reflink>]). Consequently, Harris and Leggett ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref12">24</reflink>]) suggest there are conceptual confusions amid PE teachers between the notion of health, how it is promoted and in what context. This confusion is well evidenced in the literature, and Alfrey, Cale, and Webb ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref13">1</reflink>]) claim there is great concern that HBPE is poorly taught in schools and within professional development. This being the case, personal philosophies and associated underlying ideologies (Green, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref14">22</reflink>]) often influence expressions of 'healthiness' within HBPE. Such beliefs, then, should not be dismissed, rather embraced as a means with which to better understand PE teachers' lived-in world (Dowling, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref15">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>In terms of teachers' expression of 'healthiness' within schools, Penney and Evans ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref16">36</reflink>]) spoke of complex tensions and 'slippage' between HB(PE) policies and practices. This seemingly implies that notions of 'healthiness' should support the English Government's guidance on school-based health promotion, such as the National Curriculum for PE (NCPE) (Department for Education [DfE], [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref17">11</reflink>]). Consequently, there is a belief that constructs of 'healthiness' are determined by key stakeholders (policymakers, schools, etc.) and teachers are merely 'policy actors' in this complex, often contradictory policy process (Alfrey, O'Connor, & Jeanes, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref18">2</reflink>]).</p> <p>As a physically orientated learning environment, the focus in PE has now moved from managing pupils' bodies towards creating conditions for active lifestyles, whereby teachers use their own bodies as pedagogical tools to embody dominant health discourses (Webb & Quennerstedt, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref19">45</reflink>]). These body pedagogies reflect the discourse of 'healthism', where personal value is formed by perceptions of appearance (Fitzpatrick, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref20">16</reflink>]), which is seen to influence teachers' self-worth and status within PE spaces, and in broader perspectives of health promotion (Shilling, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref21">38</reflink>]). Based on this, PE scholars are urged to shine an investigative light on the regulation and discipline of (healthy) bodies through (self)surveillance mechanisms (Webb & Quennerstedt, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref22">45</reflink>]). This is particularly so when one considers the neoliberal ideals of accountability, performativity and efficiency that have imposed themselves on teachers' consciousness in recent years, whom, it seems, feel the need to perform in measurable ways (Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref23">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>Interestingly, PE teachers, despite developments towards mental health, publicly available physical activity guidelines (GOV.UK, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref24">18</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref25">19</reflink>]) and pupils' health within the NC (DfE, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref26">12</reflink>]) that broadens responsibility to other subjects, such as, Personal, Social, Health and Economic, nonetheless remain crucial in the transmission of health messages, in addition to how 'healthiness' is constructed (Webb et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref27">46</reflink>]; Webb & Quennerstedt, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref28">45</reflink>]). However, while PE teachers can and, at times, do become a 'healthy role model', research shows that health promotion can be problematic (see Cale, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref29">7</reflink>]). The way NCPE delivery impacts upon teachers' time, and the diverse, complex backgrounds of pupils, whose attitudes towards, and experiences of 'healthiness' also vary, are good examples of this.</p> <p>Incidentally, the complexities, importance and delivery of HBPE, plus Government policy processes, are well evidenced (see Cale & Harris, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref30">8</reflink>]; Penney & Evans, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref31">36</reflink>]). However, the dominant orthodox assumption of health has meant there is a notable gap in the literature in relation to PE teachers' constructions of 'healthiness', with documentation of how this informs their HBPE practice scarce indeed. At present, little has been recorded as to how teachers confront the complex task of health promotion within their schools, and what it 'looks like' for those involved. Hence, there is a great need for knowledge on the dilemmas, opportunities and possibilities associated with the construction of 'healthiness' when located in PE teachers' lived-in world.</p> <p>This study, then, aims to explore: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref32">1</reflink>) how PE teachers construct the notion of 'healthiness', (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref33">2</reflink>) the factors the influence their construction of 'healthiness', and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref34">3</reflink>) how they embody a 'healthy role model'. Its contribution to the field, lies in the potential to better understand PE teachers' lived-in world, which, it is hoped, will provide the profession with a platform to acknowledge and reinforce their beliefs and practices, or allow them to be contested (Dowling-Næss, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref35">14</reflink>]). This, in turn, may lead to more informed practice.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-3">Theoretical framework: figurational sociology</hd> <p>This study is firmly grounded and influenced by figurational sociology (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref36">15</reflink>]). Thus, teachers' experiences and constructs of 'healthiness' are set in their overall context, their figurations, rather than in an objective, caricature of reality that examines the impact of one variable (e.g. personal philosophy or Government policy) on behaviour. A figurational approach is particularly useful then, since, as Green ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref37">22</reflink>]) notes, it is more appropriate to think in terms of multiple variables or figurations and to see constructs as part of complex social processes. Elias ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref38">15</reflink>], p. 261) refers to figurations as 'a structure of mutually orientated and dependent people' and therefore networks of interdependency are central. As implied, this study is primarily concerned with experience, not objective outcomes of what health may be, and with a figurational approach the complex, sometimes invisible chains of interdependence that influence how teachers understand, construct and embody 'healthiness' are recognised. While we do not position Elias's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref39">15</reflink>]) work as a singular lens in which to examine teachers' lived-in world, it does allow judgements to be made in relation to how and why things are, and how teachers feel about them, that is, the notion of 'healthiness' and a 'healthy role model', which is fundamentally different from objective statements of 'truth'.