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Karl and Tilla König and the Creation of the Camphill Movement

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Title: Karl and Tilla König and the Creation of the Camphill Movement
Language: English
Authors: Jackson, Robin (ORCID 0000-0002-9501-0919)
Source: British Journal of Learning Disabilities. Jun 2022 50(2):188-198.
Availability: Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 11
Publication Date: 2022
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Evaluative
Descriptors: Learning Disabilities, Interpersonal Relationship, Sense of Community, World History, Sustainability, Religious Factors, Collective Settlements
DOI: 10.1111/bld.12444
ISSN: 1354-4187
Abstract: The Camphill Movement is one of the largest independent providers of social care for people with a learning disability: there are 119 communities located throughout the world. From the start, the principal aim of the Movement--co-founded by Dr. Karl König and his wife Tilla (née Maasberg) in Aberdeen--was to build communities in which children and adults with a learning disability could live, learn, and work with others in healthy social relationships. Karl König was born in Leopoldstadt, Vienna on the 25 September 1902 and died on the 27 March 1966 in a Camphill community in Brachenreuthe, Germany. Mathilde Maasberg was born in Gnadenfrei, Silesia, on the 9 March 1902 and died on the 17 September 1983 in the Camphill community of Fairways in South Africa. The paper focuses primarily on the lives of Karl and Tilla König and highlights the key points in their respective biographies. Whilst it is usually the name of Dr. Karl König that is associated with the Camphill Movement, a case is presented here that his wife significantly shaped the essential character of the Camphill way of life. She had been born into a Moravian Brethren settlement and latterly wove a strong, discernible and enduring element of Moravian practice into the fabric of Camphill life and work. Since the deaths of Karl and Tilla König Camphill communities have continued to seek the creation of environments where the economic, social and spiritual aspects of the community life complement one another. The paper identifies six key constituents that it is argued are central to the essence of Camphillness: mutuality, rhythmicity, spirituality, tranquillity, ecological sensitivity and economic sustainability. The paper ends with reflections on the 21st Century relevance of Camphill communities.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2022
Accession Number: EJ1334821
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0156737488;f0401jun.22;2022May10.06:41;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0156737488-1">Karl and Tilla König and the creation of the Camphill Movement </title> <p>The Camphill Movement is one of the largest independent providers of social care for people with a learning disability: there are 119 communities located throughout the world. From the start, the principal aim of the Movement—co‐founded by Dr. Karl König and his wife Tilla (née Maasberg) in Aberdeen—was to build communities in which children and adults with a learning disability could live, learn, and work with others in healthy social relationships. Karl König was born in Leopoldstadt, Vienna on the 25 September 1902 and died on the 27 March 1966 in a Camphill community in Brachenreuthe, Germany. Mathilde Maasberg was born in Gnadenfrei, Silesia, on the 9 March 1902 and died on the 17 September 1983 in the Camphill community of Fairways in South Africa. The paper focuses primarily on the lives of Karl and Tilla König and highlights the key points in their respective biographies. Whilst it is usually the name of Dr. Karl König that is associated with the Camphill Movement, a case is presented here that his wife significantly shaped the essential character of the Camphill way of life. She had been born into a Moravian Brethren settlement and latterly wove a strong, discernible and enduring element of Moravian practice into the fabric of Camphill life and work. Since the deaths of Karl and Tilla König Camphill communities have continued to seek the creation of environments where the economic, social and spiritual aspects of the community life complement one another. The paper identifies six key constituents that it is argued are central to the essence of Camphillness: mutuality, rhythmicity, spirituality, tranquillity, ecological sensitivity and economic sustainability. The paper ends with reflections on the 21st Century relevance of Camphill communities.</p> <p>Accessible summary: This paper is about the life of Karl and Tilla König.It discusses the influence of the Moravian Brethren.The characteristics of Camphill communities.I conclude by reflecting on the 21st Century relevance of Camphill communities.</p> <p>Keywords: Camphill Movement; Karl König; learning disability; Moravian Brethren; normalisation principle; Tilla König</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-2">BACKGROUND</hd> <p> <emph>It is remarkable when you think that 99.8% of the people with developmental disabilities in the United States have never been part of the Camphill experience and yet the experience of that 0.2% has had such an impact on so many people</emph> (Lakin, 2001).</p> <p>[Extract from speech given at the Camphill Association of North America Symposium held at Triform Camphill Community, Hudson, New York, 3–4 April 2001 by Professor Charles Lakin, Institute on Community Integration, University of Minnesota].</p> <p>Support for Lakin's observation comes from the fact that leading authorities in the field of learning disability in the United States have highlighted the impact made by a small number of Camphill communities in the thinking about appropriate provision for people with a learning disability.</p> <p>Lakin's observation is as relevant today as it was when made two decades ago. In part this is because there has been a dearth of written material about the Camphill Movement whether in scholarly journal articles or in book form. This lack of accessible literature may unwittingly contribute to a perception of Camphill communities as being "closed" and uninterested in the world around them. Two reasons for this lack of written material are tentatively advanced. Firstly, most of the early Camphill pioneers were German‐speaking and may have lacked the confidence to commit themselves to writing in a foreign tongue and for scholarly journals. Secondly, what writing about Camphill that has been undertaken in the early years appears either in in‐house Camphill journals (e.g., <emph>Camphill Correspondence</emph>; <emph>Journal of Curative Education and Social Therapy</emph>) or German language publications which had very limited circulation within professional circles in Britain.</p> <p>It is worth noting that contrary to the situation in the early years of Camphill, there is now a growing body of literature which describes the evolving Camphill Movement (e.g., Bang, 2010; Cumella & Lyons, 2017; Jackson, 2011; Lyons, 2015a, 2015b; McKanan, 2020).</p> <p>Notwithstanding the absence of any significant body of literature on Camphill, it is worth noting the observations of three prominent figures in the reform of public policy and services for people with a learning disability in the United States, who were profoundly influenced by Camphill in their thinking and writing. Burton Blatt, after having written his book <emph>Christmas in Purgatory</emph>, which exposed the degrading conditions of people with disabilities living in state institutions in the United States, made a visit in the late 1970s to Camphill Village Copake (Blatt & Kaplan, 1966). Before his premature death in 1985 and despite his strong advocacy of the process of deinstitutionalisation, he expressed his wish to retire to Copake as he saw it as a model form of residential provision.