State Formation and Higher Education (HE) Policy: An Analytical Review of Policy Shifts and the Internationalization of Higher Education (IHE) in China between 1949 and 2019
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| Title: | State Formation and Higher Education (HE) Policy: An Analytical Review of Policy Shifts and the Internationalization of Higher Education (IHE) in China between 1949 and 2019 |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Zheng, Jie, Kapoor, Dip |
| Source: | Higher Education: The International Journal of Higher Education Research. Feb 2021 81(2):179-195. |
| Availability: | Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/ |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 17 |
| Publication Date: | 2021 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Evaluative |
| Education Level: | Higher Education Postsecondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Foreign Countries, Higher Education, Educational Policy, Global Approach, Educational History, Policy Formation, Social Systems, Nationalism, Neoliberalism, Educational Development, Social Change, Educational Change |
| Geographic Terms: | China |
| DOI: | 10.1007/s10734-020-00517-2 |
| ISSN: | 0018-1560 |
| Abstract: | State policies regarding the internationalization of higher education (IHE) in China have undergone significant shifts between 1949 and 2019. This paper advances the proposition that these shifts in policies pertaining to IHE can be understood as part of a process of ongoing Chinese state formation in relation to national and global developments and does so by examining the history of IHE policy and policy changes between 1949 and 2019 to demonstrate this possibility. We consider three specific periods to make this case, including: (1) the period of Marxist-Leninist socialist nationalism, patriotism and proletarian internationalism and the early engagements of IHE (1949-1976); (2) neoliberal globalization and opening-up: a return to the international stage and further IHE (1977-2002); and finally (3) state developmentalism and the era of globally engaged higher education (HE) (2003-2019). In conclusion, the current implications of a neoliberal (capitalist) globalization are discussed in terms of real and potential implications for Chinese state formation, Chinese HE and society. The paper aims to investigate the historical underpinnings and formation of international HE in China and contribute to the significant gap in our current literature regarding IHE in China as a socio-historical phenomenon. It not only offers a detailed documentation of how policy on IHE has evolved and shifted in the context of significant changes in political and economic directions in China but also teases out influences of national concerns such as ideological and cultural considerations as well as neoliberal globalization. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2021 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1285380 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwE_Hg1Byo26ei7heUNZe_VWAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDLa3dOIokaACvTvC3AIBEICBmydA23VUVbn4QlSjY0M9JuWUUFjv3Go6TVYvgC7gIPR2zF-tSHUh7jbc74PQts1R790zdg7eg1grwSqXwpJx8hK82NN2r2c_QcESg2tQHKMkPh8GvJbiDcPBZjIHAGil33ELgQT6lHSeQcP7NZDRpqwOvulUNpP9retS4kOw439ThAYBrBF62ORmiGvDSpCuz8qpT0LAvsKftbIo Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0148388869;hie01feb.21;2021Feb01.06:04;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0148388869-1">State formation and higher education (HE) policy: An analytical review of policy shifts and the internationalization of higher education (IHE) in China between 1949 and 2019 </title> <p>State policies regarding the internationalization of higher education (IHE) in China have undergone significant shifts between 1949 and 2019. This paper advances the proposition that these shifts in policies pertaining to IHE can be understood as part of a process of ongoing Chinese state formation in relation to national and global developments and does so by examining the history of IHE policy and policy changes between 1949 and 2019 to demonstrate this possibility. We consider three specific periods to make this case, including (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>) the period of Marxist-Leninist socialist nationalism, patriotism and proletarian internationalism and the early engagements of IHE (1949–1976); (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>) neoliberal globalization and opening-up: a return to the international stage and further IHE (1977–2002); and finally, (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>) state developmentalism and the era of globally engaged higher education (HE) (2003–2019). In conclusion, the current implications of a neoliberal (capitalist) globalization are discussed in terms of real and potential implications for Chinese state formation, Chinese HE and society. The paper aims to investigate the historical underpinnings and formation of international HE in China and contribute to the significant gap in our current literature regarding IHE in China as a socio-historical phenomenon. It not only offers a detailed documentation of how policy on IHE has evolved and shifted in the context of significant changes in political and economic directions in China but also teases out influences of national concerns such as ideological and cultural considerations as well as neoliberal globalization.</p> <p>Keywords: Confucianism; Higher education (HE) policy; Internationalization of higher education (IHE); Nationalism; Neoliberal globalization; Socialist patriotism; State developmentalism</p> <p>Copyright comment corrected publication 2021</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Policy studies can be traced to "the 1950s in mainly liberal democratic countries, where governments sought the resources of the social sciences to develop public policies, replacing earlier approaches that were largely intuitive and <emph>ad hoc</emph>" (Rizvi and Lingard [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref4">58</reflink>], p.1). While in the meantime, socialist countries like China also started to make public policies such as national development plans, seeking an appropriate development model for a socialist country and addressing the priorities and the need of the state since the establishment of the PRC. Guided by national development plans and strategies, higher education (HE) has been serving nation-building and playing a critical role in China's modernization (Ngok [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref5">50</reflink>]).</p> <p>Nowadays HE continues its local/national function but also has become global (Marginson et al. [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref6">33</reflink>]). In view of HE policies on the internationalization of higher education (IHE) of the PRC, we find the formulation of state policy on IHE in China is not a linear process; it is directed by state rationales for socialist modernization and social citizenship construction and is impinged upon by global, cultural, and ideological factors. This paper draws upon both Chinese and international literature. It includes academic papers and books related to the research as well as public and official documents and historical government policy documents on file between 1949 and 2019, which were retrieved from the National Library of China in Beijing. In particular, we started with a chronological review of all related government policy documents on IHE between 1949 and 2019. Then we look at three periods: 1949–1976; 1977–2002; and 2003–2019 to unpack the inter/national context and rationales for government policy-making for IHE, values and ideologies that might support policy-making for IHE. The three-phase was decided in that we adopt a thematic approach to identify commonalities while taking the commencing or ending of critical events which caused nationwide drastic effect like "cultural revolution," and significant ideological shift such as market orientation which "has culminated in China's acceptance into the World Trade Organization in 2002" (Hayhoe and Zha [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref7">23</reflink>], p.87) into account.