</p> <p>Mennell and Goudsblom ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref40">34</reflink>]) identify four assumptions that underpin Elias's theory. Firstly, figurational sociology revolves around people in the plural. That individuals, interdependent with each other in numerous ways, are shaped via social figurations they form together. In short, these 'bonds' form 'composite units' (Mennell & Goudsblom, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref41">34</reflink>], p. 114) or groups of people, such as PE teachers, with relational networks (Green, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref42">22</reflink>]). It is in such networks that one's 'habitus' develops. Citing Elias's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref43">15</reflink>]) work, van Krieken ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref44">43</reflink>]) states:</p> <p>The concept of habit or habitus refers to the durable and generalised disposition that suffuses a person's action throughout an entire domain of life or, in the extreme instance, throughout all of life. (p. 47)</p> <p>This 'second nature' or 'automatic, blindly functioning apparatus of self-control' can only be properly understood in connection to dynamic social relations (van Krieken, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref45">43</reflink>], p. 59). This implies, for example, that PE teachers' embodiment of 'healthiness' is influenced by their relational networks, characterised by socially and historically formed 'habitus' (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref46">15</reflink>]).</p> <p>Secondly, relational networks illustrate 'the polymorphous nature of sources of power' (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref47">15</reflink>], p. 92). Power-struggles amid teachers, pupils and many influential groups within and beyond education (e.g. parents and policymakers) can and do influence relational networks, ideas and practices. In this study, we reveal the individual ways PE teachers embody a 'healthy role model' as dynamic interdependency ties with others, such as pupils and staff, evolve over time, and consider how their figurations embody 'in flux' power balances.</p> <p>Thirdly, integral to the notion of power is the realisation that, as such, social processes are not only planned but also unfinished (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref48">15</reflink>]). Developments within figurations are consequences of the diverse goals, status and power amidst PE teachers, pupils and Senior Leaders. In short, figurational sociology stresses that (inter)actions are, to varying degrees, purposefully directed toward the achievement of personal goals and desires (Mennell & Goudsblom, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref49">34</reflink>]). However, outcomes produced by a complex social process (the construction of 'healthiness') cannot be adequately explained by the (inter)actions of specific individuals or groups. Conversely, the interdependence of numerous individuals or groups, who endeavour to promote and advance their own objectives, inevitably produces outcomes that have not been planned, nor foreseen (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref50">15</reflink>]). For example, constructions of 'healthiness' may involve many groups with divergent objectives, such as policymakers, Senior Leaders and PE teachers, a process which, following this third assumption, will almost inevitably produce planned and unplanned outcomes.</p> <p>Finally, Elias's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref51">15</reflink>]) approach to the development of knowledge undermines the static polarity between objective and subjective views. Rather, knowledge is said to continually develop, widened and learned by people tied into complex webs of interdependence (Mennell & Goudsblom, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref52">34</reflink>]). For Elias ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref53">15</reflink>]), it is more accurate to place knowledge between poles of 'involvement' and 'detachment' whereby individuals' beliefs and actions are directed both by themselves and others. From this perspective, one learns to see knowledge as processual (not absolute) and grasps more adequately its social nature, whilst overlooking dominant discourses that regard knowledge as either true or false. In short, how PE teachers perceive their subject and work can only be adequately understood when located in their lived world, such as the home or workplace, that involves relationships with family, friends and colleagues.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-4">Methodology</hd> <p>To make sense of, and pass judgement on this study, the researchers' assumptions should be made clear. By claiming allegiance to the assumptions of figurational sociology we explicitly accept that all knowledge is, or will be, complex, dynamic and processual. This suggests a link between our epistemological (what we know) and ontological (what we do) assumptions (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref54">15</reflink>]; Mennell & Goudsblom, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref55">34</reflink>]). The study's methodology was taken to 'flow' from the theoretical assumptions, there being a definite link between epistemology and ontology, which in operation should be coherent and congruent. A major feature of figurational sociology is the emphasis on the plural, how people are tied into relational networks through their interdependence. It is important to note that this study has specific micro-intentions to understand how two PE teachers, at separate schools, constructed 'healthiness', and as such provides a descriptive analysis (not an evaluation) of the interaction of figurations involved. Actions of other 'social actors' in these contexts have been ignored to some extent and are only of interest insofar as they are deemed significant by the teachers in relation to their construction of 'healthiness'. Based on this, case study research was the strategy of choice, as it shows 'subtleties and intricacies of complex social situations' that grapple with relational networks (Denscombe, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref56">10</reflink>], p. 38). Hence, a major feature of this study was the real life, contemporary context (Yin, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref57">48</reflink>]) that underlay the participant's knowledge.