</p> <p>As a result of a continuous dialogue with Camphill leaders and friends during the latter part of his long career, Wolf Wolfensberger modified the principle of normalisation with which his name has come to be closely associated. Initially this principle advocated making available to all people with disabilities patterns of life and conditions of everyday living which were as close as possible to the regular circumstances and ways of life in society. Wolfensberger subsequently revised this principle because he saw it being interpreted too inflexibly and narrowly thus failing to take account of what Camphill communities had traditionally seen as being of pre‐eminent importance—the quality of a person's whole experience of living.</p> <p>O'Brien (2015) has pointed out that assisting people to live with dignity and meaning should be the ultimate purpose of social care. In his opinion, Camphill has made an important contribution to critical questions concerning policy and practice; for example, how to assist and safeguard people without inhibiting them from living a real and meaningful life.</p> <p>It needs to be said that a comparable degree of recognition of the contribution of the Camphill Movement to the provision of effective services for children and adults with a learning disability has not been evident in Britain. Indeed, the claim has been made that the kind of services provided by Camphill communities run quite counter to the normalisation principle (Collins, 2000). Indeed, it has been asserted that Camphill communities operate as institutions and that whilst they might have a more relaxed and homely style than the word "institution" usually suggests, they are separated from mainstream life. Collins went on to claim that people in Camphill settings are inevitably denied the spontaneity and informality of "real life experiences" as well as the risks and challenges they bring with them. No evidence was provided by Collins that her assessment was based on actual observation of what happened in such communities or on any discussions with Camphillers about the principles upon which Camphill practice was based. The cartoon accompanying this article shows a "village community" as a prison surrounded by high walls and barbed wire. The cartoon is particularly offensive given that the founders of Camphill had been forced to flee their homeland because of the Nazi programme of genocide. Had they not done so they would almost certainly have been incarcerated in concentration camps from which there was no chance of escape.</p> <p>What is of interest here is that in 1999, the year before Collins' article appeared, a report was published by the Hester Adrian Research Unit at Manchester University in which 20 indicators of "quality" were examined in three different residential settings for adults with a learning disability: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>) <emph>village communities</emph>; (2<emph>) residential campuses operated by NHS Trusts</emph> and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref2">3</reflink>) <emph>community‐based dispersed housing schemes</emph> (Emerson et al., 1999). For reasons which are unexplained the research team decided to select "homes in the community" which had been identified by local authorities as providing examples of "good practice!" Notwithstanding that fact, the findings revealed that on a range of indicators <emph>village communities</emph> did as well as <emph>community‐based dispersed housing schemes</emph>.</p> <p>Such a finding would not have pleased the Department of Health, which financed the research study, given its commitment to a policy of placing adults with a learning disability in the "open community." In the two decades since the publication of the Manchester study no comparable national study has been undertaken. It is perhaps worth noting that north of the border the Scottish government openly acknowledges the relevance and importance of the provision made by Camphill communities (The Scottish Government, 2013). Indeed, Camphill Scotland, the body that represents the 11 Camphill communities in Scotland, is recognised by the Scottish government as an eloquent and effective advocate for people with a learning disability and it is a body to which it frequently turns for advice.</p> <p>If some understanding of the Camphill village model is to be gained by a British audience then it is important to know something about of the two people responsible for its birth—Karl and Tilla König.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-3">KARL KÖNIG</hd> <p>It is important to stress that this paper does not trace the historical development of the Camphill Movement since its birth in 1940 to the present day but rather focuses on the founders of that Movement—Dr. Karl König and his wife Tilla, who sought to develop a community model aimed at improving the quality of life for children and adults with a learning disability. König was born on 25 September 1902, in Leopoldstadt, a Jewish district in Vienna. Whilst König rarely referred to his childhood, it is important to highlight three features of his early years; firstly, his own personal experience of having a disability; secondly, his identification with the plight of the socially underprivileged and thirdly, the importance he attached to offering appropriate and timely support to children and adults with a learning disability.</p> <p>It is known that König was born with two club feet (<emph>congenital talipes equinovarus</emph>) (Jackson, 2014). As a consequence, in his early years he was only able to move around outside by being transported in a small cart (Selg, 2008) and inside by walking with the aid of a Gehstuhl (a device similar to a Zimmer frame) (B. König, 2010). Eventually, he was able to walk without aids but never achieved a normal walking gait. As a child, he was particularly small and remained small in stature into adulthood (c. 1.5 m). What is clear from his mother's recollections is that König enjoyed less than happy relationships with a succession of teachers as he believed them all incapable of teaching him anything of value. Tutors hired by his parents were also dismissed as König found that he invariably knew far more than they did.</p> <p>Throughout his childhood and later in life, he was subject to migraines of sufficient severity that he could be confined to bed for several days at a time. To the evident distress of his mother, her son also experienced frequent periods of depression (B. König, 2010). As a recent Canadian survey has demonstrated, depression among people with migraine is about twice as common as in people without migraine (8.4% vs. 3.4% for men and 12.4% vs. 5.7% for women) (Fewer‐Thomson et al., 2013). A particular concern of his mother when König reached adolescence was his state of mind and her worry was that he might take his own life. Whilst it is not possible to identify the causes for his depressive episodes, it is important to note that König was an only child and that his upbringing was largely left to a childminder, whilst his parents were absorbed in the running of a shoe shop in Vienna. Müller‐Wiedemann noted: "it is certain that, as the only child in the family, he grew up in solitude and that his parents' business duties left little time for him" (Müller‐Wiedemann, 1996).