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Globally Elite: Four Domains of Becoming Globally-Oriented within Elite Schools

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Title: Globally Elite: Four Domains of Becoming Globally-Oriented within Elite Schools
Language: English
Authors: Howard, Adam (ORCID 0000-0002-0227-8490)
Source: Educational Review. 2022 74(1):6-24.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 19
Publication Date: 2022
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Global Approach, Advantaged, Institutional Characteristics, Citizenship Education, Cultural Differences, Prosocial Behavior, Teaching Methods, Interpersonal Relationship, Cultural Capital, Human Capital, Competition, Knowledge Economy, Educational Practices, Ethnography, Social Class, Foreign Countries, International Schools, Institutional Mission, Cross Cultural Studies
Geographic Terms: Jordan, Taiwan, Ghana, Denmark, Chile, Australia
DOI: 10.1080/00131911.2020.1805412
ISSN: 0013-1911
Abstract: Drawing on a multi-sited global ethnography of elite schools across the world, this article explores how elite schools prepare students for an increasingly interconnected world characterised by difference and competition through global citizenship education. In this exploration, I identify the four domains that give meaning to global citizenship education within elite contexts: "cultural," "relational," "emotional," and "material." These domains reveal the ways in which these schools are responding to the challenges of globalisation by providing students opportunities to develop awareness and knowledge of differences, to establish and maintain relationships across differences, to gain a sense of obligation towards others, and to accumulate valuable forms of human and cultural capital. Through globally-oriented practices, students are being prepared to be flexibly mobile, to imagine themselves as leaders within a globalised world and to thrive in the hypercompetitive and unpredictable global knowledge economy. These practices play an important part of elite schools' larger strategy of making and remaking elites.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2022
Accession Number: EJ1331617
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0155381588;edi01jan.22;2022Feb24.03:40;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0155381588-1">Globally elite: four domains of becoming globally-oriented within elite schools </title> <p>Drawing on a multi-sited global ethnography of elite schools across the world, this article explores how elite schools prepare students for an increasingly interconnected world characterised by difference and competition through global citizenship education. In this exploration, I identify the four domains that give meaning to global citizenship education within elite contexts: cultural, relational, emotional, and material. These domains reveal the ways in which these schools are responding to the challenges of globalisation by providing students opportunities to develop awareness and knowledge of differences, to establish and maintain relationships across differences, to gain a sense of obligation towards others, and to accumulate valuable forms of human and cultural capital. Through globally-oriented practices, students are being prepared to be flexibly mobile, to imagine themselves as leaders within a globalised world and to thrive in the hypercompetitive and unpredictable global knowledge economy. These practices play an important part of elite schools' larger strategy of making and remaking elites.</p> <p>Keywords: Elite schools; global citizenship education; social class; global orientation; globalisation</p> <p>Against the backdrop of complicated class stratification generated by a shifting global economy, the core work of elite schools across the world continues to be facilitating the making and remaking of class (e.g. Kenway & Langmead, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref1">19</reflink>]). Caught up in the ever-changing conditions of globalisation, elite schools use globally-oriented practices and frameworks as means for reproducing power and privilege (e.g. Gilbertson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref2">10</reflink>]; Prosser, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref3">36</reflink>]). For the six elite schools discussed in this article, these curricular and pedagogical efforts are understood as providing the necessary preparation for equipping students with the kinds of skills, competencies and knowledge that are prerequisites for thriving economically and otherwise in a globalised world. As such, these efforts are an important part of these schools' larger strategy for making and remaking elites.</p> <p>In recent years, there has been increased scholarly attention given to the internationalisation of elite schooling (e.g. Maxwell et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref4">25</reflink>]) and the ways in which elite schools are responding to the changing processes of globalisation (e.g. Kenway & McCarthy, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref5">21</reflink>]). This body of work documents and explores how elite schools have adapted, as Kenway and Fahey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref6">16</reflink>]) point out, "to ensure that [they] keep pace with the changing social conditions and groupings in order to stay ahead of the game" (p. 177). In response to globalisation, elite schools are realigning established and adopting new practices, curriculum and overall programmes to protect their high status. Through these efforts, elite schools are upholding moral authority (e.g. Angod, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref7">3</reflink>]; Kenway & Lazarus, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref8">20</reflink>]), fortifying status distinctions (e.g. Ayling, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref9">4</reflink>]; Rizvi, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref10">40</reflink>]), securing their students' prosperous futures (e.g. Gilbertson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref11">10</reflink>]; Lee et al., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref12">23</reflink>]; Resnik, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref13">38</reflink>]), and producing leaders (e.g. Goh, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref14">11</reflink>]; Koh & Kenway, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref15">22</reflink>]; Howard & Maxwell, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref16">14</reflink>]). Through a globally-oriented education, elite schools are maintaining their eliteness.</p> <p>As other elite schools around the world, the schools involved in this study use global citizenship education (GCE) to bind the various and diverse parts of their globalising practices together. There is much debate and contestation around what is meant by global citizenship education (e.g. Clark & Savage, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref17">5</reflink>]; Oxley & Morris, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref18">32</reflink>]) and questions on whether it is a valuable educational framework (e.g. Davies, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref19">6</reflink>]). The scholarly literature on GCE offers a wide range of educational frameworks – from liberalist and humanistic frameworks (e.g. Noddings, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref20">29</reflink>]; Nussbaum, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref21">30</reflink>]) to more critical and social-transformation-oriented frameworks (e.g. Andreotti, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref22">1</reflink>]; Torres, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref23">41</reflink>]) – and advocate equally diverse practices (Dill, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref24">7</reflink>]). Of the nine typologies of GCE recently mapped out by Pashby et al. ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref25">34</reflink>]), the GCE programmes at the elite schools discussed in this article, to some extent, reflect a "neoliberal-liberal interface" orientation (p. 152). The meanings and practices attached to their GCE programmes are firmly grounded in an economic rationale while, to a much lesser extent, emphasising universal values and common humanity. As others have found, globalising practices in elite schools are often underpinned by both neoliberal sensibility (e.g. Prosser, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref26">37</reflink>]) and liberal sentiments (e.g. Kenway & Lazarus, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref27">20</reflink>]). However, there are limitations in using this typology and other main frameworks offered in the literature on GCE to understand fully the meanings and practices attached to GCE within elite schools.