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Sinophobia in Hong Kong News Media

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Title: Sinophobia in Hong Kong News Media
Language: English
Authors: Lin, Cong (ORCID 0000-0001-6971-0375), Jackson, Liz (ORCID 0000-0002-5626-596X)
Source: Educational Philosophy and Theory. 2022 54(5):568-580.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 13
Publication Date: 2022
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Descriptive
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Social Bias, Mass Media Effects, Ethnic Stereotypes, Racism, Newspapers, Cultural Differences, Ethnicity, Sino Tibetan Languages, Mandarin Chinese, Diversity
Geographic Terms: Hong Kong, China
DOI: 10.1080/00131857.2020.1848537
ISSN: 0013-1857
1469-5812
Abstract: Sinophobia (anti-Chinese sentiment) has become normalised and increasingly acceptable in Hong Kong in recent decades. Such Sinophobia intersects with aims of protecting what is local in the society, as seen in Hong Kong news media. This paper first explores the concept of "Sinophobia." It then provides a background on Sinophobia in Hong Kong, explaining the tensions between the identities of Hong Kong/HongKongers and Mainland China/Mainland Chinese. After elaborating on the role of media and the nature of local media in Hong Kong, this paper examines Sinophobic, stereotypical and quasi-racist discourse in three major Hong Kong news sources. While respecting Hong Kong heritage is a valuable goal, the Sinophobia accompanying some such aims can be seen to fuel hatred among people. In this context, encouraging a more inclusive and reflective discourse is warranted to work against the pitfalls of Sinophobia as a particular form of xenophobia in Hong Kong.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2022
Accession Number: EJ1345489
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0156475057;54l01may.22;2022Apr26.04:42;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0156475057-1">Sinophobia in Hong Kong News Media </title> <p>Sinophobia (anti-Chinese sentiment) has become normalised and increasingly acceptable in Hong Kong in recent decades. Such Sinophobia intersects with aims of protecting what is local in the society, as seen in Hong Kong news media. This paper first explores the concept of Sinophobia. It then provides a background on Sinophobia in Hong Kong, explaining the tensions between the identities of Hong Kong/HongKongers and Mainland China/Mainland Chinese. After elaborating on the role of media and the nature of local media in Hong Kong, this paper examines Sinophobic, stereotypical and quasi-racist discourse in three major Hong Kong news sources. While respecting Hong Kong heritage is a valuable goal, the Sinophobia accompanying some such aims can be seen to fuel hatred among people. In this context, encouraging a more inclusive and reflective discourse is warranted to work against the pitfalls of Sinophobia as a particular form of xenophobia in Hong Kong.</p> <p>Keywords: Hong Kong; news media; Chinese; Sinophobia; China</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Sinophobia (anti-Chinese sentiment) has become normalised and increasingly acceptable in Hong Kong in recent decades. Since the 1997 handover, 879,000 Mainland Chinese people (now approximately 12% of the population) have settled in Hong Kong. Many in society have negative views and misconceptions about them (Flowerdew et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref1">14</reflink>]). For example, Mainland Chinese people entering Hong Kong have been called locusts since at least 2012, and in 2014 some Hong Kong people initiated an 'anti-Locust' protest which included harassment of Mainland tourists and shoppers. Moreover, Hong Kong people often blame social problems (e.g., economic inequality and financial downturn) on the influx of Mainland Chinese people into Hong Kong and the People's Republic of China's governance over the region, reframing an ongoing class conflict between the Hong Kong ruling class and the grassroots as a cross-cultural identity clash (Jiang, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref2">31</reflink>]). Recent movements in Hong Kong, such as the 2014 umbrella movement and the 2019 anti-extradition bill protests, highlight a new phase in Hong Kong-Mainland relations (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref3">27</reflink>]; Jackson & O'Leary, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref4">29</reflink>]; Jacobs, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref5">30</reflink>]; Lau, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref6">32</reflink>]; Partaken, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref7">45</reflink>]), and in anti-Chinese sentiment. For example, some Mandarin speakers and many Mainland-linked businesses were attacked amidst the 2019 protests.</p> <p>In this context, Sinophobia grows alongside the aim of protecting what is local, or what is historically original, about Hong Kong (Bhattacharya, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref8">2</reflink>]; Fung, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref9">16</reflink>]; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref10">26</reflink>]; Lin & Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref11">34</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref12">35</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref13">36</reflink>]; Ma & Fung, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref14">39</reflink>]; Ping & Ming, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref15">46</reflink>]; Yan, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref16">56</reflink>]). As an influential venue for capturing and expressing ideas regarding what is local, news media provides a space for different people in the society to share stories, create activist groups, wittingly or unwittingly reflect and fuel Sinophobia, and debate ways to enhance and preserve Hong Kong (Wang, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref17">55</reflink>]). While the blame for Sinophobia cannot be placed on news media, news media contributes to behaviors and beliefs that can lead Hong Kong people to think and act in Sinophobic ways. Discourses on preserving and protecting Hong Kong in news media often also reflect the normalisation of discourses promoting and assuming Sinophobia in Hong Kong over time.</p> <p>This paper first explores the concept of <emph>Sinophobia</emph>. It then provides a background on Sinophobia in Hong Kong, explaining the tensions between the identities of Hong Kong/HongKonger and Mainland China/Mainland Chinese. After elaborating on the role of media and the nature of local media in Hong Kong, this paper examines the extent and normalisation of Sinophobic discourse, revealing signals of stereotypical and quasi-racist sentiment in three major Hong Kong news sources: <emph>South China Morning Post</emph>, <emph>Ming Pao</emph>, and <emph>Apple Daily</emph>. While respecting Hong Kong heritage is a valuable goal, normalised Sinophobia fuels hatred among people. In this context, encouraging a more inclusive and reflective discourse is warranted to work against the pitfalls of socially sanctioned Sinophobia as a particular form of xenophobia in Hong Kong.