</p> <p>What is not in doubt is that from a very early age König exhibited a high degree of intellectual precociousness which may help to explain why, in addition to his other difficulties, he had very few friends. As his mother acknowledged in her autobiography, as parents, they were aware of his solitude but did not know how to act to remedy the situation (B. König, 2010). König's sense of isolation may have been compounded by the fact that as a Jew he lived in Leopoldstadt—the Jewish quarter of Vienna at a time when anti‐Semitism was once again increasing in the city. It is known that König felt uncomfortable when he compared his family's relative affluence against the extent and degree of poverty evident everywhere in Vienna. To the consternation of his parents, König when quite young would frequently return home without a coat or some other article of clothing having given it to someone who he thought was in greater need (B. König, 2010).</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-4">THE ISLAND METAPHOR</hd> <p>According to König's mother, there was one book that exerted a mesmeric hold upon her son and to which he returned time and time again (B. König, 2010). In his novel <emph>Émile</emph> Jean‐Jacques Rousseau identifies this particular book as being of undisputed merit (Rousseau, 1792). The book in question was <emph>Robinson Crusoe</emph> by Daniel Defoe. According to König's mother, her son "would read it over and over again, until he knew it by heart." It needs to be pointed out that <emph>Robinson Crusoe</emph> was not intended to be read as a children's book, although that is how it has usually been viewed in later centuries. König treated <emph>Robinson Crusoe</emph> with the same degree of respect as any other serious book that was to be found on his library shelves, for example, by Schopenhauer and Kant (Jackson, 2014).</p> <p>We are talking about an exceptionally bright and only child of parents who were preoccupied with the running of their business. At that time the family were living in the Jewish district of Leopoldstadt when Vienna was experiencing an acute economic recession and mounting anti‐Semitism. It is not entirely surprising that this imaginative, sensitive but lonely child should seek to create—if only in his own mind—the idea of a society which was characterised by love, tolerance and mutual respect.</p> <p>The metaphor of the island portrayed in <emph>Robinson Crusoe</emph>—its philosophical, political, social, psychological and spiritual significance—had a hold on König throughout his entire life. Indeed, it may have played a significant part in the creation and subsequent development of the Camphill Movement. It can be argued that König, rather like Robinson Crusoe, saw himself as psychologically and spiritually isolated and as a consequence was forced, to survive, to be resourceful and resilient. To some observers this manifested itself in König frequently being somewhat intolerant and obstinate when confronted by individuals who did not share his vision and level of commitment.</p> <p>König frequently and explicitly used the metaphor of "the island" when describing a Camphill community. One of the most obvious features of an island is that it is physically cut off. That isolation was seen by König as important for three principal reasons. Firstly, to foster a sense of brotherhood and to develop a system reliant on mutual dependence, it was necessary to cut links with "the outside world." Secondly, he believed that in order for people with special needs (both young and old) to benefit from such a regime, there should be a minimum of external influences which he saw as potentially negative and destructive. Thirdly, efforts to create a self‐sustaining economic model would be undermined, if there was any reliance on the surrounding area for goods and services.</p> <p>In his paper "Islands as metaphors," Hannabuss has contended that it is possible to argue that desert island stories—like <emph>Robinson Crusoe</emph>—offer a form of wish‐fulfilment or escapism. According to Hannabuss: "the island setting was a projection of great potency, which many people wished to summon into existence for themselves, and, finding themselves unable to do so, turned to authors to do it for them" (Hannabuss, 1983). For König, the island was more than a metaphor. From an examination of the minutes of one of the first Camphill community meetings, the following picture emerges:</p> <p>The overwhelming image of Camphill, which is clearly evident in the minutes, is that of an enclosed, self‐contained and inward‐looking community. It is scarcely surprising therefore that Camphill should be perceived as an island (Costa, 2012).</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-5">RENUNCIATION OF JEWISH FAITH</hd> <p>Both König's father and mother were connected with the Jewish community in the city and continued to practice their faith by observing the Jewish festivals (Müller‐Wiedemann, 1996). König's paternal grandfather had been a rabbi in Vienna and other relatives on his father's side had been rabbis in Hungary. His father's life had been rooted in many generations of the rabbinic tradition and there appears to have been an expectation that König might follow in that tradition given his undoubted intellectual gifts. Whilst König celebrated his bar mitzvah at the age of 13, he soon afterwards started attending a Catholic church, and in 1919 formally renounced Judaism and left the Jewish community. Notwithstanding that renunciation König remained very conscious of his Jewish identity throughout his life, particularly in his final years.</p> <p>His motivation for converting to Christianity is not clear. However, it is known that after 1895 Vienna was the only European capital to have an elected anti‐Semitic municipal government. According to Beller, because of the existence of the all‐pervading and unofficial anti‐Semitism in the city, many Jews wishing to enter the legal or medical professions opted for conversion (Beller, 1989). As it had been König's firm intention to enter the Medical School at the University of Vienna, he would certainly have been aware of a situation where the authorities were deliberately seeking to check what was seen as an over‐representation of Jews in these two professions.</p> <p>At the University of Vienna, König proved to be a student of exceptional ability. After graduating in the Spring of 1927, he was invited by Dr. Ita Wegman in the Autumn of that year to take up a post at an anthroposophical medical clinic in Arlesheim in Switzerland. It was whilst there that he encountered for the first time children with special needs. That experience changed the direction of his professional life. He found he was able to identify with these children who presented with a wide range of disabilities. From very early on König refused to accept that any child was ineducable and he strenuously argued that all children, notwithstanding the degree of their disability, have potential and that it is the responsibility of the professional worker—whether doctor, nurse, psychologist, teacher or care worker—to seek to develop that potential. To achieve that goal, he believed it was necessary to work within a closed environment that was not exposed to harmful extraneous influences and pressures.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-6">TILLA MAASBERG AND THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN</hd> <p>König arrived in Arlesheim on the same day as Mathilde (Tilla) Maasberg. By chance, the clinic assigned her an attic room in the same house in which he was staying. Tilla was born on 9 March 1902, and grew up in Gnadenfrei, a Moravian Brethren community in Silesia. Her father was Ludwig Maasberg, who was born on Christmas Eve, 1863, in Paramaribo in Surinam as a child of Moravian missionaries. Ludwig Maasberg was married to Luise Furter, a member of the Silesian nobility, who was born on 12 May 1878, at Neustaedl in Silesia and died on 3 September 1952, in Stuttgart. It is clear from information provided by the Unity Archives in Herrnhut that Ludwig Maasberg was a leading member of the Moravian Church until he died on 20 July 1945 (L. Maasberg, 1911).