</p> <p>Even though there is a considerable body of scholarship on GCE (for a comprehensive review, see Goren & Yemini, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref28">12</reflink>]), there has been little attention given to how global citizenship practices and meanings shape articulations of elite forms of education. What ideals are behind GCE at elite schools? What practices and meanings are attached to their GCE programmes? In what ways do these programmes contribute to elite schools' larger strategy for making and remaking elites? With the dearth of scholarly focus on elite schools, the analytic frameworks offered in the literature on GCE do not provide the necessary conceptual resources for answering these and other questions specifically related to elite schooling. To stay ahead of the game, elite schools reconfigure educational frameworks in ways that distinguish themselves from the masses (e.g. Kenway & Fahey, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref29">16</reflink>]). Existing frameworks largely developed around massified versions of GCE, therefore, are not fully useful for understanding how GCE is articulated and practised in elite schools.</p> <p>In the sections that follow, I draw on a multi-sited global ethnography to identify and explore four domains – <emph>cultural, relational, emotional, and material</emph> – that define and shape GCE programmes at elite schools across the world. Embedded in practices, curriculum and overall educational purposes, these domains reveal the ways in which these schools are providing students opportunities to develop awareness and knowledge of differences, to establish relationships across differences, to gain a sense of obligation towards others, and to accumulate economic benefits and advantages. These domains also reveal the push and pull of the global and the national constantly at work in constructing and producing eliteness (see also, Kenway et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref30">18</reflink>]) – engaging with the global while navigating the national frameworks within which the schools are geographically located and historically configured. The article concludes with a discussion on the absence of an explicit <emph>political</emph> domain of these schools' GCE programmes. Without this political domain, I argue that GCE within these schooling contexts functions mainly to perpetuate privilege and power. In the next section, I provide an overview of the methods used in this study.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-2">Methods</hd> <p>The findings presented in this article come from a five-year, "global multi-sited ethnography" (Kenway et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref31">18</reflink>], p. 4) that examined the lessons students attending elite schools located in six countries across the globe (see Table 1), were taught about their place in the world, their relationships with others and how they were cultivated into particular subjects within these educational spaces. These schools are identified as elite based on their high standing and prestigious reputation within their own societies and, for most of the schools, across the world. The schools were intentionally selected for their differences in founding principles, overall mission, curriculum offerings, structures, affiliations, and geographic location. One strong commonality across all the schools was that they all overtly engaged with GCE as a main framework for educating their students. The project therefore largely focused on how global citizenship is defined, the lessons students learn about global citizenship and how these lessons shape these young people's self-understandings, how increasing global connections and imaginations impact students' self-understandings, and the role that elite schools play in facilitating and mediating these influences.</p> <p>Table 1. Overview of schools.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>School</td><td>Country</td><td>Type</td><td>Community Size</td><td>Curriculum</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Everdeen*</td><td>Australia</td><td>day school with single-sex classes and boarding options</td><td>3615 students 408 teachers (6 campuses)</td><td>Modified State</td></tr><tr><td>Croft</td><td>Chile</td><td>co-educational, British day school</td><td>2220 students 250 teachers</td><td>National, IGCSE</td></tr><tr><td>Kongens International School</td><td>Denmark</td><td>co-educational, International day school</td><td>930 students 123 teachers</td><td>IB</td></tr><tr><td>Sankofa International College</td><td>Ghana</td><td>co-educational boarding school</td><td>360 students 62 teachers</td><td>IB</td></tr><tr><td>Olive Grove Academy</td><td>Jordan</td><td>co-educational boarding school</td><td>557 students 98 teachers</td><td>American AP</td></tr><tr><td>Takau English School</td><td>Taiwan</td><td>co-educational, American day school</td><td>799 students 107 teachers</td><td>IB, American AP</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 *The schools have all been anonymised.</p> <p>At each site, methods included conducting a series of interviews over Skype before a two- to four-week visit to the school: three interviews with four students and one in-depth interview with two alumni. During school visits, two to three members of my research team and I gathered school documents and artefacts such as promotional materials, handbooks outlining policies, curriculum materials, and internal assessment reports. Additionally, an average of nine teachers and four school leaders at each site were interviewed. Researchers also conducted follow-up interviews with the four students who were interviewed before the visit, focus group sessions with teachers, students and/or parents, and interviewed four to ten additional students at each site. The interviews and focus group sessions primarily focused on participants' understandings of the meanings attached to the schools' GCE programmes and the ways in which these meanings were articulated through practices.</p> <p>The interviews were audiotaped and transcribed. Analysis involved reviewing the interviews and school documents and artefacts in search of recurrent themes or response patterns. Emergent themes in participants' narratives and school materials were thematically coded and categorised. Coding entailed reading and rereading transcripts and materials to note those statements that indicated meanings and practices attached to GCE, participants' perceptions on the teaching and learning process in GCE programmes, the intended learning goals behind various GCE initiatives, and the ways in which GCE programmes fit into the schools' missions, purposes and overall educational programmes. After completing initial coding, we explored "whether and how different pieces of data came together and illuminated one another in the overlaps between various codes," a process intended to generate "increasingly complex and more complete explanations of how individuals make meaning" (Gaztambide-Fernández, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref32">9</reflink>], p. 238). Through the process of identifying overlaps and then collapsing codes, primary themes (that is, the four common domains of GCE across the sites) were identified (Miles et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref33">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>The four domains of GCE identified through this analysis were presented at a public forum for teachers and school leaders at Olive Grove and Takau. These presentations were a part of a justice-oriented collaborative project connected to this research project that I discuss in detail elsewhere (e.g. Howard & Maxwell, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref34">13</reflink>]). Although the feedback that faculty and administrators provided during these sessions is not directly reported in this article, their perspectives on the study's findings were valuable in more fully determining whether the four domains discussed in the following sections adequately reflect the educational framework behind their GCE programmes.