</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-3">Education policy, IHE and state formation</hd> <p>Policy is "...a process rather than a product, involving negotiation, contestation or struggle between different groups who may lie outside the formal machinery of official policy making" (Ozga [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref8">54</reflink>], p. 2). A few scholars call for a deeper grounded study of educational policies in the context of history and address the need to keep a historical orientation towards policy analysis (Levinson and Sutton [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref9">29</reflink>]; Olssen et al. [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref10">53</reflink>]; Rizvi and Lingard [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref11">58</reflink>]). Also, given "globalized discourses and agenda-setting and policy pressures now emerge from beyond the nation" (Rizvi and Lingard [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref12">58</reflink>], pp.14–15), the authority of the state has been greatly challenged by neoliberal globalization, neoliberal ideologies and its institutions. The intervention of global forces, such as international organizations and regional blocs in national policy-making, can never be overlooked. The emergent conceptualization of global education policy (Rizvi and Lingard [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref13">58</reflink>]; Ball [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref14">3</reflink>]) justly reflects this phenomenon. Education policy is considered as a social and historical process, where power and politics are deeply embedded in this paper.</p> <p>IHE can be understood as "...specific policies and programs undertaken by governments, academic systems and institutions, and even individual departments to support student or faculty exchanges, encourage collaborative research overseas, set up joint teaching programs in other countries or a myriad of other initiatives" (Altbach [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref15">1</reflink>], p.123). Some scholars use "soft power" to examine the recent phenomenon of IHE. For instance, Lomer ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref16">32</reflink>]) discusses the soft power policy rationale of the UK given the UK intends to increase the "British values" influence in global diplomacy through international education. Yang ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref17">79</reflink>]) deems that "China is promoting soft power as it seeks to establish itself as a major player in world affairs" via establishing Confucius Institutes (CI) worldwide (p. 235). Wu ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref18">75</reflink>]) also uses "soft power" and "public diplomacy" to explore the dimensions of China's "outward-oriented" IHE. But, we aim to explore IHE policy and position changes by employing a social, historical and cultural understanding together with a critical and reflexive approach. Hence, we connect IHE to a macro-level context and draw on state formation theories and concepts of "nationalism", "patriotism", "proletarian internationalism", "neoliberal globalization", "Confucianism" and "state developmentalism", which we argue, have been dominantly presented in different period of state governance for development, to interpret policy evolution and social significance of IHE in the PRC.</p> <p>State formation is historically constituted and should be studied as cultural processes (Steinmetz [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref19">72</reflink>]; Krohn-Hansen and Nustad [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref20">27</reflink>]), albeit it is also shaped by the world society (Meyer et al. [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref21">34</reflink>]). In particular, we regard culture and ideology as constructive components in state formation and adopt Green's ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref22">18</reflink>]) term of "state formation" in order to explore how policy – especially national education policy on IHE – plays a role in the modern construction of the state in China and representing the state's needs and the formation of ideologies and collective beliefs such as Marxism-Leninism tenets, nationalism and socialist patriotism. According to Green,State formation refers to the historical process by which the modern state has been constructed. This includes not only the construction of the political and administrative apparatus of government and all government-controlled agencies which constitute the 'public' realm but also the formation of ideologies and collective beliefs which legitimate state power and underpin concepts of nationhood and national "character." (2013, p.83)</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-4">State formation, inter/national contextual developments and shifts in HE and IHE (1949–2019)</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0148388869-5">The period of Marxist-Leninist socialist nationalism, patriotism and proletarian internationa...</hd> <p>When the PRC was established in 1949, "its economy had reached the brink of collapse" (Kong [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref23">26</reflink>], p.155). Diplomatically, the CCP leaders finally adopted the "leaning to one side" policy, joining the socialist camp (Tian et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref24">73</reflink>]). Drawing on the Soviet experience with construction of socialism, China transplanted the Soviet model (Kong [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref25">26</reflink>]) and "intensively emulated Soviet experiences and practices in a wide variety of fields" between 1949 and 1956 (Bernstein [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref26">5</reflink>], p.1) for its state construction. The government implemented the Soviet centralized economic planning model, putting high emphasis on industrialization and heavily relying on Soviet assistance (Bernstein [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref27">5</reflink>]). A nationwide learning from the Soviet Union also applied in education (Tian et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref28">73</reflink>]).</p> <p>As ideology "plays a crucial role in maintaining party cohesion and the popular legitimacy of the CCP" (Zeng [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref29">81</reflink>], p.115), education was thus seen to play an important role in educating the masses, serving nation-building and functioning as an ideological state apparatus. Following the Soviet HE model, which emphasized political theories in curriculum design (Gu [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref30">19</reflink>]), the Central Committee of the CCP (CCCCP) announced the instruction for training teachers of Marxism-Leninism for HEIs and secondary vocational schools in 1952 and intended to mould young people and adults for the socialist cause through ideological and political education (IPE). Thereafter, the anti-rightist campaign movement (1957–1958) purged outspoken individuals "hunted out and labelled Rightists," but fulfilled Mao's political initiatives and fortified Mao's political influences within the CCP (Chung [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref31">12</reflink>]). Such consolidation of political ideologies also influenced early engagement of IHE. For instance, the Ministry of Education (MOE 1958) clearly stated that administration on overseas Chinese students must focus on IPE and overseas Chinese students must be turned into "red and expert" and be loyal to socialist construction in the <emph>Report on the Conference on Adminstering Chinese Students in the Soviet Union and Eastern European in Moscow (extract)</emph>.