</p> <p>Tilla was the fourth child of seven. At the end of her formal education, she was meant to go to a finishing school, where girls learned about running a household. Instead, she went to Berlin to train as a children's nurse, which became her vocation. After finishing her training, her oldest sister, Maria, who had trained as a social worker, asked her to help start a children's home in the Waldhaus, their holiday house, which was located 12 km from Gnadenfrei in the Eulengebirge (R. Maasberg, 2007).</p> <p>Early in 1927, their work at the Waldhaus had come to the notice of Dr. Wegman, who suggested that one of the sisters should go to Arlesheim for 3 months training in curative education. Tilla enrolled on courses in speech, painting, playing the lyre and eurhythmy, which is a physical performance art form involving choreographed movement with music.</p> <p>She was forced to cut short her training and return to Silesia after Christmas because her help was needed at the Waldhaus and also because her other sister, Lene, was seriously ill. Tilla hoped that König would accept her invitation to visit Gnadenfrei to offer medical advice concerning the treatment of her sister. For his part, König recognised that this invitation would provide him with an opportunity to see the curative home and to find out more about the pioneering work that was being done there.</p> <p>In the spring of 1928, König visited the curative home run by Maria and Tilla Maasberg. During his visit, König encountered the Moravian Church and the Maasberg family, including Tilla's second eldest sister, Lene, who, by then, was dying of tuberculosis. The serenely beautiful land of Silesia made a deep impression on König, while the religion of the Moravian Church awakened in him a deep commitment to Christianity that he had felt since his childhood. During this eventful visit, the von Jeetze family (large landowners in Silesia), offered their home in Pilgramshain (today Zolkiewka, Poland) to expand the pioneering work that had started in the Waldhaus. This subsequently came to be known as the Pilgramshain Institute.</p> <p>At this time, Gnadenfrei was a small village, a secluded island adjoining the small market towns of Ober‐ and Niederpeilau near Reichenbach (Mosel & Bernhard, 1911). It still preserved its character from its foundation in the middle of the 18th century and was one of the typical settlements of the Moravian Church founded by Count Zinzendorf (Weinlick, 1984). There was a large square with two sizeable residential buildings, one house for the single brothers and one for the single sisters. There was also a church, the interior of which was light, elegant and peaceful. König was deeply moved by the unaffectedly solemn atmosphere which pervaded it. Behind the village König discovered the graveyard surrounded by high trees with broad paths running along the edge of the graves. Each grave was covered by a stone, none bigger than any other. He was impressed by this expression of the Moravian belief that in death all are equal. He thought that this was how life and death should be enacted by a community of human beings. The shock of having had such a meaningful experience overwhelmed him. He acknowledged that he had never before been gripped so directly by a place and its atmosphere. In this quiet Moravian Brethren settlement, he encountered the stillness of an old tradition (Jackson, 2017).</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-7">KÖNIG'S APPOINTMENT AS MEDICAL DIRECTOR AT THE PILGRAMSHAIN INSTITUTE</hd> <p>At Pilgramshaim König's role was that of medical director and not as Principal, as is sometimes supposed. The Principal was Albrecht Strohschein, a former colleague of Rudolf Steiner and one of the founders of anthroposophical curative education. König's work contract, which is dated 30 August 1928, makes clear that his responsibility was for the medical care of the children residing at Pilgramshain. In return for his medical services, he would receive board and lodging, as would his dependants in the event he got married. Further, he would be free to run a private practice on condition that this did not interfere with the interests of the Institute.</p> <p>König was frequently away on lecture tours or seeing to his large private practice which had grown during this time. His frequent absences occasioned friction and ill‐feeling among the staff at Pilgramshain (Kon, 2004). By 1933, his medical work and life in Pilgramshain had become progressively more difficult for other reasons, particularly the increasing number of regulations imposed by the National‐Socialist rulers. Given the growing hostility directed at Austrians of Jewish descent, it was decided that the situation had become too dangerous to remain at Pilgramshain. It is known that the curative education institute in Pilgramshain closed in 1940 and that those children remaining there who had not been withdrawn by their parents were subsequently transferred to a local hospital where they, like many other children with a learning disability, were recipients of a lethal injection (Kon, 2004).</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-8">RETURN TO VIENNA</hd> <p>In March 1936 König fled with his family back to his native city of Vienna where they arrived in an impoverished condition. König's reputation for being an outstanding doctor soon spread and his practice grew. These were busy and turbulent years which were filled with much work and insecurity. With the Anschluss in March 1938, which saw König's native land joined with Germany in a political union, he started looking for a country which would be willing to accept him and his family. In 1939, as their 10th wedding anniversary approached, König wrote a letter to his wife in which he confessed that he felt Silesia was his true spiritual home. He wrote that this was only because of the woman who had faithfully and resolutely stood beside him, "a good angel" who had cured him of his wayward homelessness and had given him a foundation upon which he could securely base his future life (Müller‐Wiedemann, 1996). But Silesia was no longer an option.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-9">FLIGHT FROM AUSTRIA</hd> <p>The question arose as to where he and his family should go. Some consideration was given to moving to France or the United States. However, it is known that in 1938 König submitted proposals to the Irish Government suggesting the establishment of a communal settlement with a <emph>village community</emph> at its heart for children and adults with a learning disability (The Irish Times, 2002). The farm would act as the "dynamo" providing not only food and drink but also educational and recreational activities. König was quite specific in his proposals. The farm should possess the following: (a) sufficient arable land to permit the growing of wheat for bread‐making and animal fodder; (b) enough milking cows to supply the community with milk; (c) a dairy for the production of butter and cheese; (d) a large garden to supply vegetables and the most common fruit and berries; (e) woodland to supply timber for building construction and a range of artefacts (e.g., kitchen implements); (f) a chicken farm and piggery and (g) sufficient sheep for breeding and the production of wool for weaving. One reason tentatively advanced in the article in <emph>The Irish Times</emph> for the Irish Government not responding positively to this approach by König was the degree of anti‐Semitism current within the Department of Foreign Affairs at that time.