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-5">Research participants (*pseudonyms)</hd> <p>Helen* and Mark* were purposefully identified as suitable participants for the study (Gratton & Jones, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref58">20</reflink>]) as they ensured variations in age, teaching experience, expertise and leadership roles (see below). Both have played pivotal roles in shaping and directing (HB)PE within their schools, such as curriculum choice, innovation and pedagogical approaches, hence, we felt they would be of value to the study. In contrast to those newer to the profession, Helen and Mark have experienced many changes to educational policy, not to mention dominant health discourses within school contexts, and have had time to formulate opinions in response to, amongst other things, numerous NCPE reforms that have influenced HBPE. Once informed about the research aims, both consented to participate in the study.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-6">Participant biographies</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0142848925-7">Mark – Head of PE and Expressive Arts (aged 44)</hd> <p>Eighteen years teaching PE. Career-minded with aspirations for personal and departmental success. Football background. Competent across curricular areas. Worked in numerous educational environments, including overseas. Teaches at Southland community school* (Lancashire, England).</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-8">Helen – Director of Learning and Performance (aged 37)</hd> <p>Fourteen years teaching PE. Rugby background (still participates). Comfortable teaching all curriculum activities. Moved from Head of Girls PE to second in Department. Teaches at Westshore Academy* (Lancashire, England).</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-9">Data collection</hd> <p>In-depth, reflexive interviews conducted at Helen and Mark's schools provided the central method for data collection in this study. Each interview, and subsequent follow-up interview, lasted on average 90 minutes. Only the participant(s) and researchers were present. Beforehand, both subjects were reminded of the research aims, and measures taken to ensure privacy, confidentiality, anonymity, openness, disclosure, deception and accuracy (British Educational Research Association, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref59">6</reflink>]). They were aware of their right to withdraw from the study at any point. For the purpose of the reflexive interviews, a semi-structured format was chosen, because it was useful to alter the sequence and wording of questions or add questions to probe Helen and Mark to tell their stories in their own words (Gratton & Jones, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref60">20</reflink>]). Interview themes explored how they constructed 'healthiness' generally and embodied a 'healthy role model' specifically. Importantly, the teachers' reflection on their roles, beliefs and experiences in personal and professional contexts, allowed them to explain events and activities which would otherwise be hidden. Upon reflection, these taken for granted beliefs are exposed, which served to advance the researchers' appreciation of events and perspectives. All interviews were recorded for verbatim transcription. Manuscripts were sent to the participants to seek corroboration between textual interpretations of the interviews and their beliefs to ensure that accounts were revealed as intended. In turn, this made the findings more reliable and therefore more credible (Markula & Silk, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref61">30</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-10">Data analysis</hd> <p>Data analysis was approached through a theoretically iterative lens. That is, our construction of key themes did not develop independently. They were tightly structured in line with the aims, predetermined research and interview questions (what we wanted to know) and how we interpreted the data utilising figurational sociology and its associated assumptions. For example, the questions contained in this study were of the how and why kind, such as, why do PE teachers embody a 'healthy role model', and how do they present their 'healthiness' in the social context of the school? This highly reflexive approach was used alongside thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref62">5</reflink>]). First, we read all components of our own data set, and noted why we thought certain themes were stated. Second, accrued data were independently coded and examples, that we individually felt represented pressing influences on the teachers' constructions and embodiments, shared. Examples were offered and questioned by the other researcher to tease out key elements and probe for deeper meaning where appropriate. Third, relevant examples were collated into themes. Finally, data were reviewed, recoded and moved based on discussion until agreement was reached. Though we do not argue that our analysis followed such a linear and neat process, it did allow us to move data beyond descriptive levels (Merrill & West, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref63">35</reflink>]), that is, the when, where and with whom is subsumed by the analysis, as figurational sociology places the teachers' stories in the contexts of their lived-in world.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-11">Findings and discussion</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0142848925-12">How PE teachers construct the notion of 'healthiness'</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0142848925-13">The context in which 'healthiness' is constructed: lived and living bodies</hd> <p>The concept of a lived body, according to McMahon and Penney ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref64">33</reflink>]), is a past, where events, or indeed, interdependency ties that the body has been exposed to are internalised. The living body, then, is the present, with forms that are time and space dependent. Mark's lived body tied to the social process of his sports biography that had helped form his 'habitus' and had definite consequences for his construction of 'healthiness'.