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref32">1</reflink>]</p> <p>Patriotism was bound up in "blood and soil" and mixed with internationalism in the early days of the PRC (Yu and He [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref33">80</reflink>]). Inspired by patriotism, over 300,000 overseas Chinese returned to China between 1949 and 1959. Many of them are scholars and experts, who contributed to China's HE and state construction (Tian et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref34">73</reflink>]). Internationalism was overemphasized by the government in its diplomacy, and proletarian internationalism drove the CCP to "fulfil the international obligations, establish an international united front..." and "support developing countries for their national independence and social development" (Niu [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref35">51</reflink>], p.442). State-financed overseas Chinese students and scholars were requested by the government to embrace a broad international perspective and a noble patriotism instead of a narrow-minded nationalism (State Council [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref36">62</reflink>]). Later, in the <emph>Draft for Administering State-financed Overseas Chinese Students,</emph>[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref37">2</reflink>] the government required overseas Chinese embassies to take full charge of administering overseas Chinese students, arming students with Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thoughts and raising their political and ideological awareness as proletariats. It prioritized patriotism and internationalism education which also have CCP's guidelines and policies, domestic and foreign situation, and anti-imperialism, etc. included (CCCCP 1964).</p> <p>Given that "a country's international exchanges in education is shaped by its domestic political, economic situation and world geopolitics" (Tian et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref38">73</reflink>], p. 852), some typical features in policy-making for international engagement of HE from 1949 to 1965 can be described as demand-driven, selective and prudent. To be specific, China urgently demanded a great number of professionals to contribute to its state construction like national defence and industry; hence, the government dispatched students and staff abroad for learning foreign advanced knowledge and borrowing foreign experience (Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref39">30</reflink>]). Within a centralized planning system, the Chinese government was prudent towards making yearly plan for international academic mobility. Owing to the confrontation between the socialist and capitalist camps, the government took a conservative and cautious attitude towards international interaction with other countries especially Western countries (Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref40">30</reflink>]). The engagement of IHE features in facilitating academic mobility mainly to socialist countries, accepting foreign students for study in China and developing English language education.</p> <p>Early in 1950, the Chinese Academy of Sciences[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref41">3</reflink>] drafted a <emph>Plan for Dispatching Researchers Abroad for Study</emph> for learning foreign advanced science and technology. Students and scholars mainly pursued studies or training in hard sciences in socialist countries at the beginning (Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref42">30</reflink>]). Later, in an official document, the government tied a state-financed outbound academic mobility to constructing China's science, culture and education, catching up with the world leading science and technology and maintaining friendship and cooperation with other "brother countries". It summed up principles for such mobility as "strict selection, quality before quantity" for 1950–1953, "prioritizing disciplines of science and technology while taking all-around demand into account" for 1954–1956, and "dispatching more graduate students instead of undergraduate students" for 1957–1958. The third stage was affected by the "Great Leap Forward" (1958–1960), like dispatching more abroad for short-term studies but less for graduate studies. However, the CCP soon found problems and corrected its guidance for the work (State Council [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref43">62</reflink>]). "Sending a large number of students and staff abroad for study regardless of quality was stopped in 1960s" (Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref44">30</reflink>]).</p> <p>Due to the Sino-Soviet split (1956–1966), China had to massively reduce the number of students to be dispatched to the Soviet Union and almost put an end to such one-way academic mobility by 1966 (Tian et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref45">73</reflink>]). Nevertheless, the government started to develop intercultural communication and diplomatic relations with capitalist countries; hence, students and staff were sometimes sent to capitalist countries for study (Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref46">30</reflink>]). But, the Chinese government firmly rejected bourgeois ideologies and culture. According to the <emph>Regulation for Administering Dispatched Chinese Students abroad,</emph>[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref47">4</reflink>] the government established a division for administering overseas Chinese students within Chinese embassies abroad, which carried out IPE for students, helping them maintain a firm political stance to resist the erosion of bourgeois ideologies (Ministry of Higher Education[MOHE] and Ministry of Foreign Affairs [MOFA] 1958). The <emph>Request for Dispatching Graduate Students to Capitalist Countries for Studies</emph>[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref48">5</reflink>] even stated that only master's students with strong political belief in Marxism-Leninism would be selected and dispatched to western HEIs, pursuing graduate studies in language, history, and other noted specializations (MOFA and MOE 1956).</p> <p>A few efforts had been made by the government to formulate regulations for international student mobility (ISM) to China between 1949 and 1965. Based on the agreement on student exchanges with a few countries, China accepted a certain number of foreign students and opened its door to foreign students from its neighbouring countries, like North Korea and Vietnam as humanitarian aid (Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref49">30</reflink>]). The <emph>Revised Advice on Accepting Foreign Students Dispatched by Capitalist Countries</emph>[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref50">6</reflink>] (MOHE and MOFA 1956) also revealed a positive attitude but exercised care towards accepting foreign students from capitalist countries. According to it, nine universities, mainly in Beijing, could accommodate foreign students, but only a few specializations were open to foreign students from the capitalist countries by 1956. As the first legal document streamlining foreign student administration, the <emph>Regulations for the Work on Foreign Students (draft)</emph>[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref51">7</reflink>] deem hosting and training foreign students as one of China's internationalist duties and an important work to further China's cultural communication and friendship with other countries and their people (CCCCP et al. 1962). Hence, China continued its open policy towards hosting foreign students and waived foreign students' tuition, accommodation and medical fees. It hosted a total of 4852 foreign students from 70 countries between 1960 and 1965 (as quoted in Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref52">30</reflink>], pp. 286–288).