</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-3">Sinophobia</hd> <p>Sinophobia broadly means sentiment against China, the Chinese government, Chinese citizens, Chinese diaspora, and/or Chinese culture (Burton, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref18">3</reflink>]; Nyland et al., [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref19">44</reflink>]). Anti-Chinese sentiment has long roots and is embedded in policies, schools, media, movies, and curriculum. Sinophobia can be traced historically back to a negative understanding of ancient China and ancient Chinese people. Ancient China has a long history of considering itself as the cultural, political, and economic center of the world, and of secluding itself from the outside world. Emperors of ancient China promoted the idea that China was the most advanced civilisation in the world, while other ethnic groups and foreign nations were less civilised or uncivilised (Shaughnessy & Loewe, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref20">50</reflink>]; Shelach, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref21">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>This Sinocentric belief faced serious challenges since the 18<sups>th</sups> century, due to contact with European powers; and it came to an end in the 19<sups>th</sups> and 20<sups>th</sups> centuries, when ancient China suffered further blows. In the so-called century of humiliation, from 1839 to 1949, ancient China was defeated in the First Opium War (1839–1842) by the British, and signed the unequal treaties (e.g., Nanking), and was again defeated in the Sino-French War (1884–1885) and First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895). As a result, although the Sinocentric idea is not popular among Chinese people, it sowed the seeds of negative sentiments worldwide towards China and Chinese people. Chinese people were considered particularly by westerners as uncivilised and inferior, and treated as second-class citizens and cheap labor around the world, since the First Opium War (1839–1842) (Lovell, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref22">37</reflink>]; Saxton, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref23">49</reflink>]). Humiliating names such as 'Yellow Peril' and 'sick man of Asia' were used to describe Chinese people (Tchen & Yeats, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref24">53</reflink>]).</p> <p>After the establishment of the People's Republic of China (1949), Sinophobic attitudes have intersected with anti-communist and anti-socialist sentiments, in the West and beyond (including Hong Kong). A negative image of China and Chinese people became normalised thereafter through different channels, such as media. In general, China is often seen today as a non-democratic society, with no respect for human rights. In relation, the Chinese government is described as brainwashing all Chinese citizens, with the majority of Chinese people accepting propaganda as unquestioning patriots (Lowe & Tsang, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref25">38</reflink>]). In the meantime, the view of Chinese people as backward, untrustworthy, and dirty still exists (Burton, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref26">3</reflink>]; Lowe & Tsang, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref27">38</reflink>]; Sala, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref28">48</reflink>]; The Economist, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref29">54</reflink>]). In this context, things and people related to China are treated with suspicion and cynicism.</p> <p>Like many countries in the world, China has some deep-rooted problems with corruption, human rights, censorship, freedom of speech and of press, political interference, and imperialist legacies. Yet, cultivating a media image of Chinese people as no different to and as blindly supportive of the Chinese government has led to the rise of radical, xenophobic, and dehumanising representations of Chinese people and culture. This creates resentment, tensions, and conflict between groups, and easy justifications of attacks on and insults of ordinary Chinese people.</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-4">Identity in Hong Kong</hd> <p>Hong Kong is located on China's southern coast, and is characterised culturally as a hybrid of East and West. The majority of the population in Hong Kong are descendants of migrants who came from Mainland China. The overwhelming majority (about 92 per cent) in Hong Kong are Han Chinese (Census & Statistics Department, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref30">4</reflink>]), as in the Mainland. With a historical legacy of traditional Chinese culture that has been influenced by western thought, people in Hong Kong share a similar culture, lifestyle, languages, and ethnic characteristics with people in the Mainland. 'Hong Kong remains predominantly a Chinese society where Chinese culture and values figure prominently' (Chan & Chan, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref31">7</reflink>], p. 953), and 'the Hong Kong community is essentially Chinese. We speak, read and write Chinese in our daily life' (Education Bureau, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref32">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>One of the goals related to preserving or protecting Hong Kong culturally is to protect the distinctive legacy of China in the region. However, what is the legacy of China remains controversial, as people perceive China differently. For example, English and Chinese are official languages of Hong Kong. Hong Kong students are expected 'to be biliterate (i.e., master written Chinese and English) and trilingual (i.e., speak fluent Cantonese, Mandarin and English)' (Education Bureau, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref33">13</reflink>]). This leaves space for controversy, however, given the vagueness in this context of 'Chinese languages' and 'Chinese'. In the Mainland, Mandarin is the norm. In Hong Kong, the predominant language is Cantonese, a type of Chinese originating in Guangdong. It is spoken by 95 percent of the population: for 89 percent as a first language, and for 6 percent as a second language (Census & Statistics Department, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref34">4</reflink>]). Besides, traditional Chinese characters are widely used and are the <emph>de facto</emph> writing standard in Hong Kong, while in the Mainland people use simplified characters. Thus, the essence of what constitutes the use of Chinese language is not obvious here.