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-3">Cultural</hd> <p>The six schools take great pride in the diversity of their communities. Like other elite schools across the world, their diversity is understood as a valuable resource for "assisting students to become 'global citizens' open to, comfortable with and respectful of 'difference'" (Kenway & Lazarus, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref35">20</reflink>], p. 273). The schools' use their diversity as a curriculum (Gaztambide-Fernández, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref36">9</reflink>]) for teaching students to develop awareness and knowledge of differences. However, there are various forms of diversity across the sites. The makeup of each school's community – particularly with regards to race, ethnicity, faith, social class, and nationality – not only reflects larger national and regional forces at play but also reveals the distinctive ways in which the schools are preparing students to engage with differences. The global citizenship practices that make use of diversity also vary across the sites. Sankofa and Olive Grove employ a more integrative approach (that is, providing opportunities for students to develop knowledge and awareness of differences in their everyday experiences and interactions) while the other schools rely more on a <emph>boutique</emph> (Fish, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref37">8</reflink>]) approach (that is, promoting opportunities for students to celebrate differences in tokenistic ways).</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-4">Integrative approach</hd> <p>Olive Grove and Sankofa were founded to deliberately bring together students and teachers from diverse backgrounds in fostering global citizenship to equip students with the aspiration and competencies to be in the service of all peoples of their respective regions. As the Sankofa headmaster explains,</p> <p>Our diversity is reflected in every activity undertaken by our community. Experiences [that] our students gain through this diversity teach them to appreciate their own cultural heritage while respecting others. This learning environment provides them the conditions to develop their talents and abilities in reaching their full potential of becoming leaders in the service of Africa.</p> <p>Olive Grove's headmaster similarly claims,</p> <p>We know that [our students are] going to operate in an environment where they need to be able to work with and understand people who speak different languages, people who come from different faith backgrounds, people who come from different cultures and operate from different belief systems ... Our diversity is essential for preparing future generations to become the leaders that we need in the Middle East.</p> <p>For both Sankofa and Olive Grove, the diversity of their communities facilitates the necessary instructional setting for upholding their founders' visions for preparing students to become leaders "in the service of Africa" and "in meeting the aspirations of Arab people toward a better path," respectively.</p> <p>To uphold this commitment to diversity, both schools are one of the few co-educational, secular boarding schools in their regions. They have approximately equal numbers of male and female students and, except for housing, students are not separated based on gender in academics, extracurricular activities and other aspects of campus life. Also diverging from other schools in their regions, both schools actively recruit students from different religious backgrounds and promote an interfaith engagement with their communities. Both schools are also diverse when it comes to national origin. Sankofa students represent twenty-four nationalities. Although most teachers come from Ghana or other West African countries, Sankofa also emphasises the diverse national origins of the faculty in promotional materials by highlighting that "teachers come from four different continents." Olive Grove's students come from over forty countries and a larger portion of faculty originally from Anglophone nations. Specifically, around half of the teachers at Olive Grove are from the U.S., less than 25% from Jordan/Middle East, and the remaining portion from elsewhere in the world.</p> <p>Both in policy and practice at Olive Grove and Sankofa, there is a greater commitment to engaging with social class differences than the other four schools in this study, as both schools admit higher portions of students from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Sankofa was founded by a European charitable organisation that provides social and educational services to disadvantaged and vulnerable children in African countries. Nearly 40% of students receive financial support of the founding charitable organisation to attend the school. Similarly, Olive Grove sets aside approximately a quarter of tuition revenue for financial aid (in addition to an endowment fund for scholarships) and nearly half the student body receives some level of this financial assistance.</p> <p>Sankofa and Olive Grove similarly make use of the diversity within their communities to integrate learning experiences for developing students' awareness and knowledge of differences. For Olive Grove, these learning experiences reinforce thoughtfulness, respect and openness to others different from oneself, and mindfulness of the forces that separate individuals and groups such as various forms of hatred and prejudices. To facilitate this learning within the classroom context, Harkness tables (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref38">43</reflink>]), for example, are used to encourage inquiry-based learning, critical thinking, and open-ended discussions. The headmaster explains, "We use the Harkness method to develop students' abilities to express their own views with nuance and a proper respect to those who may hold different, even incompatible, views from their own." These values are also reinforced in students' extracurricular activities.</p> <p>Sankofa also emphasises particular values (specifically, fairness, equality, unity, and respect for others) throughout students' educational experiences to develop their awareness of diverse perspectives and their acceptance of differences. These experiences begin in a three-day orientation at the beginning of each school year when students learn about the differences among them. Students break into discussion groups to process what they are learning about themselves and others from what is being shared. These learning opportunities and discussions continue throughout the school year in daily all-school meetings when teachers and students take turns facilitating activities and organising programmes that promote understanding and acceptance of differences. Similar to Olive Grove, these learning experiences are integrated throughout Sankofa's curriculum, residential life programme, extracurricular activities, and other offerings to consistently reinforce values that they deem necessary for developing knowledge and awareness of differences.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-5">Boutique approach</hd> <p>Similar to Olive Grove and Sankofa, the diversity of Kongens' community directly relates to its mission and founding principles, yet for very different reasons. Similar to other elite international schools across the world, Kongens was founded to serve wealthy, mobile families by offering a globally recognised and respected curriculum and an overall educational programme that caters to their specific needs and desires (Kenway et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref39">15</reflink>]). As such, Kongens has an intentionally international community with the student body representing over eighty nationalities. As for teachers, 20% come from Denmark, 31% from U.S., and the remaining portion from countries across the world.</p> <p>For Everdeen, Croft and Takau, however, the diversity of their communities is primarily used to add value to their elite reputations rather than being connected to founding principles. Diversity is a necessary means for these three schools to uphold pre-eminent status in the hypercompetitive elite school market (e.g. Kenway & Lazarus, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref40">20</reflink>]). Over 80% of the Everdeen student body comes from Australia but is comprised of over sixty ethnic backgrounds. The remaining portion of students are from China and other Asian countries. Almost the entire student body at Croft is Chilean, while nearly half of teachers come from Anglophone countries, primarily the U.S and the U.K. Takau students must hold non-Taiwanese citizenship to apply, though, similar to Croft, the vast majority of the approximately three hundred students in the secondary school are Taiwanese but hold dual citizenship, enabling them to attend. The faculty of the school represent an international mix, but most come from the U.S. and Canada.