</p> <p>During the Sino-Soviet split, the CCCCP and State Council (1964) contemplate China should play a significant role in international affairs and fulfil more international duties. Consequently, a total of 1926 students were planned to be sent abroad from 1964 to 1966 for language studies due to an urgent demand for professionals of foreign languages from foreign affairs and state construction. The government's release of the <emph>Report on the Problems in Planning Foreign Language Education in Seven years</emph> and the implementation of <emph>Outline of the Seven-Year Plan for Foreign Language Education</emph> in 1964 finally made English take the place of Russian as the first foreign language taught at school in China.[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref53">8</reflink>]</p> <p>However, the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) destroyed China's cultural heritage and educational system and put almost an end to IHE. Nationalism was degenerated into "nativist anti-Western xenophobia and antitraditionalist sentiments" (Zhao [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref54">82</reflink>], p.8). Only a small number of students were still sent abroad for language studies, and the work on inbound ISM was interrupted by the Cultural Revolution (Li et al. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref55">30</reflink>]). A revival of accepting foreign students for study in China comes along with economic aid to other developing countries in the 1970s. In <emph>A Letter to Embassy of China in Tanzania and Zambia from Ministry of International Economic Liaison (MIEL),</emph>[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref56">9</reflink>] China accepted 200 students from Tanzania and Zambia in order to help the two countries train talented people in the transportation administration of railways in 1972 (MIEL 1972).</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-6">Neoliberal globalization and opening-up: a return to the international stage and further IHE...</hd> <p>In examining the larger international context for state policy-making on HE/IHE in China during this period, we address a new feature, that is, the global influences from neoliberalism. The term of neoliberalism can be traced to the 1920s (Jones [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref57">25</reflink>]). However, neoliberalism first appeared as a distinctive strand of liberal ideology in the 1940s with a major influence dating from the 1970s (Gamble [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref58">16</reflink>]). "Free-market individualism, private property, constitutional order, and the minimal state" are the main argumentations of neoliberalism (Robertson and Scholte [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref59">59</reflink>], p.865). Neoliberalism as an ideology, political philosophy, economic doctrine and policy model has been embraced by many western countries and multilateral institutions. It has also been embedded in contemporary globalization (Zheng [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref60">85</reflink>]).</p> <p>Neoliberal globalization has radically affected the Chinese society. After the termination of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, the Third Plenum of Eleventh Central Committee in 1978 confirmed the "reform and opening-up" as China's fundamental state policy. The new CCP leaders such as Deng Xiaoping adopted a pragmatic approach towards state development and proposed a focus on economic reform and development instead of political conflicts (Deng [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref61">13</reflink>]). As Deng insisted that the market is only a means of allocating recourses, which does not affect political systems ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref62">14</reflink>]); a socialist market economy with macro-level state control was gradually established in China. China carried on further reforms to its economic system featured in "privatization and corporatization", "commodification of human services", and "deepening of liberalization" in the late 1990s (So [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref63">61</reflink>]). China also had to compromise with the capitalist system of Hong Kong when Britain handed the colony over in 1997 and "the neoliberal rules of international trade set up through the WTO" (Harvey [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref64">22</reflink>], p.123). Deng's theory of "one country, two systems" and that CCP leaders have insisted on socialism with Chinese characteristics lead a few scholars to criticize its neoliberal transitions (Harvey [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref65">22</reflink>]; Ren [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref66">56</reflink>]; So [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref67">61</reflink>]) because these have legitimized and developed non-socialist systems in special economic zones (Ren [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref68">56</reflink>]).</p> <p>Nonetheless, neoliberalization was not allowed to extend to political and social systems, as Deng articulated in 1986 that China must take a clear-cut stand in the fight against bourgeois liberalization and seek for a steady and united political situation (MOE [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref69">45</reflink>]). Notwithstanding, the democracy movement that Chinese students and intellectuals call for political reform emerged in the mid-1980s finally reached its peak, leading to the Tiananmen Square protest in 1989; thereafter, the crackdown on the student movement directly resulted in that many western countries united to impose economic and diplomatic sanctions against China (Yang [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref70">77</reflink>]). China had to take an active stance towards building international relationships from the early to mid-1990s in order to accommodate its economic transformation (Frost [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref71">15</reflink>]). China also paid attention to positive image-building and revealed "a nascent interest in soft power" in the 1990s "with scholars and academics deliberating the virtues of dialogue and interaction" (Palit [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref72">55</reflink>]).</p> <p>Different from previously cautious and prudent attitudes towards interactions with foreign countries, the Chinese government adopted a liberal approach to support IHE. Early in 1978, the CCP leaders like Deng[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref73">10</reflink>] articulated his preference for sending more students abroad for studying hard sciences "by tens of thousands rather than by tens" and thought this would be an efficient way to cultivate talented people for China. Then the government proposed to make education gear to modernization, the world and the future (CCCCP [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref74">8</reflink>]). Further, the guiding document of <emph>Notice on Several Problems about Improving and Strengthening the Work on Overseas Chinese Students and Staff</emph>[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref75">11</reflink>](CCCCP and State Council 1986) accentuated the compatibility in taking varied ways to support outbound international academic mobility. It unveiled that the Chinese government had taken a more liberal attitude towards outbound ISM but a more rational policy and position on this matter, like "dispatching by demand", "guaranteeing quality", and "learning for practice." Later, the establishment of the China Scholarship Council (CSC) in 1996 straightened out the administration of ISM. This is also a fulfilment of the decentraliation of power in that the central government has been taking a macro control of these affairs instead of direct jurisdiction over them. Although funded by the state, the CSC also accepts donations from other domestic and foreign individuals, enterprises and organizations (CSC [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref76">11</reflink>]).