</p> <p>Meanwhile, Hong Kong is unlike Mainland in terms of its history of education, language policy, and governing and economic system, as Hong Kong was a colony of Britain until the 1997 'handover'. This colonial past also shapes some of the serious challenges in relation to Hong Kong people's identity and relationship with the Mainland. Many Hong Kong people believe that its colonial history established many crucial aspects of Hong Kong and shaped good qualities of its people, such as the value of rule of law, a free-market economy, free speech, freedom of the press, and fluency in English. These qualities are said to make Hong Kong more akin to western countries, and create a divide between Hong Kong people and their Mainland counterparts. Today Hong Kong remains one of the world's most significant financial centres and commercial ports, consistently ranking as among the most competitive and freest economic area in the world, and has one of the world's highest per capita incomes (although this comes with severe income inequality). Hong Kong people also see themselves as global citizens who cherish human rights. In this sense, another crucial goal of protecting Hong Kong is to protect the legacy of western influence.</p> <p>With the perceived growing interference of the Chinese government on the region's autonomy, Hong Kong people increasingly tend to highlight differences between Hong Kong/HongKongers and China/Mainland Chinese in order to emphasise the uniqueness of Hong Kong. Based on a belief that preserving the local is the way to counter Mainlandisation, an image of Hong Kong versus Mainland China has been constructed over recent decades (Chan & Lee, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref35">8</reflink>]). Hong Kong is tied to liberal political attitudes, and the label of pro-Mainland is used to mean the opposite (Chan & Lee, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref36">8</reflink>]). In addition, Hong Kong people are increasingly not proud of their national identity as citizens under the rule of the People's Republic of China, and describe themselves as not Chinese. While 92% of people Hong Kong categorise themselves in census reports as ethnic Chinese, 66% identify themselves in polls as HongKonger and/or 'HongKonger in China', and 43% describe themselves as HongKonger only (HKU Pop Site, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref37">20</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-5">News media in Hong Kong</hd> <p>News media is an essential tool for the public to understand and discuss social issues (Craig, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref38">11</reflink>]; Muffoletto & Horton, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref39">43</reflink>]). It uses, criticises, and spreads symbols, beliefs, and norms and values through opinions from resourceful individuals with varying but typically high social credibility (i.e., opinion leaders). During this process, resources for understanding social issues flow from media and opinion leaders to the public. As 'decoders' of messages and ideologies of writers and media owners, the public is surrounded by competing representations, ideologies, norms and values, and stereotypes. Frequency and repetition of media messages influence and shape the way people behave and think in different ways.</p> <p>News media plays an important role in normalising things and ideas in society. What is accepted as normal constantly changes and is shaped by various factors (Hacking, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref40">19</reflink>]). Normalisation is a process wherein ideas, things, behaviors, or people that did not conform to social norms and possessed 'undesired differentness from what we had anticipated' come to be accepted and thus to 'not depart negatively from the particular expectation' (Goffman, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref41">17</reflink>], p. 15). In general, normalisation has five modes: comparison, differentiation, hierarchy, homogeneity, and exclusion (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref42">15</reflink>]). Given that people use news media for guidance on how to act and how to view different groups, the five procedures of normalisation have a complex but hidden influence on people's attitudes, behaviors, and decisions. Furthermore, normalisation in news media connects with power (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref43">15</reflink>]). <emph>Power</emph> here refers to 'a fluid and inherent ability to influence individuals and social situations through force, ideology, and/or information—and control' (Gutsche, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref44">18</reflink>], p. 4). Normalisation can be a process of conscious attempts to manipulate the norm to change attitudes and behaviors of the public. In this sense, news media shapes people's understanding less critically.</p> <p>However, news media also has the potential to enhance the people's critical thinking. The nature of news media varies from one country to another, and is affected by its interactions with politics, culture, and the economy. For example, politics influence news content (Ridout, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref45">47</reflink>]). Some topics are not allowed (formally or informally) to be reported in some countries, while coverage of some topics is given priority over others (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref46">27</reflink>]; McCargo, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref47">41</reflink>]; Ridout, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref48">47</reflink>]). Meanwhile, news content affects politics. News media is used as a propaganda tool in some cases for the interests of the government (e.g., reinforcing nationalism, promoting assimilation, and intensifying identity politics), while in some cases it can be used in the opposite way (Meng, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref49">42</reflink>]; Zayani & Mirgani, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref50">57</reflink>]). In addition, as a crucial channel to reach the public, news media typically contains various (accepted or normalised) opinions in society. It thus has the potential to create a more inclusive and just society, but also risks guiding people to become intolerant and xenophobic (Coxall et al., [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref51">10</reflink>]; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref52">24</reflink>]; Ridout, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref53">47</reflink>]).</p> <p>Press freedom in Hong Kong is protected by the Bill of Rights (Legislative Council of Hong Kong, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref54">33</reflink>]). Various sensitive and controversial topics, such as the relationship between Hong Kong and Mainland China, the Chinese Communist Party, and the uniqueness of Hong Kong, are frequently mentioned and discussed in news media. News media in Hong Kong plays sophisticated roles, including acting as an independent watchdog on the exercise of government and power, representing the public, disseminating information, and providing a forum for debate. News media is an important channel for different people who advocate for preserving and protecting Hong Kong to deliver their (varied and diverse) messages, win votes, and earn support from the public (Chan, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref55">6</reflink>]). Many express their opinions through interviews or writing articles.