</p> <p>I had quite a bad injury when I was 26, broke my nose, eye socket and cheekbone playing football. I became quite self-conscious about the scars that the injury left and was probably more aware of the mental aspects of that and its impact, more so than the physical losses to my health. (Mark)</p> <p>With regard to his living PE teacher body, Mark made it clear that alternative aspects of 'healthiness' are an integral part, that is, the move beyond the physical to incorporate social and mental aspects of 'healthiness' (see Bailey et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref65">3</reflink>]). He notes:</p> <p>Fitness has got three aspects. Your social aspect, your physical aspect and your emotional or mental aspect. It's trying to make sure those are balanced.</p> <p>It is physical education, but it's also looking at the link between the physical aspect and the mental aspect. (Mark)</p> <p>The notion of mental and social 'healthiness' in PE, as opposed to physical, whilst part of an unplanned process, takes on even greater significance for Mark's living body due to the physical fatigue that occurs naturally with age, which consequently provides a threat to the self as a capable performer and competent teacher.</p> <p>It's harder as you get older. Your natural fitness levels decrease, you get more injuries, it's increasingly harder to maintain your fitness. It's also harder to demonstrate to the kids from a practical perspective. (Mark)</p> <p>Such a 'threat' to the self was accepted by Mark, and he felt that 'it will come to a point were age will play a part'. However, certain facets of his lived body's biographical figurations were activated in the various contexts that PE provided, and the development of Mark's living PE teacher body displays a particular self, used as a 'strategy' to deflect the age factor. That is, Mark's expression of the self, what he felt his body could, or indeed, should do, constructed through past or present, recognised or unrecognised figurations, minimised the critical nature of age, yet maintained favourable impressions.</p> <p>It's showing the kids what you (can) do when you get older. Currently, I try to stay active by running, cycling, and I think it's important that they see us joining in, to show them that we can do it, because they can be influenced by us as staff. Having the kids work hard, think about their fitness, not give up, show resilience, is important, otherwise you never achieve anything. (Mark)</p> <p>Similarly, the notion of 'healthiness' constructed by Helen linked to her lived biographical experiences at school, where her own PE teachers had affected and influenced her living de facto status in PE. She notes:</p> <p>I don't ever want to be that PE teacher who stands in a coat and does nothing, because historically that's what I went through. I remember doing cross country and hearing the rest of the class grumble as they questioned whether or not she (one of her PE teachers) could do it ... It's important to show them that you can be active yourself.</p> <p>My other PE teacher was really passionate about showing us that she was active. She wanted to get us active in a variety of ways and was keen to teach us the importance of staying healthy. (Helen)</p> <p>This 'emotional attachment' to, and association with, past experiences as a pupil, forms what Elias ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref66">15</reflink>]) might describe as a deep anchorage in the character trait, or 'habitus', of Helen, that is, a significant dimension of her professional identity and one not easily separated. It also draws attention to Helen's lived social processes as a pupil at school, which seemingly have emergent ontological significance for her living self and 'healthiness'. Firstly, the content and outcome(s) of this process were self-replicated, as Helen felt it important to demonstrate that she was both active and able, and secondly, as made explicit in the following comments, the physical aspects of 'healthiness' stressed as a pupil reflect on her knowledge of 'healthiness' as a professional.</p> <p>It's making them (her pupils) aware from a health point of view that we should be active for 60 minutes every day but explaining to them that it can come in different forms. Most of the stuff from a Head of PE point of view is driving up the number of kids doing stuff, and that's a big focus I push onto other staff.</p> <p>It's encouraging students to do more, from our knowledge of the area, identifying pathways that they can continue not just in school but outside too for clubs and things like that. It's one of the most important parts, that students are active for the full lesson.</p> <p>From a departmental level, we try as much as possible to encourage the students to attend and work hard in lessons, to represent school, be as active as possible, understand the benefits of taking part, so that they'll carry on once they leave us for pastures new. (Helen)</p> <p>Helen's educational philosophy involved increased physical activity and competence, she defined 'healthiness' by what bodies (can) do, which according to Shilling ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref67">38</reflink>]) links to how bodies are valued, and consequently their credibility and status within the school.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-14">The factors that influence PE teachers' construction of 'healthiness'</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0142848925-15">Significant others: Head teachers and Senior Leaders</hd> <p>Constructs of 'healthiness' are also linked to daily practices and interactions in schools, which directly involves interdependency ties with teachers, pupils and other staff. Mark could legitimately reform the promotion of 'healthiness' at Southland with the support of his Head teacher.</p> <p>The Head is supportive of PE, and my new whole school health-based initiatives, as are the staff. It is more difficult because of curriculum demand, but PE isn't hit at the expense of other subjects, in terms of losing time, which I know happens at other schools.</p> <p>She's been supportive behind stuff. If you've not got much support from the boss then you're struggling really to get your message and ideas across, but she's been extremely receptive. (Mark)</p> <p>The 'stuff' he refers to centres upon a single position that seemingly present superior status within the school space, namely, his role as a 'PE catalYST' whereby a vision for 'healthiness' is portrayed through numerous Youth Sport Trust (YST) initiatives.</p> <p>We do a lot of work in PE with the YST. In terms of the My Personal Best programme, that looks at life skills, and part of that is about making sure pupils are aware or health, fitness and well-being.</p> <p>In terms of increasing physical activity, the last Friday of the month all staff and kids do Fit Friday. The 5 lessons on that Friday contain active elements of 20 minutes (minimum). This could include going outside, standing at a desk, moving seats, group work, in addition to ongoing activities before school, like Yoga, Pilates, which adds to the active minutes, whilst also getting kids into school early. (Mark)</p> <p>This role profoundly impacted how Mark constructed 'healthiness' in the school curriculum and provided impetus for potential curricula PE reforms at Southland. His contributions were welcomed by the Head teacher and staff, who consequently 'bought into' his initiatives, particularly due to current participation levels and success.