</p> <p>Another significant policy change relates to self-financed overseas studies, which were claimed as one channel to cultivate talented people in the <emph>Request for Self-financed Overseas Studies</emph> in 1980. The State Council ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref77">64</reflink>]) clarified that the government would encourage more self-financed Chinese students to study abroad and continue supporting "students to study abroad, encouraging them to return after they have finished and allowing them to come and go of their own accord". The government further liberalized its policy and position on outbound ISM and finally simplified the review process of applications for self-financed overseas studies and cancelled HE cultivation fees to be paid by students who wished to study abroad (State Council [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref78">65</reflink>]).</p> <p>China also started to streamline the procedure for inbound ISM. The government took a rather conservative position on accepting foreign students at the beginning. Specific policies and regulations were issued by the MOE and the MOFA in the <emph>Notice on Accepting Foreign Students</emph> in 1980[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref79">12</reflink>] and 1981,[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref80">13</reflink>] which further explained the limited quota and maintained the rationale of cultural exchange and humanitarian aid. China continued its supportive policy and would offer scholarships to students from the Third World countries besides mutually exchanging students in the 1990s, but the CSC also processes self-financed foreign students' applications. Later, the CSC has taken charge of recruiting and administering foreign students under the supervision of the MOE, while HEIs would be responsible for the details of recruitment, and daily life administration of foreign students. HEIs can make their own decisions on recruiting self-financed foreign students and accepting exchange students but cannot offer new specialization without the MOE's review (MOE, MOFA and the Ministry of Public Security [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref81">49</reflink>]).</p> <p>Apart from facilitating linear outbound and inbound ISM, the Chinese government took a liberal attitude and started to deepen international exchange and collaborations with foreign HEIs and international organizations. The State Council initiated a proposal for bringing in foreign talented people for China's construction of modernization. It allowed conferring honorary academic title to foreign experts and having foreign experts as committee members of the Chinese Academy of Sciences ([<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref82">63</reflink>]). Later, the CCCCP and State Council encouraged HEIs in China to freely bring in the successful experience of foreign HEIs. It promoted the joint training of talented people and scientific research collaboration with foreign HEIs and experts, and teaching Chinese as a foreign language (TCFL) ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref83">9</reflink>]). After that, the <emph>Action Plan for Vitalizing Education for the Twenty-First Century</emph> revealed China's aspiration for world-class universities and disciplines. It suggested the state would refer to western HE system and implement the system of national key laboratories, visiting scholars and guest professors. It required HEIs keeping pace with the dynamics of international academic frontiers and becoming the hub of knowledge innovation and high-quality and creative talented people (MOE [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref84">35</reflink>]). In addition, the government strengthened cooperation with the UNESCO in the field of education, science, culture, and mass media, etc. on over 270 programs by 2000 (MOE [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref85">36</reflink>]). It also considered that joining the WTO would create more opportunities for China's HEIs to engage in international academic exchange and collaboration (MOE [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref86">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although policies and regulations on Sino-Foreign joint venture in education were drafted during the 1990s, the Chinese government took a conservative attitude. The State Education Commission (SEC) did recognize this type of joint venture as one way to facilitate international exchange and cooperation in education, to play an important part in "reform and opening up" and to contribute to China's educational cause. Still, there are restrictions in that the SEC specified a preference for vocational education without compulsory education and special education services and training included ([<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref87">71</reflink>]). However, as China joined the WTO, the government aimed to further open up education and bring in high-quality foreign resources of not only vocational education but also HE (MOE [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref88">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>In response to the new situation like China's WTO accession, the MOE encouraged China's HEIs to develop the specializations urgently demanded by the state, such as information technology, biotechnology, economics, law and accounting, and to compile, use and bring in high-quality foreign textbooks which reflect the development frontier of a discipline (2002). It also required HEIs to offer selective and specialized courses in foreign languages and make the ratio reach 5–10% of all courses offered (Ministry of Education [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref89">37</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-7">State developmentalism and the era of globally engaged HE (2003–2019)</hd> <p>The implementation of "opening-up" and deepening of neoliberal reform in the 1990s speed up state construction and GDP growth; however, China has experienced pressing social problems, like the contradiction between capital and labour, social inequality and the degradation of environment on its way towards "socialism with Chinese characteristics" (Harvey [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref90">22</reflink>]). After Hu/Wen became the new CCP leaders in 2003, they "began to revise the neoliberal policies in response to all sorts of social resistance in Chinese society" (So [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref91">61</reflink>], p.141). Although market reform continues, the Chinese government started to strengthen the state intervention on the market. A positive shift can be traced to 2003 when the CCP leader Hu Jintao articulates his view on scientific outlook on development, people-oriented thoughts and a harmonious development between humans and nature at the Third Plenum of the 16th CCCCP (Guangming Daily [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref92">20</reflink>]). This indicates the CCP's ideological orientation towards development which slightly moves from economic neoliberalism to "state developmentalism" (Breslin [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref93">6</reflink>]; So [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref94">61</reflink>]), taking the development of humans and society into account. Thereafter, Xi continues such policies for governance and goes further, proposing "a community of shared future for mankind" and "ecological civilization," addressing China's contribution to the whole human society, and demonstrating the determination to improve China's influence on global governance in Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era ([<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref95">76</reflink>]).