</p> <p>It was whilst he was in Switzerland that Dr. Wegman suggested to König that he should think of going to Scotland. She indicated that she had a friend living near Aberdeen who might be willing to help him start work there and to build a new future. This would be dependent upon him being included in the small group of Austrian doctors who had been permitted entry into the United Kingdom. The Home Office, in joint consultation with representatives of the medical profession, had agreed the admission of 50 Austrian doctors for the purpose of studying and later practising in the United Kingdom (Jackson, 2013).</p> <p>König was subsequently invited to Scotland, where Emily Haughton, a former patient of Dr. Wegman's, offered property in order for him to establish a curative educational institute there. In 1939, König, his family and a group of colleagues, who were also refugees, moved into Kirkton House, a former manse on the grounds of the Haughton's estate in Williamston, Aberdeenshire. Within a short time, König decided it was too small and too remote to serve effectively as an institute, so when the opportunity arose to move to Camphill (a property on the outskirts of Aberdeen), he took it.</p> <p>When Britain declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939, all temporary visas granted to people from enemy territories were declared invalid. This meant that the great majority of Austrians and Germans in Britain who were <emph>bona fide</emph> refugees were now trapped, stateless, in a country which was uncertain what to do with them. Initially, they were categorised as "friendly enemy aliens" which accurately reflected the ambivalent attitude of British officialdom to these refugees (Jackson, 2004).</p> <p>With the fall of the Netherlands and Belgium to the Nazis and the failure of the Dunkirk invasion, the government decided that more drastic action needed to be taken. Due to fears that there might be spies or subversives among the alien refugees, it was recommended that they should all be interned (Jackson, 2004). Thus, in the summer of 1940, just before he proposed to move to Camphill, König and the rest of the men in Kirkton House were arrested as "enemy aliens"; the married men were interned on the Isle of Man, while the single men were transported either to Canada or Australia.</p> <p>One significant consequence of the men's internment was that it was left to the women to establish the community at Camphill. Thus, there is a sense in which these pioneering women were the true founders of Camphill. It remains unclear why the women were not arrested and sent to the Isle of Man, as was the case with many other German and Austrian women. It is possible that there may have been an intervention by George MacLeod (the founder of the Iona Community) or the British Council for the Aid to Refugees which saved them from that fate.</p> <p>The suggestion has been made that the Austrian and German men and women who came together, most from Jewish families, would have felt some affinity with the children and young people in their care as both groups—carers and cared for—would have been killed had they been living in Austria and Germany.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-10">PROFESSIONAL RECOGNITION AS A MEDICAL PRACTITIONER IN THE UNITED KINGDOM</hd> <p>Once König had been released from internment in October 1940, there was the matter of gaining recognition to practice as a qualified doctor, as doctors from Austria and Germany had to re‐qualify to become registered practitioners. This required them to attend a special course at one of a number of designated British universities. It is known that König was enrolled on a course at St. Andrew's University (Jackson, 2013). The Minutes of the Senatus Academicus for St. Andrew's University on the 9 December 1938 record that the Co‐ordination Committee for Refugees had asked St. Andrew's if it would be prepared to accept one from a selected number of Austrian doctors (University of St. Andrew's, 1938). The Faculty of Medicine agreed on condition that the doctor chosen was not allowed to compete for University Prizes or class medals! A Minute of the Faculty of Medicine meeting held on 10 February 1939 shows that Dr. König was nominated by the Refugee Committee as the Austrian doctor to study at Dundee—the location of St. Andrew's University Medical School. In a Minute to the University of St. Andrew's Court (26 June 1939) there is reference to an appeal by the Faculty of Medicine on behalf of Dr. König. In that appeal it was stated that Dr. König was entirely without resources with which to pay tuition fees, so a grant was asked for to cover the fees. The Court duly made that grant.</p> <p>For reasons which have never been satisfactorily explained König abandoned this course and by so doing disqualified himself from acting as a registered general practitioner in the United Kingdom. The reason most frequently advanced to explain this decision is that he found the task of establishing Camphill increasingly time‐consuming and that he had little time left to give to his course work. It should be acknowledged that the University of St. Andrew's did try to accommodate König's needs by transferring the location of his training from its Dundee base to Aberdeen University so that he would spend less time commuting.</p> <p>Three other possible reasons for his withdrawal are tentatively advanced. Firstly, his abandonment of the course may have arisen from a sense of resentment. As a distinguished graduate from one of the foremost medical schools in Europe and having acquired considerable professional experience and wisdom over nearly 20 years, he may have felt that attending such a course was not only unnecessary but professionally demeaning.</p> <p>Secondly, during this period considerable hostility was being expressed by the medical representative bodies, the British Medical Association (BMA) and the rank‐and‐file Medical Practitioners Union to the employment of refugee doctors from Austria and Germany (Weindling, 2009). These professional groups saw foreign practitioners as a threat because they believed that they would bring about a wholesale transformation in the structures of medical power and knowledge. It would have been surprising if König had not experienced some of this hostility and resentment. Without doubt a small part of this negative reaction may also have had an anti‐Semitic element to it (Weindling, 2009).</p> <p>Thirdly, an article that König had written at this time may have prompted a hostile professional reaction. George MacLeod had invited König to write four articles for <emph>The Coracle</emph>, the periodical published by the Iona Community. Four broad themes had been identified for König to cover: integration, medicine, education and agriculture. In the event only the first two—on integration and medicine—were ever published. The reason for the nonpublication of the other two was because of an acute shortage of paper due to wartime conditions. According to Ferguson, MacLeod's biographer, the two articles which were published caused an uproar (Ferguson, 1990). The substance of his article on medicine would not have endeared him to many doctors and nurses. His basic criticism was that members of the medical and nursing professions were essentially technicians who as a direct result of their training had become too distant from their patients and provided a service that lacked basic humanity. This criticism is not altogether unsurprising given his commitment to a holistic approach to the needs of the individual and his scepticism concerning some clinical approaches that he saw as too narrow, fragmented and superficial (K. König, 1942). But König's criticism is unlikely to have been directed simply at the situation in Scotland, he had been equally scathing about the quality and relevance of his medical training in Austria.