</p> <p>While Everdeen, Croft, Kongens, and Takau are relatively diverse in terms of national origins and/or ethnicity, they remain bastions of wealth. In fact, the four schools put little to no effort into recruiting less privileged students and either do not offer financial aid or provide financial assistance on a very limited basis. Neither Croft nor Takau offer financial aid and annual tuition at both schools is around the average annual income in Chile and Taiwan, respectively. At Kongens and Everdeen, financial policies and practices are ambiguous and inconsistent. Kongens offers only a few scholarships in three different areas: academic excellence, arts and sustainability. Highly competitive and open to all students, these scholarships are primarily based on criteria other than financial need. At Everdeen, financial aid is offered on a very limited and temporary basis. Families must petition the school for a reduction in tuition. Students who do receive assistance still pay almost 90% of tuition and only receive assistance for a year or two. By providing students little to no financial support and charging exorbitantly high fees, almost all students at the four schools come from the wealthiest families in their nations (Croft and Takau) or other highly resourced families (Everdeen and Kongens).</p> <p>Although there are different forms of and meanings for diversity within these four schools than Olive Grove and Sankofa, they similarly see their diversity as a valuable resource for fostering understanding and awareness of differences. All four schools regularly hold cultural events to celebrate and enjoy not only the cultural traditions of various individuals and groups within their communities but also ones other than what is represented within their communities. The schools, for example, organise various cultural festivals for the purpose of celebrating and honouring different cultures. According to student and teacher participants, these festivals are usually organised around food from different countries and also include musical, artistic and other kinds of performances showcasing different types of cultural expression. Similar to other participants at all schools, an Everdeen student describe these celebrations as where "[the school] brings different types of food and then you get to go around and try it all out ... Then [different groups of students] will hold different dances [representing different cultures]." The schools employ a "food and festival" approach (Kenway & Lazarus, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref41">20</reflink>], p. 273) to promote "boutique multiculturalism" (Fish, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref42">8</reflink>], p. 378) where culture is transformed into something the communities consume and celebrate rather than something to integrate throughout students' educational experiences, as is the case at Olive Grove and Sankofa to a greater extent.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-6">Relational</hd> <p>In preparing students to thrive in an increasingly globalised world characterised by difference and competition, the six schools provide experiences, particularly ones outside the classroom context, aimed at teaching their students how to work with and across differences. These experiences focus on increasing their students' interactions with social and cultural groups outside their own and providing the necessary contexts for establishing relationships across differences. Through global citizenship practices, the schools emphasise the importance of students travelling outside their immediate worlds while also taking advantage of the diversity within their communities to develop the knowledge, competencies, dispositions and skills necessary for productively relating to and working with individuals different from themselves. At Kongens, Sankofa, Olive Grove, and Takau, these experiences play an important role in the larger strategy of preparing their students to "competently, comfortably and full of understanding move effortlessly across and between different locations and cultures" (Kenway & Fahey, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref43">16</reflink>], p. 190). Everdeen and Croft are less focused on preparing their students to be globally mobile for educational and economic opportunities than the other four schools. Instead, these experiences are more intended to prepare their students to effectively navigate differences within an increasingly interconnected world.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-7">Global connections</hd> <p>All six schools provide ample opportunities for their students to travel internationally. A significant portion of these travelling experiences are facilitated through the schools' global networks with other schools (such as other International, American or British schools, or other G20 schools) and international organisations (such as International Baccalaureate (IB) or Roundsquare) that share overarching principles with and offer valuable resources for the six schools. Each school has its own collection of networks. Through these different connections, the schools similarly organise study exchange programmes, sporting and academic competitions, community service activities, and cultural enrichment experiences. Similar to what Kenway and Fahey ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref44">16</reflink>]) observe, "These programmes, as a whole, range from fleeting forms of educational tourism through to richer and more extended engagements with people and issues in places other than the students' home country" (p. 186). All these experiences are meant to make travel available for students not only to build cross-cultural ties and accumulate global social capital. For Kongens, Sankofa, Olive Grove and Takau, travel is also understood as a valuable learning resource for further developing students' skills, knowledge, dispositions, and competencies necessary for building relationships and working across differences.</p> <p>Sankofa and Olive Grove provide students regular opportunities to travel, mainly for participation in community service projects, through their partnerships with other schools mainly in the U.S. but also across the globe. Although both schools partner with local groups and schools to organise most of the students' service experiences, international service trips are more intentionally designed to focus on tackling global issues and collaborating across differences to address those issues. More than the local service endeavours, "Service trips are meant to bring people together, join in partnership with others, to take on challenging work that relates to larger global issues," Olive Grove's headmaster explains. Sankofa's principal similarly claims, "These [international service] trips are about a lot of things but I think most importantly it teaches our students how to work with people who are different from you in order to accomplish something meaningful." Both schools also use these partnerships to organise study exchanges and academic programmes – especially ones that focus on language learning. Similar to the service trips, these travelling experiences aim to provide students additional opportunities to learn how to work and establish meaningful relationships across differences.</p> <p>Similar to Olive Grove and Sankofa, Kongens offers travelling opportunities mainly for students to engage in community service. However, these experiences are more directly connected to curriculum than the other two schools given that community service is compulsory for IB students. Although the IB curriculum emphasises service activities to be undertaken at the local level, "the vast majority of the service that our students complete are outside Denmark and outside Scandinavia for that matter," the head of school reports. Echoing other school leaders and teachers, he continues, "We have ongoing service opportunities at the local level but the ones we offer abroad, I believe, create a richer learning experience for nurturing intercultural understanding and relationships with all sorts of people." More than the other schools, these school-sponsored international service trips are viewed as a supplement, and not necessarily central, to teaching students how to form relationships and work across differences. As the principal explains, "Our students come from well-travelled families. They belong to an international community [at Kongens] and outside school ... What they experience on a daily basis is teaching them how to interact and build bonds with all different kinds of people."