</p> <p>Under such circumstances, education and culture have been foregrounded in the agenda for state development. The government not only relates education to the revitalization of the Chinese nation (MOE [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref96">40</reflink>]) but also determines to improve the soft power of the Chinese culture (Hu [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref97">24</reflink>]). According to the MOE, the Chinese government initiates HE, scientific and technological innovation plans and revitalization plans for HSS of HE. It encourages international collaboration and expects to improve China's innovation and international influences and competitiveness through establishing world-class universities, research-intensive universities and key disciplines (2004). These goals have been reinforced by the <emph>Outline of National Plan for Mid-Long Term Education Reform and Development</emph> (State Council [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref98">67</reflink>]). Later, the new scheme of world-class 2.0 shows that a certain number of Chinese universities and academic disciplines were required by the government to achieve world-class status before deadlines (State Council [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref99">68</reflink>]). The government reiterates the above initiatives but expects a new opening-up pattern for education, like deepening international communication in HSS, speeding up the establishment of international schools with Chinese characteristics abroad and deeply participating in global governance in education (CCCCP and State Council [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref100">10</reflink>]). "Starting from the early 2000s, China's higher education internationalization has begun to pay particular attention to exporting Chinese knowledge to the world" (Yang [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref101">79</reflink>], p. 243). International communication and collaboration have even been proposed as the fifth fundamental mission of HEIs (Office of CCCCP and State Council [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref102">52</reflink>]).</p> <p>The second feature we capture in analysing the state policy-making context during this period is the reascendance of "state nationalism" (Zhao [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref103">82</reflink>]) and/or socialist patriotism. Nationalism is one of the two bases of legitimacy of the Chinese developmental state, while the other is economic growth (So [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref104">61</reflink>]). An extensive propaganda campaign of education in patriotism launched after the 1989 crackdown "deliberately blurred the lines between patriotism, nationalism, socialism, and communism" (Zhao [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref105">83</reflink>], pp.8–9). Our research shows that "state nationalism" finds its expression in socialist patriotism that is underlined in China's state policy but mixed up with the CCP's political philosophy and beliefs. Nowadays, it has been promoted via fulfilling the CCP leaders' political proposals like Xi's "the Chinese Dream" of great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation (Lam [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref106">28</reflink>]). In particular, the three ministries together issued a guidance for fulfilling world-class 2.0, in which they propose to establish world-class universities with Chinese characteristics, requesting Chinese HEIs to completely embrace the CCP's leadership, consolidate the leadership of Marxism in IPE and be confident in Chinese socialist path, theory, system and culture (MOE, Ministry of Finance [MOF] and National Development and Reform Commission [NDRC] [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref107">48</reflink>]). Further, the MOE ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref108">42</reflink>]) proposed to make IPE thread the whole undergraduate education, to deepen education on socialism with Chinese characteristics and "the Chinese dream" for students and to foster Xi's thoughts to be included in textbooks, walk into classroom and be kept in students' mind.</p> <p>Third, as Zhao ([<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref109">84</reflink>]) states, "[i]n China today, the Confucian moral and political order is again being promoted by a few intellectuals and even partly endorsed by the state" (p.372), Confucianism has been revitalizing by the CCP in the past decade. In relation to IHE, China "emerge[s] with an idea for its own brand of public diplomacy through education" (Rizvi [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref110">57</reflink>], p.8), promoting Chinese language and culture abroad through Confucius Institutes (CIs). In addition, as a traditional Chinese culture, Confucianism deeply influences Chinese people. As Shi argues, the ideology "heaven and human are one as a whole" makes consciousness of ethics penetrate all aspects of Chinese culture, like social structure and the political system. This consciousness originated from the respect for parents, love between sisters and brothers, the wife's obedience to her husband in a family and then is extended to the faith and commitment to the society and nation. Also, this value orientation based on ethics leads to a social value orientation, which weighs personal loyalty rather than profit ([<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref111">60</reflink>]). This can somehow explain why many overseas Chinese talented people finally returned to China, serving the state construction.</p> <p>As such, facilitating a large scale of ISM, deepening international collaboration, reinforcing state nationalism via IPE while internationalizing HE and promoting Chinese language and culture to increase soft power are the main features of IHE during this period.</p> <p>"In an attempt to extend its geopolitical influence" (Rizvi [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref112">57</reflink>], p.8), the Chinese government has been implementing the policy of expanding the enrolment of foreign students since 2003 (MOE [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref113">39</reflink>]) and intended to increase the intensity of international aid in education and train specialized talents for developing countries (State Council [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref114">67</reflink>]). In 2018, 492,185 foreign students from 196 countries studied in China, 12.81% of whom were offered a Chinese government scholarship (MOE [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref115">44</reflink>]). Over 662,100 Chinese students went abroad for education in 2018, about 596,300 of whom are self-financed (MOE [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref116">43</reflink>]). In order to attract more talented students returning to China and serving state construction, self-financed overseas Chinese students have been encouraged to apply for "the Chinese Government Award for Outstanding Self-financed Students Abroad" since 2003. Given the government decided to further revitalize the state through science, education and talented people (State Council [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref117">66</reflink>]), the MOE and MOF launched "the Chinese Government Graduate Student Overseas Study Program for the State's Construction of High Level Universities" in 2007. To attract and retain both Chinese and foreign talented people, there are "Changjiang Scholars Program", "1000 Talents Plan", and "Distinguished Overseas Scholars Program", etc.</p> <p>Besides supporting international academic collaboration like cofounding R and D bases with famous foreign scientific research institutions, the government aims to enhance the international influence of Chinese humanities and social sciences (HSS) by encouraging HEIs to translate striking research results and classic works into foreign languages, to found academic journals in foreign languages, to establish international academic organizations in those areas and to promote overseas Chinese studies (MOE and MOF [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref118">47</reflink>]). However, the recent fortification of state nationalism through IPE has led to new restrictions on academic freedom and a "shrinking" of intellectual space in China, for example, a harsh "censorship on Western academic journals" and limited access to information due to the high sensitivity of "ideology" (Altbach [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref119">2</reflink>], para.11).