</p> <p>I thought I'd be met with a bit more resistance. I think it's quite good that people have bought into it, especially when you can justify the impact.</p> <p>I thought it'd be, I'm not wearing PE kit, I'm not losing my teaching time because I've gotta do this. But now teachers let us know what they want to do. We get the equipment sorted and they do it themselves. We have no direct input, which is quite good. I thought we'd have to help more but people appear to be actively engaging with it themselves. (Mark)</p> <p>These interdependency ties help make sense of Mark's own practice, and illustrates how 'power through' (Smeed, Kimer, Millwater, & Ehrich, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref68">39</reflink>]) can influence the extent to which moves of one person or group influence moves of others through figurations in which they are involved, leading to cooperation and support, to Mark's surprise. Although behaviours are influenced by structures in operation at Southland, Mark had greater power than others in relation to the construction of 'healthiness' and how this informs school-based discourses, due to the position he held.</p> <p>Similarly, positive interdependence between Senior Leaders and the PE department had great influence upon Helen's promotion of 'healthiness'. She notes:</p> <p>We're fortunate to have a good backing from our Head teacher. He's a former Head of PE and we've two Deputy Heads who are ex PE. They understand the importance of physical activity and health, and are keen to, where possible, retain interest. (in PE)</p> <p>They're supportive and give us time to go to competitions, and because of their backgrounds, like to have an input into how HBPE is delivered. I honestly see it as positive because it's something I know they value. (Helen)</p> <p>This cooperation with Senior Leaders broadens the figuration of power-struggles within which Helen is embroiled. Green ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref69">21</reflink>]) claims that meaning and significance forms through variable power, which defines what is said and done. Hence, dominant school and departmental discourses at Westshore were shaped by the beliefs of those in positions of power, such as Senior Leaders and Helen, herself, as Director of Learning and Performance. This (re)established the 'moral purpose' (Smeed et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref70">39</reflink>]) of Senior Leaders in relation to their beliefs for health promotion in the school, and for Helen in what benefits pupils in PE. As Director of Learning and Performance, Helen was in a position of power and together with her interdependency to Senior Leaders, impacted upon the power-struggles and dominant health discourses that developed at Westshore, which includes the way Helen constructed 'healthiness'.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-16">Pupils</hd> <p>Also indicated by Helen, was the emphasis Senior Leaders placed upon PE within the school's ethos, due to Westshore's socially and culturally entrenched links with sport and physical activity.</p> <p>There's always been a huge health promotion, and a huge influence of PE and sport across school. (Helen)</p> <p>The maintenance of tradition was made evident in Helen's own practice, particularly as 'healthiness' was embodied, which led to unplanned and unfinished outcomes she felt she must negotiate. Due to her middle managerial role in the school, Helen was effectively the face and voice of PE and was therefore subject to surveillance from pupils, staff and Senior Leaders. Her work under these various 'gazes' illustrates the power-struggles she was involved in. For example, bottom-up surveillance operated as a 'technique of power' (Webb, McCaughtry, & Macdonald, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref71">44</reflink>]) when pressures were placed upon Helen, by her pupils, to embody 'healthiness'.</p> <p>If you're seen at the end of a corridor with a fizzy drink the kids will pick you out and they'll say where's your water? Why're you not drinking water? There is that thought when the kids see you with an apple they'll say, you're being very healthy. So, it does matter, in terms of how you show you're being healthy. (Helen)</p> <p>Elias ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref72">15</reflink>]) suggests that figurations formed by social actors, the ways they are tied together, and their associated power-struggles enable and constrain the achievement of personal goals and desires. Such an assumption in terms of Helen is rather appropriate since the dependency upon the actions of her pupils influenced her own actions, which includes the manner in which Helen attempted to construct and embody 'healthiness'. In this sense, strategic changes in Helen's behaviour and rhetoric (Goffman, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref73">17</reflink>]) was also made evident by her pupils' bottom-up surveillance, as she adjusted her practice to improve her 'teacher status' in relation to dominant discourses, that is, PE teachers should have 'healthy bodies'.</p> <p>In contrast, Mark felt that pupils' involvement and commitment to 'healthiness' was determined by factors outside of his control, such as, their attitudes, affluence, and interest in social media and technology.</p> <p>Attitude of kids is an issue. They leave school at 3pm to get home for Instagram, Snapchat, the Xbox and PlayStation. It's difficult to get them to stay after 3pm.</p> <p>When we try to get them to do anything, they start to sweat, go red in the face. We try to explain that these are naturally occurring impacts of exercise, but they seem to be unwilling now, in comparison to 10 years ago, to push themselves. (Mark)</p> <p>Mark's chains of interdependence extend to incorporate the evident attitude and effort of his pupils, which, Mennell and Goudsblom ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref74">34</reflink>]) may say, reflects the processual nature of knowledge. Hence, how Mark constructs and promotes 'healthiness' cannot be understood separately from figurations of experience that occur over his career (time) in different schools (spaces), which involve complex interdependency ties with staff, pupils and parents. The following comments link to Mark's awareness of this complex, dynamic environment.</p> <p>It depends on the school; it depends on the kids you get in the school. I was in quite a big school, in a very relaxed leafy area and then I did a bit of supply which was an extremely tough school. So, depending on where you are, the intake you get has a massive impact, the surrounding area has a massive impact.