</p> <p>Although Takau also offers international service trips, travelling opportunities for students are mostly connected to sporting and academic competitions. Almost all athletic teams travel outside Taiwan on a regular basis to play against other elite schools that are members of an international sports league. Similar to other schools in this league, sports are seen as providing "students opportunities to travel to different places so they gain new experiences through those travels and interact with students from other schools and develop friendships along the way," claims the athletic director. He continues, "Our athletes are taught how to interact with others in positive ways, respect others and yourself, how to collaborate on something, and what it means to build positive relationships with others – even your opponents." A similar attitude is held for academic-related extracurricular activities. For example, through involvement in Model UN, "Students travel for competitions and conferences and get the chance to work with students from other schools and learn those lessons that you only get from travelling and meeting new people," the principal reports. The headmaster adds, "It provides the perfect learning situation for [students] to sharpen their skills in negotiation, critical thinking, compromise and other ones that they need in working effectively with other people, particularly people who are different in some way."</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-8">Navigating differences</hd> <p>Everdeen and Croft also offer their students various opportunities to travel. Similar to Sankofa, Kongens and Olive Grove, these experiences primarily are international service trips. These trips, however, are less integral in teaching students important lessons about developing relationships and working across differences. Echoing the sentiments of student participants at both schools, a Croft student in twelfth grade claims, "[Croft] offers us trips but it's not really a thing that's connected to building relationships with people who have different realities than we do; [these trips] are more about having fun and experiencing new things." At Everdeen and Croft, all participants believe that involvement in sports provides a much more important instructional setting for teaching these lessons.</p> <p>Everdeen school leaders, teachers and students claim sports provide a unifying experience for students and, therefore, "a crucial part of how students learn to work in productive ways with others," explains the head of school. A student in year eleven agrees, "Your involvement in sports lets you meet different people and that's give you a perspective on your life and other people's lives. I got to meet people that I wouldn't have met before [by playing a sport]." Because sports teams provide students with opportunities to widen their group of friends, the head of senior boys believes sports provides the kind of context that "powerfully incorporates our GCE outside classrooms." He further explains, "Students are certainly exposed to a wide range of ethnic and national backgrounds at [Everdeen] and involvement in sporting team allows them to develop relationships with others that they may not otherwise be friends with." Several other teachers agree by seeing involvement in sports as a way to foster relationships between students of different backgrounds that might not develop in classroom or social contexts at Everdeen.</p> <p>At Croft, sport is one of the school's "pillars" and, like the other three pillars (academics, arts and service), it is understood as important for reinforcing shared values (such as honesty, integrity, compassion and respect) and founding principles (such as fair play, all-rounder and team spirit). As the head of upper school explains,</p> <p>[Involvement in sports] is a big part of putting our values into practice and teaching students about what it means to be honest and have integrity and respect for others ... It is a core part of our educational project that stresses fair play and team spirit and the other principles we uphold.</p> <p>The school's core values and principles are, as he continues, "essential in preparing our students for succeeding in today's [globalised] world where they'll need to work on a regular basis with people all over the world ... [These values] guide [our students] in navigating those relationships in rewarding and constructive ways." Reflecting back on experiences as a member of the rugby team, an alumnus agrees, "I think the best learning about getting along with different kinds of people was by playing rugby. [Involvement in sports] taught me important life lessons to accept people for who they are and work with them to accomplish a positive outcome."</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-9">Emotional</hd> <p>GCE practices at the six schools intentionally mobilise emotions and construct affective conventions (Kenway & Langmead, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref45">19</reflink>]). This is especially the case with those practices connected to the schools' community service programmes and activities. At all schools, students are involved in service in local communities and globally. Some schools make service an integral part of the learning experience and their curriculum while other schools require or expect service as an extracurricular activity. Service may be voluntary or compulsory. It may be a single experience or on-going endeavour. And it may be performed as individual acts or organised around collective action. As Kenway and Fahey ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref46">17</reflink>]) argue, these differences are not mutually exclusive. These various practices across the schools similarly aim to foster in students a sense of obligation towards others. However, more meaningful differences exist in the commitments driving their processes of engendering such an emotion in students through community service. For half the schools, their commitments are firmly connected to the service of others and society for transformational purposes while the commitments to service for the other half promote particular qualities and values for individual gain.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-10">Sociopolitical commitment</hd> <p>At Olive Grove and Sankofa, community service activities are more of a major focus of extracurricular life for students and teachers than at the other four schools in this study. The activities at Olive Grove include teaching English to local schoolchildren, working with refugee children, building homes for families living in poverty, and holding fundraising drives. At Sankofa, most service activities involve partnerships with organisations and schools serving disadvantaged students and students with disabilities in various African countries. Service initiatives through these partnerships include fundraising for a school serving students with hearing impairments, building schools and public toilets for improvised communities, working on projects to increase access to clean and reliable water to rural communities, and developing a micro-credit scheme to meet the needs of a local community.</p> <p>The prominent belief at Olive Grove and Sankofa is that students' involvement in these kinds of service experiences will enable them to imagine themselves as capable of positively contributing to the world and making a difference for the betterment of others. As Olive Grove's assistant headmaster explains, "Through service, students address real issues and real needs in our community and other communities in need so that they can see themselves as change agents. We want to develop a strong belief that they can lead this world down a better path." Similarly, Sankofa's headmaster claims, "We involve students in community service for one main purpose – to further build their commitment and spirit to be in the service of Africa. We want [our students] to see themselves as ones who can make a difference." At both schools, community service initiatives are, therefore, focused on, as Sankofa's headmaster maintains, "teaching them to transform the world," and as the headmaster of Olive Grove adds, "sparking a fire within them to be committed to others."