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-11">ESTABLISHMENT OF CAMPHILL</hd> <p>In 1940, not long after his release from internment, König signed a contract for leasing the estate at Camphill in Aberdeen, thus coming a step nearer to realising his cherished ambition of establishing a curative educational institute. In that same year he had a meeting in Edinburgh that was to prove of great significance to him. This was his first face‐to‐face encounter with the leader of the recently founded Iona Community, George MacLeod. Like König, MacLeod was interested in the process of community building. At the time of his first meeting, MacLeod was working as a Church of Scotland minister in some of the most socially deprived districts of Glasgow. He had gathered a group of young ministers, theology students and workers, and during the summer, they would spend a few weeks together on the island of Iona rebuilding the crumbling church and monastery constructed by St. Columba in 563 AD.</p> <p>MacLeod appears to have been attracted to the concept of the Camphill community not just because of its theoretical appeal but also because of its practical work with children with special needs and its care for the environment. When visiting Camphill MacLeod was amazed at the "atmosphere" created by the Community: they were "one family" in which the "backward" children were fully part of Community life. MacLeod noted that the maturity of the whole experiment was probably due to the experience that had been gained in running a similar community in Silesia.</p> <p>MacLeod was also impressed by the fact that König had accurately identified and was successfully responding to an evident and urgent need—the protection and preservation of the natural environment. MacLeod made no secret of his belief that Christian faiths had exhibited little or no concern for the earth. His insistence in the early 1940s that there should be an ecological dimension to theology and practice had been consistently ignored by the Church of Scotland.</p> <p>In an interview with the <emph>Aberdeen Press and Journal</emph> on the 21 October 1940 König indicated that the Board of Control in Edinburgh had recently informed him that Camphill was the first private institution for children with special needs in Scotland (Jackson, 2019). The fact that there was no such provision in Scotland reflected the prevailing professional opinion that children and young people with a learning disability were incapable of responding to and thus benefiting from an education. In England, such children had been formally categorised as "subnormal" which, whether intentionally or not, conveyed the impression that they were in some way less than human. König would have been only too well aware of the fact that in his home country, which was now Nazi controlled, the inevitable destination for such children was an extermination centre housed either in a psychiatric hospital or a concentration camp.</p> <p>From the start König refused to accept that any child was ineducable and strenuously argued that all children, notwithstanding the degree of their disability, had potential and that it was the responsibility of the professional worker—whether doctor, nurse, psychologist, teacher or care worker—to seek to develop that potential (K. König, 1960). He would certainly have been aware of the extent to which eugenicist views were current in professional circles in the United Kingdom. These views were prompted by, among other things, a belief that British national intelligence was declining and that to remedy that fact the educational system needed to be completely restructured. What König was doing in Camphill was challenging the prevalent orthodoxy that the "subnormal" were incapable of responding to education. It was not until the introduction of the Education (Handicapped Children) Act 1970 that the practice of classifying children with a learning disability as unsuitable for education in England was discontinued. Inexplicably, it took a further 4 years before a comparable Act was introduced in Scotland—Education (Mentally Handicapped Children) (Scotland) Act 1974.</p> <p>Over the years Camphill communities have sought to create and maintain an environment where the economic, social and spiritual aspects of the community complement one another and where its members, whatever their abilities, help support the needs of their fellows, while they themselves are supported in turn. A community of co‐workers was thus established that undertook all the work that had to be done, whether it was teaching, caring, household work or gardening.</p> <p>It was König's aim in Camphill to promote a social pedagogical model which differed profoundly from that offered in traditional school settings in Britain (Jackson, 2011). In doing so he is likely to have been strongly influenced by the Moravian educational model that he had encountered in Gnadenfrei. Many features to be found in the Moravian Brethren schools at the beginning of the twentieth century came to be mirrored in Camphill settings: co‐workers living with the children in family units; a broad curriculum based on a mind‐body‐spirit model; learning gained through the full range of senses; the importance of creative activities in the curriculum; early afternoons free of lessons; schools set in beautiful and tranquil surroundings; attention paid to creating a harmonious physical, psychological and social environment; the regular celebration of the Christian festivals; frequent on‐site cultural activities (such as recitals, plays and talks) and the importance of music (such as the playing of the recorder or lyre to welcome the morning and to signify the time for sleep in the evening).</p> <p>König made it clear that the Camphill Movement was not a proselytising mission. In that respect, he believed it differed little from the Moravian model which did not seek to make converts but rather encouraged those they met to start living wholeheartedly for Christ within the structures and authority of their own church background. According to Anderson (2006), like the Moravian Church, the Camphill Movement sought to explore and challenge many of the burning issues of the day, including the purpose of community living. By the time of König's death on 27 March 1966, while visiting the Camphill school in Brachenreuthe (near Überlingen, Germany) the Camphill Movement had taken firm root in many countries throughout the world. His worldwide mission was being realised.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-12">THE PARTICULAR CONTRIBUTION OF TILLA KÖNIG</hd> <p>According to Christof König, Tilla's son, there was no doubt as to the major role played by his mother in the development of Camphill (von Freeden, 2004). In his opinion, it had been her idea to start Camphill as a centre for children with disabilities, inspired by the earlier work undertaken with her sister in the Waldhaus. He noted a strong and discernible element of Moravian Brethren practice that was woven into the fabric of Camphill life and work. He saw his mother as a particularly successful homemaker, who made a significant contribution to the process of community building. He recalled his mother as being humble and happy to remain in the background and it may be for that reason that her role in the building of the Camphill Movement has not been readily apparent.