</p> <p>In terms of affluence, we have schools around here where parents are more bothered, and they take their kids to cricket and hockey outside of school. Those schools get more kids staying back for practices after school. They're the schools that generally do better at sport. The ones we generally do well at are football and rugby because they're accessible and don't cost as much. (Mark)</p> <p>Based on this knowledge, he demonstrates compliance with Southland's cultural demographic, custom and practice, yet is seen to resist established behaviours to positively influence pupils' 'healthiness'.</p> <p>Also linked to this processual nature of knowledge (Mennell & Goudsblom, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref75">34</reflink>]), in relation to the construction of 'healthiness', were Mark's prior teaching experiences. Indeed, his sentences frequently started with 'when I first started teaching' before he described his HBPE approaches.</p> <p>Going back to when I first started teaching, if you were looking at fitness and health, you'd have just focused on physical fitness. Now there's a massive drive in terms of mental and emotional fitness.</p> <p>Again, going back to when I first started teaching, parents did a lot of work with their kids and I think that's diminishing really, we probably need to pick up the mantle as a school in terms of addressing health. (Mark)</p> <p>Elias ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref76">15</reflink>]) referred to 'habitus' in this respect, to outline how beliefs become so deeply rooted in personality structures, they become difficult to dislodge in adulthood. Hence, the formulation and development of 'habitus' is a continuous, psychosocial process shaped by people's experiences as part of dynamic relational networks. However, Mark's construction of 'healthiness' may be explained by how he deals with the processual nature of teaching PE, that is, his once held beliefs of 'healthiness' are seen to have changed. This appreciation of the confluence of figurations that develop and shape over time, reveals the influence of Mark's occupational socialisation (Lawson, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref77">25</reflink>]) and broader professional, socio-political processes, linked to Government agendas in relation to pupils' 'healthiness', on his own beliefs. This need to conform and the processual nature of such beliefs influenced how Mark perceived and embodied a 'healthy role model'.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-17">How PE teachers embody a 'healthy role model'</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0142848925-18">Expressions of the self</hd> <p>The PE figuration Mark was involved in had consequences for his embodiment of a 'healthy role model', the notion of which underlay his beliefs that PE teachers' bodies should be presented in a certain way. Commenting on this belief, he notes:</p> <p>You can't rock up to a PE lesson being hugely overweight, telling the kids they need to pull their finger out and work harder if you're stood there weighing 18 stone – the kids will laugh at you. It's one of them, do as I do not do as I say. (Mark)</p> <p>Mark's realisation of the importance of looking like a PE teacher who could competently perform a 'healthy role model', particularly in front of pupils, created a power-struggle between his self-presentation and dominant PE teacher discourses. On the topic of power, Mannheim ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref78">29</reflink>]) notes that beliefs may vary with the status of those adhering to them. This power-struggle for Mark was linked to: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref79">1</reflink>) his pupils, whom he considered to appraise his self-expression to teach PE effectively; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref80">2</reflink>) his own PE identity, which allowed a great deal of expression for his self and educational philosophy; and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref81">3</reflink>) the way 'sizeism' is embedded into present PE discourse. 'Sizeism' involves forms of discrimination against an individual(s) because of their weight or height (Chrisler & Barney, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref82">9</reflink>]). According to Bergen and Mollen ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref83">4</reflink>], p. 4), 'sizeism intersects with "ableism" in conflating health, size and ability status'. Made evident in the following comments, this discourse appeared to influence the importance Mark placed on his embodiment of a 'healthy role model'.</p> <p>I think if you're telling them about what to eat, ways to exercise, you've got to be able to show them that you do things yourself as well. Telling them that they need to exercise X amount of times per week ... if you can show them that you're doing it too, you're leading by example.</p> <p>Obviously as a PE teacher you've gotta try and be reasonably healthy yourself. It's all well and good saying you need to do this, you need to do that, but if you're not willing to do it yourself then I think the kids will pick up on that. If you talk about instances and examples that you do, they're more likely to buy into it. (Mark)</p> <p>To protect his 'self', and cope with external pressures of an 'idealist' nature, Mark decided to accept and manipulate the prominent PE teacher discourse around how his body looks and performs. This willingness to conform to 'healthism' and 'sizeism' was also made evident by Helen in her awareness of pupils' judgements about teachers' physical appearance and competence, which confirmed her own embodiment of a 'healthy role model'. She notes:</p> <p>Body shape does come into it because I think it's a big factor in the mind of the students ... I think physical appearance is important to them, they make a lot of judgements about your appearance, your competence, you know, whether you're still into your sports, if you're still playing competitively. (Helen)</p> <p>Such comments indicate that physically able bodies gain power and respect in the PE figuration, which, according to Tinning ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref84">42</reflink>]) and Fitzpatrick ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref85">16</reflink>]), occurs when teachers are seen to have slim-fit bodies, promoted as healthy, as opposed to overweight-obese bodies viewed as unhealthy. These 'idealist' pressures, besides being externally imposed, are also clearly internal in that they differ from teacher to teacher. Helen spoke of former and current colleagues who 'were not healthy at all', and this was felt to depend upon (visible) displays of physical competence. She notes, 'I think when the students know that you're part of a club, or part of a team, that makes a difference'. Stidder ([<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref86">41</reflink>]) suggests that some PE teachers draw upon their former 'PE and sport' selves (as above). Such a habit exposes their interdependency ties and for Helen, and Mark, for that matter, gave rise to self-imposed constraints placed upon their PE identity, which in turn made evident emergent beliefs in relation to a 'healthy role model' where the teacher's body is used as a pedagogical tool.