</p> <p>Service activities at Kongens are not as central to students' overall educational experiences as they are at Olive Grove and Sankofa. However, Kongens similarly emphasises, as the principal explains, "service programmes that are on-going with local and international organisations that we've formed a strong partnership with." These service activities relate to areas such as education, health, environment and immigration. Echoing other school leaders and teachers, the principal claims that these programmes "are not about fundraising and not about a one-time effort." More than the other five schools, these activities are, as a physics teacher reports, "connected to our classes across the curriculum and not just to certain teachers ... service at [Kongens] is integrated into the curriculum and not seen, in certain ways, as extracurricular activities." Although involving students in community service and integrating that service in the curriculum is a mandate of the IB programme, school leaders and teachers use service as a means of reinforcing the moral authority and responsibility that, they maintain, not only comes with being a global citizen but also with privilege. The service initiatives are informed by the strong belief that with advantages comes obligations towards others without those advantages.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-11">Self-interest commitment</hd> <p>To some extent, this sentiment of noblesse oblige is also attached to the community service requirements at Everdeen, Croft and Takau. Though, similar to Kongens, community service activities are less developed and integral to the life of the school than at Olive Grove and Sankofa. Students at the three schools fulfil the community service requirements mostly through individual experiences and/or short-term projects – such as small fundraising drives and helping out at a local charitable organisation. In school promotional materials and other official documents, Everdeen's school leaders maintain that these forms of service emphasise the important responsibility that comes with being privileged and is necessary for being a global citizen. As the head of school explains, "Our students come from privileged families and there's a responsibility to serve others who aren't as fortunate as we are. But this [responsibility] is also a part of what it means to be a global citizen." Through fostering this sense of obligation towards others, he adds, "[Students] are working towards making the world a better place for themselves and others."</p> <p>Service activities at Croft are similarly intended, in part, "to understand the existence of different realities and conditions of life ... to recognise a responsibility we have to give others who are less fortunate the opportunity to develop and launch all their potential." This responsibility towards helping others to reach their full potential creates, as the head of the community service programme puts it, "a win-win situation." He further explains, "Through service, we improve the lives of others in different circumstances than the ones we find ourselves but, at the same time, we improve conditions for ourselves, in many ways." By improving the lives of others with disadvantaging circumstances, he maintains, "We can prevent them from hindering the spirit of entrepreneurship in our society and thus, avoid creating dependence, perpetuating the primitive state, and paralysing progress."</p> <p>At Takau, a sense of obligation towards others is also attached to the learning goals of community service. As the high school principal explains, "We want our students to learn the importance of giving back through their service work. They are very privileged and as the adage goes, 'there's a responsibility that comes with [privilege].'" Community service is one of the main means for developing that sense of responsibility. Similar to Everdeen and Croft, community service at Takau has a strong self-interest component, as reflected in the description of the requirement for community service:</p> <p>In order to qualify as community service, the student must engage in an activity that further develops his/her moral and ethical character by giving service to others. The purpose of serving others is to develop beyond an egocentric worldview and recognise that stewardship produces benefits – personally and to the community.</p> <p>Similar to Everdeen and Croft, Takau uses service activities primarily to instil particular qualities and values in students and to develop their moral and ethical character.</p> <p>For Croft, service is understood, similar to involvement in sports, as a means of reinforcing concepts attached to their founding principles. As Croft's head of upper school explains, "Service is not considered in isolation from being an all-rounder, or showing fair play, or displaying good manners. These all live in a relationship of symbiosis." At Croft, service is primarily, as the rector claims, "about providing another means to reinforce our traditions and values, which put respect, tolerance, inclusion, good manners and joy of learning at the heart of all we do." For Everdeen, service is similarly seen as "mak[ing] our students better human beings who focus on things that matter – being generous, protecting the weak, forgiveness, sharing what you have with others, and gratitude," claims the director of international programmes. Similarly, the high school principal at Takau explains, "Our service component is centred on learning outcomes – ones related to empathy, self-awareness and the values we try to impact to our students within and outside the classroom." She adds, "We aren't really concerned about what students produced or did in their service but what they've learned."</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-12">Material</hd> <p>The six schools' GCE practices reflect their concerted efforts to foster in students a global orientation that is necessary for future economic success. For all schools, the most immediate concern is getting their students into top universities – either ones within the nation or elsewhere in the world – which is understood as the necessary pathway towards promising and prosperous future lives. These practices play an important role in keeping these schools a part of an <emph>elite circuit</emph> – allowing students to travel from one elite institution to another and eventually on to high-paying and high-power employment (Kenway et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref47">18</reflink>]). At Olive Grove, Sankofa and Takau, the meanings and practices attached to GCE propel students towards destinations, mostly the U.S. and other Western countries, with hopes and plans of advancing future prospects. At Everdeen, Croft and Kongens, GCE provides students the necessary preparation for securing their power and privilege.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-13">Advancing eliteness</hd> <p>Olive Grove, Sankofa, and Takau promote global citizenship as a class-making project (e.g. Kenway & Lazarus, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref48">20</reflink>]; McCarthy & Kenway, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref49">26</reflink>]) more overtly than the other schools in this study. The three schools promote GCE as a necessary preparation for gaining access to elite universities abroad that will eventually lead them on to high-paying and high-power employment. At each school, nearly all students plan to migrate to wealthier nations for higher education, mostly to the U.S. and European countries. Specifically, of the 645 students who graduated Olive Grove from 2014 to 2018, half went on to higher education in the U.S., 9% in Canada, 21% in the U.K., and only 12% in the Middle East. During this same timeframe at Sankofa, a vast majority of students went to the U.S. for advanced study (approximately 90%), around 5% went to Europe, and only a very few (less than 5%) remained in Ghana and other African countries. Around the same portion of Takau students went on to the U.S. and Europe, and even fewer (less than 3%) stayed in Taiwan and other Asian countries.