</p> <p>To facilitate the opening up of education and bring in more high-quality foreign educational resources, the Chinese government allows and encourages a strong-strong alliance model of Sino-foreign universities. The University of Nottingham Ningbo, Xi'an Jiaotong-Liverpool University, New York University Shanghai and Duke Kunshan University are exemplars. Meanwhile, China's Xiamen University started to establish a campus in Malaysia since 2012, exporting knowledge abroad.</p> <p>The Chinese government works on educational communication and collaboration with foreign countries and international organizations like ASEAN, UNESCO and Africa Union (MOE [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref120">41</reflink>]). Further, the government proposed "Belt and Road (B&amp;R) Initiative" in 2013, aiming for a deeper bilateral and multilateral cooperation with B&amp;R countries in many fields, including exchanges in education, science and technology and culture (State Council [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref121">69</reflink>]). Responsively, the MOE detailed in educational collaboration with B&amp;R countries, such as constructing an education community through sharing high-quality resources, establishing "silk road" government scholarship, facilitating student and staff exchanges and mutual recognition of academic credentials and supporting qualified Chinese HEIs to establish institutes and research centres abroad (State Council [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref122">70</reflink>]). All this indicates that China has been trying to improve its soft power through regional collaboration and IHE.</p> <p>Beyond compiling and using foreign textbooks, the government has been taking varied approaches to facilitate internationalizing curriculum. For example, The MOE and MOF ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref123">46</reflink>]) encouraged China's HEIs to offer bilingual courses, to invite foreign and domestic distinguished experts and scholars and high-end professionals to teach and deliver lectures in China and to train students' English proficiency in doing research. But, due to the high sensitivity of "ideology", the then Minister of MOE Yuan Guiren proposed to closely monitor the use of western original textbooks and firmly reject the dissemination of western political values through the use of foreign textbooks at Chinese HEIs (Beijing Daily [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref124">4</reflink>]). Thereafter, the government decides to speed up constructing research bases for textbooks and encourages China's HEIs to produce first-class textbooks with worldwide impact (MOE, MOF and NDRC 2018).</p> <p>As a part of China's soft power initiatives (Lo and Pan [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref125">31</reflink>]; Yang [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref126">78</reflink>]; Altbach [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref127">2</reflink>]; Rizvi [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref128">57</reflink>]), CIs and courses had opened in 158 countries and regions by the end of September 2019 (Hanban [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref129">21</reflink>]). Nonetheless, as a new form of China's HE internationalization, CI project has been critiqued for its "hidden agenda beyond the stated objectives," being to the detriment of academic integrity of foreign HEIs (Yang [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref130">79</reflink>]), lacking "transparency and effective communication with various stakeholders, both internal and external" and costing domestic educational expenditure (Lo and Pan [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref131">31</reflink>]). More harshly, some CIs have been closed and more are under review because it has been viewed by some as "a potentially dangerous foreign agency on campuses" (Altbach [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref132">2</reflink>], para. 21). Concerns on quality assurance of CI projects are also addressed by Lo and Pan ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref133">31</reflink>]) given a lack of qualified TCFL teachers and the readability of materials supplied by Hanban.</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-8">Discussion</hd> <p>As opposed to Mao's extreme leftism and egalitarianism, China experienced a transition from the period of "market socialism" in 1980s to that of "deepening of neoliberal capitalism" in the 1990s typically after it joined the WTO (So [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref134">61</reflink>], pp.137–138). Later, a shared focus on the development of humans and society indicates the CCP government's ideological shift from economic neoliberalism to a possible state developmentalism in recent years. Scholars use varied terminology such as "China model," "Chinese alternative" (Breslin [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref135">6</reflink>]) and "alternative modernity" (Cao [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref136">7</reflink>]) to debate the rise of China in the twenty-first century as a developmental state. "The normality of strong state developmentalism over [China's] history" (Breslin [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref137">6</reflink>], p.1323) can never be ignored in discussing the China model, but the most challenging theoretical issue is how to "separate and remove the capitalist form of the market from the market itself, and then to integrate the market into the socialist framework" (Cao [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref138">7</reflink>], p.302). We in particular address the risks of neoliberal turns and their implications for China's IHE and society.</p> <p>First, in contrast to the years when China accepted foreign students purely for their offers of humanitarian and technological aid or intended to enhance mutual understanding with other countries, China is becoming "a knowledge hub and destination for international students" (Welch [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref139">74</reflink>]). China has been playing a part in the formation of the global international student market and the HE export service. "The challenge is recognizing the complexities and nuances of the global higher education context - an academic world fraught with inequalities in which market and commercial forces increasingly dominate" (Altbach [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref140">1</reflink>], p.138).</p> <p>Second, when China takes an aggressive stance towards IHE, builds its own centres of excellence and follows western countries to join the global competition for recruiting talented people throughout the world, the equity issues in global HE and potential risks that "brain drain" might be caused in other countries have been overshadowed by the government in the name of nation-building (Zheng [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref141">85</reflink>]). These problems should not be perpetuated by the grand nation-building of socialism with Chinese own characteristics as it may not withstand neoliberalization in other locations.</p> <p>Third, we want to address the political and social significance of the government's reintroduction of Confucianism to the Chinese society as a part of state formation. As opposed to Gramsci's ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref142">17</reflink>]) argumentation on cultural hegemony which shows us how states make use of cultural institutions to maintain power in capitalist society, we think the CCP-led government has strategically reintroduced Confucianism and state nationalism in the name of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation to the society in the twenty-first century. In particular, Confucianism offers a moral discourse at home and divert people's attention from increasing inequality materially to behaving in accordance with hierarchical Confucian thinking. This certainly has contributed to social cohesion given the social resistance to market-oriented economic reform from the civil society.