</p> <p>Additionally, given easy access and timeliness, news media is one of the easiest ways for the public to learn about what is going on in their community and society, and for different groups to understand and discuss identity. In this context, Hong Kong people have been observed to highly value news media (CCPO, 2019), and the ways Hong Kong people understand, think, and behave towards different groups are known to be influenced and shaped by news media (Jackson & Nesterova, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref56">28</reflink>]; Zhang, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref57">58</reflink>]). Moreover, news media directly influences social studies curriculum in Hong Kong education (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref58">25</reflink>]). In sum, it has a crucial impact on how ordinary people, young and old, understand and value Hong Kong.</p> <p>Recently the public and journalist community have become increasingly worried about press freedom in Hong Kong, with Beijing's influence, self-censorship, and a decline in confidence in legal protection for journalists (Hong Kong Journalists Association [HKJA], [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref59">22</reflink>]; HKU Pop Site, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref60">21</reflink>]). Many newspapers in Hong Kong are owned by the government or private companies, which are driven mainly by their owners' political stances and financial interests (Cheung, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref61">9</reflink>]). Editors and owners of <emph>South China Morning Post</emph> (SCMP) have changed several times since 2012. This has aroused debates about political interference and media freedom. After Wang Xiang-wei was appointed Editor-in-Chief in consultation with the Hong Kong China Liaison Office in 2012, he was repeatedly accused of pro-China editorial interference. Likewise, the purchase of SCMP by Alibaba subjected the news source to criticism about being pro-Mainland, including formal protests by the Hong Kong Journalists Association, and resignations by journalists related to post-publication editing of pieces that might offend Mainland authorities. Clearly, news content can contain facts while it can at the same time be manipulated by stakeholders. Or it can be merely fake.</p> <p>In general, newspapers in Hong Kong can be divided into two categories: paid and free. The paid newspapers in Hong Kong published today include <emph>Apple Daily</emph> (AD), <emph>Hong Kong Commercial Daily</emph> (HKCD), <emph>Hong Kong Economic Journal</emph> (HKEJ), <emph>Hong Kong Economic Times</emph> (HKET), <emph>Ming Pao</emph> (MP), Oriental Daily News (ODN), <emph>Sing Pao Daily News</emph>, <emph>Sing Tao Daily</emph>, SCMP, <emph>Ta Kung Pao</emph> (TKP), and <emph>Wen Wei Po</emph> (WWP). The free newspapers that are published include <emph>AM730</emph>, <emph>Headline Daily</emph> (HD), <emph>Metropolis Daily</emph>, <emph>Sky Post</emph>, and <emph>The Standard</emph> (TS). In terms of their political stances, most newspapers are either pro-Beijing (e.g., TKP and WWP) or pro-democracy (e.g., AD). Some tend to be more neutral (e.g., MP), and some are oriented towards finance (e.g., HKCD, HKEJ, and HKET) or religion (e.g., <emph>Kung Kao Po</emph>). Pro-China newspapers in Hong Kong normally have a low level of credibility (CCPO, 2019).</p> <p>Among English-language newspapers, SCMP and TS have the largest market shares. Yet, given that TS is business orientated, SCMP is the most popular and comprehensive English-language newspaper in Hong Kong, with little local competition (Angloinfo, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref62">1</reflink>]). For Chinese-language newspapers, most have particular target groups and adjust their focuses accordingly. Take the newspapers that have high market shares, for example: Given that HD targets the working population who can only read newspapers for a short period, it focuses on the hottest daily topics, and portrays concise, positive, lively images to readers. Meanwhile, ODN has an older readership, and is often regarded as a tabloid due to its focus on entertainment news.</p> <p>Based on their having a high level of credibility, a wide audience, and representative news content, this paper highlights discourses from SCMP, MP, and AD, which are published online and printed. Despite concerns about mass media news credibility in Hong Kong, the Public Evaluation on Media Credibility indicates these three sources are the most influential and trusted, and considered as representative of different voices (CCPO, 2019). SCMP had the highest scores given by the public, ranging from 5.89 to 7.57 out of 10, from 1997 to 2019 (CCPO, 2019), and has the most paid subscribers among English-language papers. As mentioned, since Alibaba Group acquired SCMP in 2016, many are concerned that it will gradually become or has become pro-China and pro-establishment, however, focused on the aim of improving China's image. Yet it still received the highest level of credibility among all newspapers from the public in the latest survey (CCPO, 2019).</p> <p>With a concern that the readership of SCMP could be less representative of the Hong Kong population, as the articles are in English and are therefore mainly read by English-speaking people in Hong Kong, we also considered two other important Chinese-language news sources in Hong Kong. Hong Kong readers regard MP as the most credible Chinese newspaper (CCPO, 2019). It is seen as swinging back and forth, between pro-China and anti-China (HKJA, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref63">23</reflink>]). Its readership is mostly comprised of the middle-class population, with education and income levels higher than average. Meanwhile, AD is widely recognised as anti-China and progressive, and is known for its anti-government positions and tabloid-style (Digital, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref64">12</reflink>]). Some believe it is a great example of a news source that is actively battling the self-censored culture of other Hong Kong newspapers, honestly reporting news and current affairs that relate to China, as well as allocating a significant portion of staff to report crime, politics, and lifestyle issues (Digital, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref65">12</reflink>]; HKJA, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref66">23</reflink>]). It is also the second most popular newspaper in Hong Kong (Marketing, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref67">40</reflink>]). Given these sources' different stances and tones, this examination thus provides a relatively representative picture of Hong Kong discourse.