</p> <p>Although students are directed towards Western societies through the meanings and practices attached to GCE, they are simultaneously being prepared to manage the conditions of socially integrating within those societies in ways that maintain their attachment to the values, norms and customs of their origins. For Olive Grove and Sankofa, preparing students to remain connected to their origins upholds their distinctive yet similar founding missions of grooming students to become democratically minded leaders of tomorrow in the Middle East and to foster the commitment to be "in the service of Africa," respectively. At Takau, this connection is facilitated by parents' expectations for their children to remain faithful to Confucian values as they adopt Western ones being reinforced through GCE. Similar to Olive Grove and Sankofa, Takau students are being prepared for outward mobility with the expectation that they will eventually return to their native countries. At Takau, this expectation is driven by family obligations while at Olive Grove and Sankofa students are expected to become eventual leaders of their regions.</p> <p>At Olive Grove and Sankofa, all student participants express a genuine desire of returning one day to the Middle East and African nations, respectively. They similarly hold the belief that they need to gain the necessary resources in Western societies for them to do so. For example, a wealthy student from Ghana explains, "People need power to make changes and we learn [at Sankofa] you have to make smart decisions and take right actions to get power to make changes. And like it or not, power [also] takes a level of finances." Similarly, an Olive Grove student from a lower middle-class family believes, "We have to have more [economic] opportunities than what's here ... to accomplish goals in life." To a much lesser extent, Takau students also express hopes of returning to their native country "after you've become successful in America," explains an eleventh-grade student.</p> <p>Even though students have plans to return to their native country, school leaders and teachers at the three schools report that most end up staying in Western countries. As Sankofa's guidance counsellor explains, "Our graduates start new lives in these [Western countries] and find success in those places. It's hard to get them to come back here ... most live their lives outside Ghana or their home country." Olive Grove's assistant headmaster similarly reports, "Students go off to America and rarely come back to Middle East. They discover that they can have better lives [in the U.S.]." Although most Takau students end up spending most of their adult lives in the U.S. or other Western countries, "Many of them come back [to Taiwan] when they're 'called home' to take care of elderly parents or need to take over the family business or something like that," claims the high school principal. For all three schools, the dominant understanding is that students must go to the West to advance their privilege and power. The skills, knowledge and competencies fostered through global citizenship practices are seen as essential for such outward mobility.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-14">Securing eliteness</hd> <p>Almost all Everdeen and Croft students plan to remain in their native countries for university study and eventual careers. Upon graduation, Everdeen students mostly go on to attend one of the prestigious Go8 universities in Australia and Croft students enter comparable institutions in Chile. Unlike the other five schools in this study, Kongens students' plans are not as attached to a specific geographic location. However, similar to Everdeen and Croft, getting into top universities – either ones within the nation or elsewhere in the world – is understood to be Kongens students' next step towards a pathway of securing their privileged future. To better prepare students for these elite destinations, Everdeen, Croft and Kongens offer curricular options with high status and credibility within their countries and/or across the globe. At these schools, GCE is integrated into these curricula not mainly for the purpose of students' gaining access to elite universities, as is the case at Olive Grove, Sankofa and Takau, but rather for the purpose of students accruing the skills, competencies and knowledge necessary to thrive in a highly competitive, diverse and interconnected globalised world.</p> <p>Unlike the other schools in this study, Everdeen no longer offers an international curriculum. As the head of school explains, "Several years ago, we had the IB for a few years but it made more sense for us to replace that with an enhanced national curriculum to better suit our students' needs." For the past decade, Everdeen has offered an enhanced version of the Australian curriculum in which students spend years ten through twelve preparing for the Victorian Certificate of Education and Australian Tertiary Admissions Rank, which ranks students in Australia and is used as a key factor in the university admissions process. In 2019, over a third of students scored in the top 5% and over half in the top 10%. These top placements allowed 96% of students to receive a first-round tertiary. Everdeen's "enhanced" version of the curriculum emphasises GCE to prepare students "for the challenges and opportunities of living and working in a globalised world," the director of the international programme reports. The primary purpose of its global-oriented curricular initiatives is to foster the necessary ways of knowing and doing in its students to thrive in lucrative careers within the increasingly diverse Australian society.</p> <p>Croft also emphasises a national curriculum to prepare students for the Chilean university entrance exam, but also offers an international curriculum (IGCSE) "to prepare our students for success in a globalised world," the headmaster explains. Although only a few students plan to leave Chile for university study, the school offers IGCSE to foster a global orientation in its students "to set them apart from others [in Chile]," as the deputy headmaster claims. He further explains, "The international part of our curriculum is like providing students with a car. It provides them the necessity to go from one place to another in a highly globalised world." Echoing school leaders and teachers, an English teacher adds, "Our students form an outlook of the world that reaches beyond Chile and South America. They gain high level skills, especially in English ... This sets [students] up for success later on in their lives and will give them an advantage. It makes them stand out as the very best in Chile." For Croft, the skills, competencies and knowledge acquired through GCE enable status distinctions to secure eliteness (Gilbertson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref50">10</reflink>]). Although global citizenship practices are also employed, like they are at Everdeen, to prepare students for economic prosperity in a globalised world, they primarily foster qualities in students that distinguish them from others, including other wealthy Chileans, to facilitate the reproduction of privilege.</p> <p>Like most elite international schools across the world, the educational programmes at Kongens centre around the IB, which aims to instil into students the cognitive, socio-communicative and emotional dispositions that are required for a competitive global job market (e.g. Resnik, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref51">38</reflink>]). Kongens students come from geographically mobile families and the IB is employed as the means for fostering a global orientation. Preparing students to become global citizens through IB and other educational initiatives is a part of a broader strategy of students remaining globally mobile for educational and social opportunities (Kenway & Fahey, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref52">16</reflink>]). An educational emphasis on global citizenship, therefore, is mainly a focus on, as Ong ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref53">31</reflink>]) suggests, further preparing Kongens students to be flexible, mobile and able to reposition for the purpose of accumulating capital and power. As the head of school claims,</p> <p>Our focus on global citizenship is largely about preparing our students to be highly adaptable in an everchanging world. We prepare them throughout our curriculum and offerings to be comfortable with change so that they take advantage of opportunities that they'll encounter along their journeys in life.</p> <p>Similar to Everdeen and Croft, global citizenship practices at Kongens are a part of and connected to various strategies involved in securing students' eliteness.