</p> <p>Having considered it her responsibility to promote, increase and maintain 'healthiness' in PE, as mentioned above, Helen positioned herself central to her pupils' learning, which, in her eyes, centred on her ability to demonstrate physical skills to the pupils in her class. She notes:</p> <p>When I'm teaching I still like to demonstrate. I think it's important to be active and show the students you can do this ... it's important that they know they (can) have confidence in you.</p> <p>When we do the 12 minute run, for example, or a cross country run, there are times when I feel I have to run with them ... I think if you've got a group of students who you're trying to encourage to do more, it's good to run with them, it's important that they see you do that. (Helen)</p> <p>The importance of the self in action illustrates Helen's manipulation of power-struggles. Firstly, she used 'power through' (Smeed et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref87">39</reflink>]) her pupils, as collaboration and support in practical sessions was used to achieve a planned outcome, that is, to promote and increase 'healthiness'. Secondly, Helen used 'power over' (Smeed et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref88">39</reflink>]) her pupils to embody a 'healthy role model', which also served to maintain her position as a teacher, as she believes effective PE teachers do not just 'stand there telling them do this, do that'. It is this notion of 'the self in action' that renders Helen as an object of dominant PE teacher discourse, whereby she works on her capacity to help her pupils learn and works on her own 'healthy body' simultaneously. Such beliefs are explicitly reinforced by Helen's lived PE experiences as a pupil, her biographical figuration, as noted above, since one again there were clear indicators of her commitment to display a physical (and able) persona. Helen's use of her body as a pedagogical tool (to demonstrate) associated with the so-called effective PE teacher then, had once more a degree of self-replication and, in line with Sparkes ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref89">40</reflink>]), was vitally important to her sense of self.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-19">Conclusion</hd> <p>The focus of this study on the notion of 'healthiness' has dealt exclusively with the emergent beliefs of the PE teachers involved and illustrates how this can inform their school practice, as contextual elements from their lived-in world surface. The form and content of figurations have been given central importance throughout to provide a balance in the literature that remains limited in this form of investigation into teachers' lived world. Past experiences and present actions of the teachers, both within the school and beyond, acted as a major reference point, particularly in terms of 'how' they came to construct 'healthiness'. The evidence presented suggests it is inappropriate to view 'healthiness' as objective, with an orthodox set of beliefs and practices that transcend the many dilemmas, opportunities and possibilities of the different settings in which teachers operate.</p> <p>The concentration on two PE teachers at their respective schools, and their roles within, has allowed revealing insights into the contextual variability of constructions, and the sources and influences on such variation. This variability is a function of 'in flux' interdependency ties and power-struggles that prevail in schools, which they can accept and manipulate as a central aspect of their 'healthiness' that involves the ability to control self-presentations. Such acceptance in this study linked to expressions of the self. The construction of 'healthiness' by Mark, for example, related to his conception of the self within dominant PE teacher discourses, whilst the critical nature of age constituted a threat to aspects of his self. The expression of an active and able 'self' emerged as central to both teachers' HBPE practice. This is crucial since within the social context of the school it is the PE teachers' sense of self that underpins the meaning and interpretation attributed to the subject. The implications for those unable to express 'the self' in this way, for example, teachers with mobility impairments, are noteworthy. While such teachers were not interviewed, the stories told in this paper arguably present implications in how such individuals perceive and portray (themselves) in addition to how they are perceived by others in school, (e.g. pupils) from a 'healthy role model' perspective. Future research that explores this may offer a more thorough and representative account of the influences on 'healthiness' as it is constructed by teachers with different physical characteristics.</p> <p>In this study, the interviews not only accessed a 'professional self' but also indicated the way the 'personal self' was expressed. Importantly, they revealed features of Helen and Mark's lived bodies, as well as their living bodies on display in the school. This illustrates the link between previous experiences of 'healthiness', on the one hand, and current beliefs and practices on another, which, in turn, provides opportunities for teachers to reflect on contextual aspects of 'healthiness', and may offer solutions to professional development or influence future policy and practice. The lived bodies we accessed may not be made public to Senior Leaders, other staff or pupils, yet aspects of living bodies were, and this was, at times, embodied and directed at these significant others. As such, there is a need for a future research emphasis on the micro, that is, an analysis of how teachers' sociocultural bodies prevail at certain times, in certain situations (McMahon & Penney, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref90">33</reflink>]). Here, we encourage the field to consider various methodological approaches, such as narratives, confessional tales or (auto)ethnography.</p> <p>The essential link between sociocultural bodies and constructs of 'healthiness' in this study was made evident in the teachers' embodiment of a 'healthy role model'. Here, certain facets of 'the self' became prominent at different times, and this embodiment can be taken as an example of a body pedagogy which was the product of constructive (inter)actions on the part of the teachers. In addition, a 'healthy role model' was not only constructive but adaptive, it being an articulated solution to the 'challenges' of Helen's work, that is, the need to maintain a (demonstrative) body with which she felt competent, able and secure. This being the case, a critical task for future research will be to focus specifically on how 'healthism' and 'sizeism' influence PE teachers' bodies, how they (and others) perceive their body and what it can do. By paying more attention to how bodies are valued in PE, it may shed light on how teachers are rendered (in)effective, which may help the profession work collectively to form new figurations of (HB)PE practice. The figurations that Helen and Mark were involved in, it is hoped, will help the field understand the apparent influence on the notion of 'healthiness', where constructions contain different interests, beliefs and power. This, in turn, may lead to more informed, and productive, HBPE practice.