</p> <p>In this paper, it is not our aim to suggest that these news sources always clearly and systematically support Sinophobia, and never provide counter-arguments. Rather, this paper aims to expose the normalisation of media discourse that reflects Sinophobia in Hong Kong, a highly problematic sentiment giving rise to hatred, discrimination and harassment of people based on factors such as language and culture in Hong Kong today. Sinophobia in the Hong Kong context results from discourse that highlights the value of preserving and protecting Hong Kong through belittling things related to Mainland China. Given the nuanced relationship between Hong Kong and Mainland China, Sinophobia is understood here as sentiment against Mainland Chinese people living in Hong Kong and Mainland Chinese culture. A full list of all articles used for this paper is provided as an appendix. To better indicate which newspapers quotes come from, representative content is cited as '(Newspaper + Number)' from the list.</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-6">Sinophobia in Hong Kong news media</hd> <p>A negative picture of Mandarin, simplified Chinese characters, and Mainland Chinese people is commonly provided and normalised in Hong Kong media to emphasise the superiority of Cantonese and traditional Chinese characters, and the superiority and separateness of Hong Kong people. Cantonese and Mandarin and traditional and simplified Chinese characters 'are placed against each other in an increasingly politicised context' in news media (SCMP2). As crucial elements in preserving what is 'local', Cantonese is seen as 'a basic element of the city's culture and history' (SCMP6), 'our mother tongue and an integral part of our identity' (SCMP4), 'the cultural identity of being a HongKonger' (SCMP22), and 'a must' in Hong Kong (SCMP23). Its status in Hong Kong 'is really more important than we thought' (SCMP23). Likewise, traditional characters 'are the norm' in Hong Kong (SCMP20),</p> <p>News discourse emphasises the superiority of Cantonese and traditional Chinese characters specifically in relation to Mandarin and simplified characters, indicating that the former are more modern and more historic at the same time. 70% local residents in a survey conducted by the University of Hong Kong believe that Cantonese is 'the most modern language in the city... it suggests that the speakers tend to be more liberal, open-minded and civil' (SCMP22). Meanwhile, Cantonese and traditional Chinese characters are regularly described as symbols of true Chinese heritage (AD5, AD7, MP1, SCMP5). Cantonese is portrayed as 'a language that already has thousands of years of history predating the metropolis' (SCMP6), 'an integral part of the history of China' (SCMP1), 'a prominent form of Chinese' (SCMP22), and 'truly reflects the diversity of the Chinese language' (SCMP3). Traditional characters are depicted as 'legacy of ancient Chinese culture' (SCMP20). Comparatively, 'Cantonese has a longer history than Mandarin. Classical Chinese texts were based on a speaking system that is closer to Cantonese than Mandarin' (SCMP5). Thus, Mandarin 'may be spoken by most Chinese people on the Mainland, but Cantonese still reigns supreme' (SCMP3).</p> <p>Accordingly, Mandarin and simplified Chinese characters are represented as separate from Chinese heritage and inferior to Cantonese and traditional Chinese characters. Mandarin is portrayed as 'an artifact from the political factory of the Communist Party of China' (AD4). Similarly, simplified Chinese characters are described as 'fake Chinese' (AD1), 'incomplete characters that lost all Chinese character's connotations and charms' (AD2), 'useless and illiterate writing that could be read by users of the traditional script without having to learn it' (SCMP17), 'crippled or mutilated characters...used on the Mainland, but inferior to the traditional form' (SCMP20), 'simply devoid of logic and totally unrelated with their traditional forms or meanings' (SCMP20), 'essentially illogical, and depends on memorisation rather than critical thinking' (SCMP14), and difficult for students to understand and study (AD8). Thus, Hong Kong people are framed as intellectually superior to Mainland counterparts, to justify the preservation of Hong Kong-based language and commonly used characters.</p> <p>In addition, a logic of seeing China and Mainland Chinese culture and people as inferior to Hong Kong and HongKongers is repeatedly described and rationalised in arguments for protecting Hong Kong culture and identity. For example, one article references the view that 'a HongKonger is someone who is willing to defend our values and stand on our side when there are conflicts with others, such as Beijing' (SCMP8). Similarly, 'Hong Kong people are convinced of the superiority of their culture ...[and] think Hong Kong represents values and culture that are superior to those of China' (SCMP11). Another article emphasises that</p> <p>there are a lot of good qualities about Hong Kong people that mainland people should learn. The most important thing is the qualities of people: staying true to themselves and being an upright person. These qualities are what make Hong Kong a true world-class cosmopolitan city. Without these Hong Kong is nothing more than a cosmopolitan city on the mainland (SCMP20).</p> <p>In such texts, these views are treated as normal and commonplace, even if they can be or are also problematised in some cases. For example, after referencing Sinophobic discourse, a columnist questions</p> <p>who is trying to build a wall with all the talk about us being better than "them" and never becoming "just another Chinese city"? We are the wall builders with all the localist talks about mainland "contamination'.... I suppose free speech only applies to those who agree with you. (SCMP12)</p> <p>In another article, the columnist answers the Sinophobic question of 'Why are Hong Kong's "localists"...They are trying to stop the barbarians at Hong Kong's gate' by countering that, 'But the barbarians are already among us. They are called "localists"; some of them even have PhDs' (SCMP16). Nonetheless, even in these more balanced or mixed presentations of social debates and attitudes, Sinophobic views are understood as part of the status quo and centrally featured in the pieces. Meanwhile, in most pieces, there is no attempts at providing a balanced view, while a Sinophobic view remains central and assumed.</p> <p>When it comes to Mainland culture and people, articles continually echo and reference views that 'Chinese culture and tradition is bad for children, like a virus... China's problems are rooted in its DNA', 'the Chinese people may be the stupidest ethnic group there is', and that 'being Chinese means being greedy, hypocritical, dirty, evil, cheap, stupid, superficial and fake' (SCMP14). Additionally, Mainland Chinese people are regularly represented as being brain-washed through media and education controlled by and reflecting national political ideology (AD3, AD6, SCMP7). For example: 'Mainlanders tend to respect authority given their history of living under an authoritarian regime, which has rewarded them with economic success, whereas HongKongers are much more individualistic and care deeply about personal rights' (SCMP21), '[Mainlanders] have been brainwashed to be patriots or nationalists' (SCMP19), and 'more pragmatic and eyes-on-the-prize... [while HongKongers] had moved beyond pragmatism and become more concerned about individual rights' (SCMP21). These are typical descriptions of Mainland Chinese people given in Hong Kong media, rarely if ever problematised.