</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-9">Conclusion</hd> <p>In this paper, we have tried to explore the contextual developments and shifts in policy-making for HE/IHE in China. Different from IHE in western countries, there is tension between the desire to "opening up" HE internationally and the weariness of Western imperialist dominance and interference in Chinese affairs in China. Marxism-Leninism oriented ideologies, nationalism, and socialist patriotism have been fortified in international HE since the establishment of the PRC. This contributes to the formation of ideologies and collective beliefs in China which legitimize state power and underpin Chinese characteristics. Traditional Chinese culture has influenced Chinese society for centuries and also played a role in improving social cohesion and contributing to nation-building.</p> <p>HE policy has played a major role in the advancement of national economic and political goals in particular in the context of the "opening up" policies since the 1980s. But, neoliberal globalization has exerted much pressure on Chinese HE policy to compete in global HE markets. The current Chinese government has incorporated IHE into its state development strategy and expects to increase its global influence and disseminate Confucian values worldwide through IHE in the twenty-first century. The approaches to facilitate IHE in China are still under exploration. In contrast to the prudent attitudes towards educational policy-making, implementation and correction in the early years, nowadays the government makes big goals for education in order to accommodate economic, political, and diplomatic development. Instead of creating an aggressive image and rushing to fulfil certain big goals in a short period of time, we deem that government policy-makers should further deepen their understanding towards international society, balance efficiency, quality and equity in policy-making on IHE, and contribute to making IHE a common good.</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-10">Funding information</hd> <p>The completion of this paper was sponsored by Peak Discipline Construction Project of Education at East China Normal University.</p> <hd id="AN0148388869-11">Publisher's note</hd> <p>Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.</p> <ref id="AN0148388869-12"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Altbach PGForest JF, Altbach PG. Globalization and the university: Realities in an unequal world. 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| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1285380 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: State Formation and Higher Education (HE) Policy: An Analytical Review of Policy Shifts and the Internationalization of Higher Education (IHE) in China between 1949 and 2019 – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Zheng%2C+Jie%22">Zheng, Jie</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Kapoor%2C+Dip%22">Kapoor, Dip</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Higher+Education%3A+The+International+Journal+of+Higher+Education+Research%22"><i>Higher Education: The International Journal of Higher Education Research</i></searchLink>. Feb 2021 81(2):179-195. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/ – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 17 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2021 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Evaluative – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Policy%22">Educational Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Global+Approach%22">Global Approach</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Policy+Formation%22">Policy Formation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Systems%22">Social Systems</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Nationalism%22">Nationalism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Neoliberalism%22">Neoliberalism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Development%22">Educational Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Change%22">Social Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Change%22">Educational Change</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22China%22">China</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1007/s10734-020-00517-2 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0018-1560 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: State policies regarding the internationalization of higher education (IHE) in China have undergone significant shifts between 1949 and 2019. This paper advances the proposition that these shifts in policies pertaining to IHE can be understood as part of a process of ongoing Chinese state formation in relation to national and global developments and does so by examining the history of IHE policy and policy changes between 1949 and 2019 to demonstrate this possibility. We consider three specific periods to make this case, including: (1) the period of Marxist-Leninist socialist nationalism, patriotism and proletarian internationalism and the early engagements of IHE (1949-1976); (2) neoliberal globalization and opening-up: a return to the international stage and further IHE (1977-2002); and finally (3) state developmentalism and the era of globally engaged higher education (HE) (2003-2019). In conclusion, the current implications of a neoliberal (capitalist) globalization are discussed in terms of real and potential implications for Chinese state formation, Chinese HE and society. The paper aims to investigate the historical underpinnings and formation of international HE in China and contribute to the significant gap in our current literature regarding IHE in China as a socio-historical phenomenon. It not only offers a detailed documentation of how policy on IHE has evolved and shifted in the context of significant changes in political and economic directions in China but also teases out influences of national concerns such as ideological and cultural considerations as well as neoliberal globalization. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2021 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1285380 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1007/s10734-020-00517-2 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 17 StartPage: 179 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Higher Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Policy Type: general – SubjectFull: Global Approach Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational History Type: general – SubjectFull: Policy Formation Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Systems Type: general – SubjectFull: Nationalism Type: general – SubjectFull: Neoliberalism Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Development Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Change Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Change Type: general – SubjectFull: China Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: State Formation and Higher Education (HE) Policy: An Analytical Review of Policy Shifts and the Internationalization of Higher Education (IHE) in China between 1949 and 2019 Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Zheng, Jie – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Kapoor, Dip IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 02 Type: published Y: 2021 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0018-1560 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 81 – Type: issue Value: 2 Titles: – TitleFull: Higher Education: The International Journal of Higher Education Research Type: main |
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