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-20">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <hd id="AN0142848925-21">ORCID</hd> <p> <emph>Sam Parkinson</emph> <ulink href="http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3293-8792">http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3293-8792</ulink> </p> <p> <emph>Adam Burrows</emph> <ulink href="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2922-9808">http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2922-9808</ulink> </p> <p>Correction Statement</p> <p>This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.</p> <ref id="AN0142848925-22"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref13" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Alfrey, L., Cale, L., & Webb, L. A. (2012). Physical education teachers' continuing professional development in health-related exercise: A figurational analysis. 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  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Physical Educator and/or Health Promoter? Constructing 'Healthiness' and Embodying a 'Healthy Role Model' in Secondary School Physical Education
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  Label: Language
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  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Parkinson%2C+Sam%22">Parkinson, Sam</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3293-8792">0000-0003-3293-8792</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Burrows%2C+Adam%22">Burrows, Adam</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2922-9808">0000-0002-2922-9808</externalLink>)
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Sport%2C+Education+and+Society%22"><i>Sport, Education and Society</i></searchLink>. 2020 25(4):365-377.
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  Label: Availability
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 13
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2020
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Secondary+Education%22">Secondary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Physical+Education+Teachers%22">Physical Education Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Health+Promotion%22">Health Promotion</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Role+Models%22">Role Models</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Role%22">Teacher Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Secondary+School+Teachers%22">Secondary School Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Health+Related+Fitness%22">Health Related Fitness</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Health%22">Health</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Beliefs%22">Beliefs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Human+Body%22">Human Body</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Concept%22">Self Concept</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Professional+Identity%22">Professional Identity</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+Kingdom+%28England%29%22">United Kingdom (England)</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/13573322.2019.1613635
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1357-3322
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: The following sociologically orientated study explores how two physical education (PE) teachers at two secondary schools in North West England construct the notion of 'healthiness', and how this informs their health-based PE practice. The research process was influenced by figurational sociology [Elias, N. (1978). "What is sociology?" New York, NY: Columbia University Press], and the use of in-depth, reflexive interviews allowed emergent beliefs of the teachers in relation to 'healthiness' to be made evident, as contextual elements of their lived-in world surfaced. Within health-based PE, the teachers embodied a 'healthy role model' to match dominant PE discourses, whereby teachers must work on their capacity to help pupils learn, and work on their own 'healthy bodies' simultaneously. It is suggested that notions of 'healthiness' constructed by PE teachers develop within the social contexts of their personal and professional lives as complex spaces that provide dilemmas, opportunities and possibilities within which the teacher constructs, adapts and embodies a 'healthy role model' to enhance both long and short term (self) interests.
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  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2020
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  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1250914
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        Value: 10.1080/13573322.2019.1613635
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 13
        StartPage: 365
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Physical Education Teachers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Health Promotion
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Role Models
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teacher Role
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      – SubjectFull: Secondary School Teachers
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      – SubjectFull: Health Related Fitness
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      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
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      – SubjectFull: Health
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      – SubjectFull: Beliefs
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      – SubjectFull: Human Body
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      – SubjectFull: Self Concept
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      – SubjectFull: Professional Identity
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      – SubjectFull: United Kingdom (England)
        Type: general
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      – TitleFull: Physical Educator and/or Health Promoter? Constructing 'Healthiness' and Embodying a 'Healthy Role Model' in Secondary School Physical Education
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            NameFull: Parkinson, Sam
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            NameFull: Burrows, Adam
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