</p> <p>Following this logic, people are quoted endorsing views that 'China is just a neighbouring country' (SCMP9), and that there is no reason to think of Hong Kong as part of China, or to fight for justice for China, because the Mainland Chinese are 'a different race that always invades us' (SCMP9). By seeing local people 'as belonging to the one group and considered distinct from Mainland Chinese' (SCMP8), many voices converge in media to express that 'Hong Kong people are not Chinese, but have their own cultural and ethnic identity' (SCMP15), and that Hong Kong is 'a separate ethnic entity from the rest of China...a bona fide ethnic minority fighting for independence or self-determination...not part of the Han race' (SCMP13).</p> <p>These binary portrayals also contain negative narratives about Mainland Chinese people in Hong Kong. For instance, people claim that 'Chinese is the root cause of social problems in Hong Kong, Hong Kong people can live and work in peace and contentment only if Mainlanders disappear in Hong Kong' (MP2). Paradoxically, to protect Hong Kong's uniqueness as a place for human rights, people have recently been chucking water bombs at Mainland Chinese and arguing for the construction of a Trump-style border wall for Hong Kong to keep Mainland Chinese 'caravans' out (SCMP10). Articles reference recommendations for using 'whatever effective ways to [protect] Hong Kong...[including] using violence if it is effective' (SCMP18), In this logic, the rights of Mainland Chinese-originating people are not important to Hong Kong people, since they are framed as '"low-value" Mainlanders' (SCMP10) and essentially, intrinsically deficient.</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-7">Towards inclusive and reflective discourse for protecting Hong Kong</hd> <p>As news media reflects, Hong Kong is not merely a city of China. It is a culturally diverse society and a global platform based on a deep sense of local history, and it has core values (e.g., the rule of law and free speech), and is distinct from Mainland China in many ways (especially concerning governing and economic system and language). These are sentiments shared by many in Hong Kong and Mainland China. However, Sinophobia overgeneralises, oversimplifies, and belittles Chinese culture and Mainland Chinese people, and constructs them as the enemy. The normalisation and sanctioning of such views is not necessary for protecting and preserving what is local in Hong Kong. In contrast, these views reflect a form of xenophobia which can be harmful in two major ways.</p> <p>First, it impedes Hong Kong to become a more inclusive and just society, through encouraging exclusive and unjust prejudicial and discriminatory actions that contradict Hong Kong's self-image as rights-based and liberal, such as humiliation and assault on Mainland Chinese. There are legitimate concerns in Hong Kong that traditional Chinese characters and Cantonese will be replaced in a process of Mainlandisation. However, while the importance and good aspects of Cantonese and traditional characters should be recognised and protected, mocking Mandarin and simplified characters is not essential in the process, while it contradicts elaborations of Hong Kong as liberal and tolerant. Such quasi-racist discourse contradicts Hong Kong's image as more just, and does little to support and positively substantiate the view of society as tolerant and open.</p> <p>Second, the acceptance and normalisation of such discourse risks Hong Kong people losing allies, by needlessly alienating Mainland Chinese and positioning them in opposition to HongKongers. Sinophobia as shown here creates an image that HongKongers and Mainland Chinese are enemies, that there is no room for dialogue, and that each group holds a singular and preconceived idea, of China, Hong Kong, and everything else. This image contrasts with the reality: that both are diverse parties, and members of these groups do not have to become enemies. Some Hong Kong people do not cherish Hong Kong values more than integration with the Mainland. Meanwhile, many Mainlanders cherish Hong Kong core values, believe that Hong Kong people are unique in some respects, and support Hong Kong people to protect local items (e.g., Cantonese and traditional Chinese characters) (Su, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref68">52</reflink>]). Many Mainland Chinese people join protests in person and/or in social media, to support Hong Kong and Hong Kong people in various ways (Su, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref69">52</reflink>]). Thus, overemphasising (and at times fabricating) differences between the two groups while neglecting shared aspects is unhelpful and damaging, as it disables people from different backgrounds from having an open dialogue and developing positive cooperation.</p> <p>An inclusive and reflective discourse is necessary to avoid the pitfalls of xenophobia. In the current situation where people are divided and not listening to each other, people who would like to protect Hong Kong can better stick to Hong Kong's core values and reflect on the main challenges without resorting to xenophobia and bigotry. Blaming Mainland Chinese people and artificially creating enemies by accepting an overgeneralised sense of differences misses the point. Moreover, developing a more inclusive discourse is needed to enable all members in society to cooperate with each there to protect what is local in a practical way. Exclusive ideas and alienating behaviors that lurk in Sinophobic arguments for protecting Hong Kong should be problematised and challenged, not normalised in media and elsewhere in society.</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-8">Conclusion</hd> <p>A desire to protect and preserve what is local is becoming prevalent in Hong Kong, as revealed in recent social movements. While there may be reason to give local culture, identity, and people priority, we show here that this is often done in news media in ways that simultaneously promote and normalise Sinophobia. A binary discourse is used in this case to distinguish as progressive versus backward Hong Kong versus Mainland. In this sense, Hong Kong culture and HongKongers are contrasted with Mainland Chinese culture and people to equate the latter with what is backward and foolish.</p> <p>In terms of the political orientations given across the 3 news sources focused on in this paper, we found that SCMP articles tend to work to be more just and inclusive. Sinophobic discourse was given in 16 out of 23 SCMP pieces, as quotes, reports, or observations, with few authors questioning it. In the other 7 SCMP articles, the authors expressed a need or aim to be more balanced. This stance may reflect that as an English newspaper, SCMP's reporters and columnists are more diverse and intend to provide a balanced picture to serve a growing global readership. AD is more negative towards Mainland Chinese people, as nearly all relevant articles (<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref70">7</reflink>) in AD contained Sinophobic provided by columnists. This accords with the known stance of AD as anti-China and progressive, and its readership as anti-Mainland. In relation, MP was less negative towards Mainland Chinese people, as only 2 news articles contained Sinophobic discourse, and all were quotes, which is in line with the fluctuating stance of MP and its readership as less-political.