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-15">Conclusion</hd> <p>The six schools' GCE programmes take different forms that are distinctive to their overall missions, curriculum offerings, structures, and affiliations. Differences exist across the sites in what it means to engage with the global and to be globally-oriented. Across these differences, however, the schools converge around the four domains discussed in this article that give shape and meaning to their GCE programmes. Through these domains, all the schools aim to equip students with the necessary skills, competencies and knowledge to thrive in a globalised world (see also, Gilbertson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref54">10</reflink>]). As such, GCE is the educational framework these schools have adopted to realign themselves in "increasingly global terms" (Kenway & Fahey, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref55">16</reflink>], p. 192) as part of their larger strategy of making and remaking elites.</p> <p>In advancing this strategy, an explicit political domain is absent from the meanings and practices attached to their GCE programmes. More focused on an ideal of what students need to flourish in a globalised world, the schools do not acknowledge the inherent political nature of embracing and working towards such an ideal. In fact, all six elite schools intentionally avoid <emph>being political</emph> (i.e. taking particular positions to advocate transformation) or teaching their students the necessary lessons in <emph>becoming political</emph> (i.e. developing the habits of mind and heart to work towards imagining the self as an agent of change) (Howard & Maxwell, 2018). These schools maintain an apolitical position that evades such lessons as combating inequalities and transforming social and political power relations (Veugelers, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref56">42</reflink>]), and avoids taking on the task necessary for individual and social transformation.</p> <p>However, GCE represents political agendas at play within practice, advocating for a particular form of learning through the development of epistemic virtues (Rizvi, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref57">39</reflink>]) and a shift in the way knowledge and identities are understood (Marshall, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref58">24</reflink>]). The lessons students are taught through this educational framework inculcate particular narratives that confer upon them understandings of self, others and the world around them. These identity-forming narratives implicitly and explicitly reinforce and regenerate privilege. Although critical impulses (such as building awareness of others different from oneself and establishing relationships across differences) make an important move towards interrupting processes of class making and remaking, GCE within these elite contexts serves to retrench rather than transform the various forces perpetuating power inequities (Pashby, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref59">33</reflink>]).</p> <p>Several scholars (e.g. Andreotti, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref60">1</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref61">2</reflink>]; Torres, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref62">41</reflink>]) propose more critical models of GCE that emphasise critical literacy and the need for developing pedagogical approaches that promote critical engagement and reflexivity. These models promote learning opportunities for students to analyse and experiment with various ways of knowing and doing and to challenge hegemonic forms of knowledge, problematise dominant discourses and question power relations (e.g. Mikander, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref63">27</reflink>]; Peterson & Warwick, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref64">35</reflink>]). These educational approaches advance a commitment to social and individual transformation (e.g. Oxley & Morris, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref65">32</reflink>]). Establishing an explicit commitment to a political domain through such models opens up possibilities for GCE within elite schools to be something other than yet another educational means for making and remaking elites.</p> <hd id="AN0155381588-16">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.</p> <ref id="AN0155381588-17"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref22" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Andreotti, V. (2006). Soft versus critical global citizenship education. Policy & Practice: A Development Education Review, 3, 40 – 51. https://<ulink href="http://www.developmenteducationreview.com/issue/issue-3/soft-versus-critical-global-citizenship-education">www.developmenteducationreview.com/issue/issue-3/soft-versus-critical-global-citizenship-education</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref61" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Andreotti, V. (2014). 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  Data: Globally Elite: Four Domains of Becoming Globally-Oriented within Elite Schools
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Howard%2C+Adam%22">Howard, Adam</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0227-8490">0000-0002-0227-8490</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Educational+Review%22"><i>Educational Review</i></searchLink>. 2022 74(1):6-24.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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– Name: Pages
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  Data: 19
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  Data: 2022
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Global+Approach%22">Global Approach</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Advantaged%22">Advantaged</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Institutional+Characteristics%22">Institutional Characteristics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Citizenship+Education%22">Citizenship Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Differences%22">Cultural Differences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Prosocial+Behavior%22">Prosocial Behavior</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+Methods%22">Teaching Methods</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Interpersonal+Relationship%22">Interpersonal Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Capital%22">Cultural Capital</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Human+Capital%22">Human Capital</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Competition%22">Competition</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Knowledge+Economy%22">Knowledge Economy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Practices%22">Educational Practices</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnography%22">Ethnography</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Class%22">Social Class</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22International+Schools%22">International Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Institutional+Mission%22">Institutional Mission</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cross+Cultural+Studies%22">Cross Cultural Studies</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/00131911.2020.1805412
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  Data: 0013-1911
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  Label: Abstract
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  Data: Drawing on a multi-sited global ethnography of elite schools across the world, this article explores how elite schools prepare students for an increasingly interconnected world characterised by difference and competition through global citizenship education. In this exploration, I identify the four domains that give meaning to global citizenship education within elite contexts: "cultural," "relational," "emotional," and "material." These domains reveal the ways in which these schools are responding to the challenges of globalisation by providing students opportunities to develop awareness and knowledge of differences, to establish and maintain relationships across differences, to gain a sense of obligation towards others, and to accumulate valuable forms of human and cultural capital. Through globally-oriented practices, students are being prepared to be flexibly mobile, to imagine themselves as leaders within a globalised world and to thrive in the hypercompetitive and unpredictable global knowledge economy. These practices play an important part of elite schools' larger strategy of making and remaking elites.
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      – SubjectFull: Institutional Characteristics
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