</p> <p>Renate König, one of Tilla's daughters, indicated that the love of nature, order and, simplicity in Camphill were key influences of her mother; all of which reflected and embodied the Moravian way of life (Sleigh, 2005). This point is further underlined by Margarete von Freeden, who noted that Tilla had the ability to create order and peace wherever she went. During the formative years of Camphill, she was a pillar of strength and a "Mother" to all (von Freeden, 2004). Barbara Lipsker commented on the beauty and order of Tilla König's own house and her attitude of devotion in everything that she did (How, 2004). To Marianne Gorge, Tilla had a magic way of spiritualising everything:</p> <p>The dignity and divinity of human nature found an expression in this way of life. This was all very much due to Tilla König, who had lived in a community of Moravian Brethren... This "art of living" would permeate all practical activities; the way meals were prepared, tools handled, children's clothes folded, tables laid, shoes cleaned, and flowers arranged, all spoke of a loving attention to detail (Surkamp, 2007).</p> <p>Tilla König spent the final years of her life in Fairways, a Camphill community in South Africa. A reminder of her early years in Gnadenfrei was brought back to her towards the end of her life for, as she lay in her bed, she was often surrounded by a group of women who came from the Moravian Brethren congregation at Pella in the Western Cape (Rowley, undated). Tilla died on 17 September 1983.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-13">THE NATURE OF A CAMPHILL COMMUNITY</hd> <p>There were a number of key features of Camphill community life that Karl and Tilla König, in their own ways, sought to develop. Firstly, that the relationship between the carer and the person cared for be characterised by <emph>mutuality</emph>, defined here as the respectful give‐and‐take between and among persons. Mutuality is not seen here as a technique or attitude; it is a practice that embodies the value of interaction and understanding as opposed to isolation and alienation. The life‐sharing aspect of living in a Camphill community is one of its defining features, ensuring that the principles of dignity, value and mutual respect can be meaningfully translated into practice. The daily process of learning across difference and inequality is vital, for it transforms the basic attitudes of care‐givers toward difference. Furthermore, the negotiation of power‐sharing across inequality makes a reality of the rhetoric of empowerment, because such an approach requires the power to come from, and be given up by, someone else, namely the care‐giver (Cushing, 2003). What we see here is the establishment of an affective relationship that is unconditional. And it is mutual friendship that provides the cohesive force binding together the different elements of a community, the mortar without which any communal edifice would collapse.</p> <p>Secondly, <emph>rhythmicity</emph> was seen as a potent force not only in linking people together but also in creating a sense of internal togetherness (Maier, 1992). Life comprises a wide range of natural rhythms, from the regularity of the heartbeat to the change from day to night. Rhythmicity can be seen as an essential ingredient in human communication and development. In attempting to communicate effectively with an individual, the carer has to fall into step with that individual so that they dance to the same tune. The individual and the care‐giver then search for ways to establish and maintain that joint rhythm in a mutually inclusive way. An awareness of this engagement can help carers pace their interactions and further their capacity to speak with, rather than to, the individual. It is important for carers to learn to listen, to look, and to explore in a new way the pulse of groups with which they are working. In the Camphill philosophy, only by living one's work in a community can one become sensitised and respond appropriately to these rhythms.</p> <p>Thirdly, particular attention was paid by Karl and Tilla König to <emph>spiritual well‐being</emph> which is an integral facet of life in a Camphill community. Spiritual well‐being, which may have everything or nothing to do with religious belief and observance, is an essential aspect of everyday life. It can be defined as a sense of good health about oneself as a human being and as a unique individual. It occurs when people fulfil their human potential, are aware of their own dignity and value, enjoy themselves and have a sense of direction. They can also sense this quality in others and respect and relate positively to them: they are at ease with the world around them (Crompton & Jackson, 2004). Spiritual care and support do not result from the acquisition and application of a series of techniques and skills; they result from sharing and learning together. They come by addressing questions that relate to the value and meaning of life (Swinton & Falconer, 2011).</p> <p>A fourth characteristic feature of Camphill settings which was sought by the Königs was <emph>tranquillity</emph>. But what is meant by tranquillity? Too often, it is simply equated with silence or an absence of noise, but tranquillity is a quality that has to be created. It can be defined as a state of inner emotional and intellectual peace. While many people may recognise its importance, few understand its benefits (Menzinger & Jackson, 2009). Tranquillity can help individuals overcome feelings of anger, nervousness and fear that are often part of daily life. It brings enhanced levels of emotional and mental calm, enabling individuals to feel mentally stable and grounded. By keeping the mind clear and stable, tranquillity can help improve judgement and, by so doing, make the future appear bright and positive. This in turn helps to maintain a person's good physical health by keeping the body strong and resistant to illness: tranquillity can have a healing or curative quality.</p> <p>A fifth factor is <emph>economic sustainability</emph>. It was König's view that at the heart of the larger Camphill communities there should be a farm which would act as the "dynamo" providing not only food and drink but also educational and recreational activities. He sought to create self‐contained and economically self‐sustaining communities. At a Schools Community Meeting held in October 1952, König made explicit his belief that: "we must create an island where the world can be kept away... Camphill should become a self‐supporting structure through which more and more people can pass" (Costa, 2012).</p> <p>A sixth key trait is <emph>ecological sensitivity</emph>, strongly advocated by König long before environmental lobbies came into existence. He believed that Camphill communities should act as guardians of the land with which they had been entrusted. To fulfil that responsibility, it was necessary to apply farming methods that respected the soil, the crops and the livestock (Jackson, 2013). He further believed that this reverence should be extended to the way that food was prepared for the table. The physical presentation of meals, as well as taste and nutritional value, should add to the feeling of well‐being. Meals should not simply be a time set aside to eat food but should be social events that are celebrated. They should be convivial occasions in which respect is shown for what one eats and drinks, done through offering a grace or an appropriate reading or song at the start and finish of each meal.</p> <hd id="AN0156737488-14">CONCLUSION</hd> <p>The Camphill Foundation in the United States has succinctly described the Camphill Movement in the following terms: the Movement is seen as an initiative for social change. It is dedicated to creating intentional communities where the values of service, sharing, spiritual nourishment and a commitment to recognising each individual's gifts and contributions. Camphill communities value the profound significance of each human being and practice an art of daily living which is mindful of man's responsibility to the earth and helps create transformative living experiences for children, young people, and adults with developmental disabilities. What is not in dispute is that the Camphill community model created by Karl and Tilla König over 80 years ago constitutes a challenge to contemporary philosophy, provision, and practice as they relate to the fields of education, social and community care for people with a learning disability.