</p> <p>Today in Hong Kong, discussions about politics, identity, and the way forward for society are headed towards deadlock, as larger numbers of local people and Mainland Chinese misunderstand each other at a deep level and are reluctant to communicate even when they have the means to do so. In this context, belittling other cultures and people does not help to foster cooperation among diverse people in Hong Kong to understand each other and work together to preserve what is worth preserving related to 'the local'. In place of xenophobic and Sinophobic discourse, a more inclusive and reflective discourse should be normalised in Hong Kong media and elsewhere in society to help foster greater mutual understanding and cooperation.</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-9">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <hd id="AN0156475057-10">Appendix</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0156475057-11">List of news articles used in this paper</hd> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>No.</td><td>Author(s)</td><td>Year</td><td>Date</td><td>News Title</td><td>Newspaper</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>1</td><td>Ko, W. Y.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>8 December</td><td>Real Chinese character</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>Ko, W. Y.</td><td char=".">2017</td><td>24 July</td><td>Hong Kong people speak Mandarin</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>3</td><td>Koo, T. M</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>5 November</td><td>Do you like this country?</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>4</td><td>Koo, T. M.</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>21 November</td><td>National language and Cantonese, which one is better?</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>Leung, A.</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>10 June</td><td>Chinese characters since ancient times</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>Tsao, C.</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>6 December</td><td>A nation that is used to be 'defined'</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>Yu, J. Q.</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>11 May</td><td>Colonised by Chinese</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>8</td><td>Apple Daily</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>14 February</td><td>The Hong Kong Education Bureau advocates learning simplified Chinese characters, while the Neo Democrats rebukes promoting communisation</td><td>Apple Daily</td></tr><tr><td>1</td><td>Letters</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>11 October</td><td>Hong Kong means Cantonese, and we can't follow Guangzhou in the march of Mandarin</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>SCMP Editorial</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>8 May</td><td>Benefits of knowing three languages speak for themselves</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>3</td><td>Tam, L</td><td char=".">2017</td><td>20 November</td><td>Mandarin may be the 'common language', but here's why Cantonese reigns supreme</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>4</td><td>Tam, L.</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>7 May</td><td>You could never replace Cantonese as the language of Hong Kong: Raw native tongue is as dynamic as the city and still relevant after more than 2,000 years</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>Wong, W., & Kwan, T.</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>24 October</td><td>Cantonese is our mother tongue, but trilingualism has its benefits</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>Yau, H. </td><td char=".">2018</td><td>11 October</td><td>Hong Kong is defined by Cantonese, but must see the big picture on Mandarin and a rising China</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>Zhou, V.</td><td char=".">2017</td><td>23 October</td><td>Into the brains' of China's children: Xi Jinping's 'thought' to become compulsory school topic</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>8</td><td>Fung, O.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>13 September</td><td>A Hongkonger is someone willing to defend our values': Baggio Leung on his mission to make nationalism mainstream</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>9</td><td>Lam, J.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>3 June</td><td>Why Hong Kong's student leaders are abandoning June 4 vigil</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>10</td><td>Lhatoo, Y.</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>29 December</td><td>Are mainland Chinese ruining Hong Kong or propping it up?</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>11</td><td>Lo, A.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>1 March</td><td>Localists must understand that by trying to be a rival city state to China, we simply have no future</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>12</td><td>Lo, A.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>12 February</td><td>Hong Kong university students beat the drum for free speech, but only if you agree with them</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>13</td><td>Lo, A.</td><td char=".">2017</td><td>28 April</td><td>Horace Chin, 'father of localism', draws red line against secession</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>14</td><td>Lo, A.</td><td char=".">2017</td><td>26 June</td><td>Joe Chung: a Chinese who rejects all things Chinese</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>15</td><td>Lo, A. </td><td char=".">2018</td><td>3 January</td><td>Why historical optical trick has me scared</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>16</td><td>Lo, A. </td><td char=".">2018</td><td>9 July</td><td>Hong Kong localists now spout extreme nonsense</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>17</td><td>Mok, D., & Chiu, P.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>5 February</td><td>Education Bureau says primary school students should learn simplified Chinese</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>18</td><td>Ng, K. C., & Fung, O.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>28 March</td><td>Hong Kong National Party is born: will push for independence, will not recognise the Basic Law</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>19</td><td>Su, X. Q.</td><td char=".">2017</td><td>25 September</td><td>Stereotypes and misperceptions Hong Kong and mainland Chinese students have of each other: what's true, what's false?