</p> <p>What the current coronavirus pandemic has clearly exposed has been the low priority accorded by monolithic and distant health and social services to those needing special care, particularly children, young people, and adults with a learning disability (Jackson, 2020). It is to be hoped that one consequence of the pandemic will be the emergence of new progressive alliances possessing strong radical and community‐oriented agendas—similar in many respects to Camphill communities.</p> <p>Notwithstanding the fact that Burton Blatt was one of the first and most eloquent advocates for the process of deinstitutionalisation, he wrote the following:</p> <p>My hope is to remind you that some of the most powerful successes in our field were accomplished by people of faith—people with great courage and wisdom, but oftentimes with modest technical tools at their command. I recall for you Itard himself, a doctor but also a person with a calling. And Seguin. And Howe. And Montessori. And Anne Sullivan. Today, there is Vanier, Pitzner, Wolfensberger, a few others. You owe it to yourself to read the history. Then visit a Camphill village or one of Vanier's L'Arche homes. Read Wolfensberger or Perske. Talk with them or others like them. There are many ways to examine the world. There is more than one way to solve a problem (Blatt, 1985).</p> <p>Burton Blatt recommended that the reader of his paper should "visit a Camphill village," so that an informed and not prejudiced judgement could be made on the merits of this form of provision. Readers of this paper, too, might give serious consideration to Blatt's recommendation.</p> <ref id="AN0156737488-15"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Burton Blatt was a professional colleague of Wolf Wolfensberger at Syracuse University.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> https://<ulink href="http://www.camphillscotland.org.uk">www.camphillscotland.org.uk</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref2" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> This proposed model flourishes today in a number of Camphill communities in Scotland: Newton Dee Community in Aberdeen; <ulink href="http://www.newtondee.co.uk">http://www.newtondee.co.uk</ulink> and Loch Arthur Community in Dumfries‐shire; <ulink href="http://www.locharthur.org.uk">http://www.locharthur.org.uk</ulink></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> It is known that Dr. Wegman had visited Williamston House from 13 to 17 August 1938.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> https://camphillfoundation.org</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0156737488-16"> <title> REFERENCES </title> <blist> <bibtext> Anderson, P. 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The Scottish Government.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> University of St. Andrew's. (1938, December 9). Minutes of the Senatus Academicus 1938 to 1939 [UY452/41], Faculty of Medicine Report.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> von Freeden, M. (2004). Tilla König. In F. Bock (Ed.), The builders of Camphill: Lives and destinies of the founders (pp. 53 – 62). Floris Books.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Weindling, P. (2009). Medical refugees and the modernisation of British medicine, 1930 to 1960. Social History of Medicine, 22 (3), 489 – 511.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Weinlick, J. (1984). Count Zinzendorf: The story of his life and leadership in the reformed Moravian Church, The Moravian Church of America, Bethlehem, PA.</bibtext> </blist> </ref>
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  Data: Karl and Tilla König and the Creation of the Camphill Movement
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jackson%2C+Robin%22">Jackson, Robin</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9501-0919">0000-0002-9501-0919</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22British+Journal+of+Learning+Disabilities%22"><i>British Journal of Learning Disabilities</i></searchLink>. Jun 2022 50(2):188-198.
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  Data: Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us
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  Data: 11
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  Data: 2022
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Evaluative
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Learning+Disabilities%22">Learning Disabilities</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Interpersonal+Relationship%22">Interpersonal Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sense+of+Community%22">Sense of Community</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22World+History%22">World History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sustainability%22">Sustainability</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Religious+Factors%22">Religious Factors</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Collective+Settlements%22">Collective Settlements</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1111/bld.12444
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  Data: 1354-4187
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  Label: Abstract
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  Data: The Camphill Movement is one of the largest independent providers of social care for people with a learning disability: there are 119 communities located throughout the world. From the start, the principal aim of the Movement--co-founded by Dr. Karl König and his wife Tilla (née Maasberg) in Aberdeen--was to build communities in which children and adults with a learning disability could live, learn, and work with others in healthy social relationships. Karl König was born in Leopoldstadt, Vienna on the 25 September 1902 and died on the 27 March 1966 in a Camphill community in Brachenreuthe, Germany. Mathilde Maasberg was born in Gnadenfrei, Silesia, on the 9 March 1902 and died on the 17 September 1983 in the Camphill community of Fairways in South Africa. The paper focuses primarily on the lives of Karl and Tilla König and highlights the key points in their respective biographies. Whilst it is usually the name of Dr. Karl König that is associated with the Camphill Movement, a case is presented here that his wife significantly shaped the essential character of the Camphill way of life. She had been born into a Moravian Brethren settlement and latterly wove a strong, discernible and enduring element of Moravian practice into the fabric of Camphill life and work. Since the deaths of Karl and Tilla König Camphill communities have continued to seek the creation of environments where the economic, social and spiritual aspects of the community life complement one another. The paper identifies six key constituents that it is argued are central to the essence of Camphillness: mutuality, rhythmicity, spirituality, tranquillity, ecological sensitivity and economic sustainability. The paper ends with reflections on the 21st Century relevance of Camphill communities.
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      – SubjectFull: Interpersonal Relationship
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      – SubjectFull: Sense of Community
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