</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>20</td><td>Yau, C.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>3 March</td><td>Character assassination? Hong Kong's furore over simplified Chinese: Defenders of Hong Kong's linguistic identity have panned a plan to teach simplified Chinese in schools. But could it help our children get ahead?</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>21</td><td>Ye, J.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>12 November</td><td>Hong Kong residents, mainland people have similarities – and also big differences</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>22</td><td>Ye, J.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>12 November</td><td>What's in a word? A lot if it is in Hong Kong Cantonese</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>23</td><td>Zhao, S.</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>2 May</td><td>Only one in five Hong Kong job adverts cater to non-Chinese speakers or readers, research finds</td><td>South China Morning Post</td></tr><tr><td>1</td><td>Ming Pao</td><td char=".">2016</td><td>6 February</td><td>Knowing traditional Chinese character will automatically understand simplified Chinese character, scholars said there is no need to deliberately promote simplified Chinese character</td><td>Ming Pao</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>Ming Pao</td><td char=".">2018</td><td>15 August</td><td>Hong Kong indepence attracts international concerns and push Hong Kong into a dead end</td><td>Ming Pao</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ref id="AN0156475057-12"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref62" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Angloinfo. (2020). 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His latest published articles (with Liz Jackson) are Make China Great Again: The Blood-Based View of Chineseness in Hong Kong (Educational Philosophy and Theory), From Shared Fate to Shared Fates: An Approach for Civic Education (Studies in Philosophy and Education), and Multiculturalism in Chinese History in Hong Kong: Constructing Chinese Identity (Asia Pacific Journal of Education). He also co-edited a book with Michael Peters, Liz Jackson, and Janet Orchard, titled Encyclopedia of Teacher Education. He is currently working on projects exploring multiculturalism and identity formation in Chinese societies.</p> <p>Liz Jackson is Professor in the Department of International Education at the Education University of Hong Kong. She is also President of the Philosophy of Education Society of Australasia.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref40"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref49"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref67"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref68"></nolink>
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  Label: Title
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  Data: Sinophobia in Hong Kong News Media
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lin%2C+Cong%22">Lin, Cong</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6971-0375">0000-0001-6971-0375</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jackson%2C+Liz%22">Jackson, Liz</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5626-596X">0000-0002-5626-596X</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Educational+Philosophy+and+Theory%22"><i>Educational Philosophy and Theory</i></searchLink>. 2022 54(5):568-580.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 13
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2022
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Bias%22">Social Bias</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mass+Media+Effects%22">Mass Media Effects</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnic+Stereotypes%22">Ethnic Stereotypes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Newspapers%22">Newspapers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Differences%22">Cultural Differences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnicity%22">Ethnicity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sino+Tibetan+Languages%22">Sino Tibetan Languages</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mandarin+Chinese%22">Mandarin Chinese</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Diversity%22">Diversity</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Hong+Kong%22">Hong Kong</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22China%22">China</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/00131857.2020.1848537
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0013-1857<br />1469-5812
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Sinophobia (anti-Chinese sentiment) has become normalised and increasingly acceptable in Hong Kong in recent decades. Such Sinophobia intersects with aims of protecting what is local in the society, as seen in Hong Kong news media. This paper first explores the concept of "Sinophobia." It then provides a background on Sinophobia in Hong Kong, explaining the tensions between the identities of Hong Kong/HongKongers and Mainland China/Mainland Chinese. After elaborating on the role of media and the nature of local media in Hong Kong, this paper examines Sinophobic, stereotypical and quasi-racist discourse in three major Hong Kong news sources. While respecting Hong Kong heritage is a valuable goal, the Sinophobia accompanying some such aims can be seen to fuel hatred among people. In this context, encouraging a more inclusive and reflective discourse is warranted to work against the pitfalls of Sinophobia as a particular form of xenophobia in Hong Kong.
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  Data: 2022
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  Data: EJ1345489
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        Value: 10.1080/00131857.2020.1848537
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      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 13
        StartPage: 568
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Bias
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Mass Media Effects
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Ethnic Stereotypes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Racism
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      – SubjectFull: Newspapers
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      – SubjectFull: Cultural Differences
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Ethnicity
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Sino Tibetan Languages
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      – SubjectFull: Mandarin Chinese
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Diversity
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Hong Kong
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      – SubjectFull: China
        Type: general
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      – TitleFull: Sinophobia in Hong Kong News Media
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