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A Study of Black Female Principals Leading through Twin Pandemics

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Title: A Study of Black Female Principals Leading through Twin Pandemics
Language: English
Authors: Weiner, Jennie, Cyr, Daron, Burton, Laura J.
Source: Journal of Education Human Resources. Jul 2022 40(3):335-359.
Availability: University of Toronto Press. 5201 Dufferin Street, Toronto, ON M3H 5T8, Canada. Tel: 416-667-7810; Fax: 800-221-9985; Fax: 416-667-7881; e-mail: journals@utpress.utoronco.ca; Web site: https://www.utpjournals.press/loi/jehr
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 25
Publication Date: 2022
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: African Americans, Principals, Women Administrators, African American Leadership, COVID-19, Pandemics, Racism, Social Justice, Advocacy, Administrator Attitudes, Teacher Motivation, Equal Education
DOI: 10.3138/jehr-2021-0008
ISSN: 2562-783X
Abstract: In 2020, the United States experienced twin pandemics disproportionately impacting BIPOC communities and their schools and school systems--one new, COVID-19, and one longstanding, that of white supremacy and anti-Black racism. This phenomenological study of 20 Black female principals in two states provides insights into how these leaders, who so often center racial justice and caring for BIPOC children and communities in their leadership practice, grappled with these pandemics and how doing so impacted their leadership and work. Findings suggest that leading through these twin pandemics further cemented these women's commitments to engage in advocacy and justice work on behalf of their communities and students. They also reported, regarding racial inequity and white supremacy, feeling both a cautious optimism stemming from seeing the work they had long engaged in being taken up at scale, and by white colleagues in particular, and frustration, experiencing this engagement often as "performative" and thus unlikely to lead to real change. And yet they also spoke of their deep commitment to advocacy and social justice moving forward and their role in ensuring that all their students receive the education, opportunities, and outcomes they deserve.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2022
Accession Number: EJ1348478
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0184509074;[mmhi]01jul.22;2025Apr17.14:00;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0184509074-1">A Study of Black Female Principals Leading through Twin Pandemics </title> <p>In 2020, the United States experienced twin pandemics disproportionately impacting BIPOC communities and their schools and school systems—one new, COVID-19, and one longstanding, that of white supremacy and anti-Black racism. This phenomenological study of 20 Black female principals in two states provides insights into how these leaders, who so often center racial justice and caring for BIPOC children and communities in their leadership practice, grappled with these pandemics and how doing so impacted their leadership and work. Findings suggest that leading through these twin pandemics further cemented these women's commitments to engage in advocacy and justice work on behalf of their communities and students. They also reported, regarding racial inequity and white supremacy, feeling both a cautious optimism stemming from seeing the work they had long engaged in being taken up at scale, and by white colleagues in particular, and frustration, experiencing this engagement often as "performative" and thus unlikely to lead to real change. And yet they also spoke of their deep commitment to advocacy and social justice moving forward and their role in ensuring that all their students receive the education, opportunities, and outcomes they deserve.</p> <p>Keywords: race; gender; leadership; intersectionality; gendered racism</p> <p>The year 2020 was one of twin pandemics, both disproportionately impacting BIPOC (e.g., Black, Indigenous, and/or people of color) communities. The first, COVID-19, was rampant in the United States and among Black and brown communities specifically ([<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref1">61</reflink>]). CDC data showed Black people dying from the disease at almost three times the rate of Whites ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref2">10</reflink>]). Black Americans, already overrepresented in low-wage jobs ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref3">51</reflink>]), were also much more likely than their White peers to be among the nearly 40 million people who suffered a job or wage loss as a result of COVID-19 ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref4">45</reflink>]). Such realities, coupled with economic discrimination impacting intergenerational wealth ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref5">51</reflink>]), made Black families particularly vulnerable to further economic hardship, including food and housing instability ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref6">51</reflink>]), and school access and achievement more difficult to obtain ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref7">28</reflink>]). The second, related, and continuing pandemic was that of White supremacy and anti-Black racism in all aspects of contemporary society, including US schools and school systems ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref8">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref9">46</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref10">50</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref11">81</reflink>]).</p> <p>Given US schools' ever-increasing role as community centers and key social welfare providers ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref12">9</reflink>]), many educators serve(d) as frontline workers in the fight against these pandemics, often incurring heavy physical and emotional costs themselves ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref13">31</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref14">72</reflink>]). This may be particularly true for Black female principals, who, driven by a desire to fight for racial justice ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref15">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref16">52</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref17">57</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref18">67</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref19">69</reflink>]) and frequently placed in their schools as a result of racialized patterns of administrative assignment, often lead in underresourced schools serving predominately BIPOC children (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref20">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref21">38</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref22">47</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref23">64</reflink>]). Thus, they are also most likely to lead in schools and communities deeply affected by these pandemics, making their experiences particularly important to understand and share.</p> <p>Research suggests that Black female leaders often approach leadership from a student-centered approach ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref24">1</reflink>]), and utilize an "ethic of care" ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref25">20</reflink>]) in which they center love, care, and community building in Black communities (i.e., engaging in "other mothering" ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref26">3</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref27">57</reflink>])). They are also recognized as simultaneously promoting justice and change through "tempered radicalism," pushing to change the organization from the inside out ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref28">2</reflink>]), and thus may be particularly suited to engage in this difficult work ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref29">26</reflink>]). However, it is also possible that this orientation could be construed as treating Black women's experiences as monolithic and/or potentially understating the impact of larger discriminatory systems in which they work on their experiences and actions.</p> <p>The US public education system has long been recognized to favor Whiteness ([<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref30">77</reflink>]), with educational leadership serving as an "old boys club" ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref31">23</reflink>]). As pathways to leadership are often contingent on "tapping" by those in power ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref32">54</reflink>]), Black women are often shut out from, or experience difficulty in accessing, school leadership ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref33">74</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref34">80</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref35">83</reflink>]). Indeed, research abounds regarding the "complex and intersecting racialized and gendered role expectations above and beyond those expected of other administrators" ([<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref36">66</reflink>], p. 488) and other forms of discrimination Black female principals face daily in their roles, as well as its impact on their well-being and other professional and personal outcomes (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref37">1</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref38">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref39">36</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref40">38</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref41">39</reflink>]).</p> <p>In these ways, during the onset of COVID-19, the murder of George Floyd and too many other Black people by the police, and subsequent protests around the globe, we might understand many Black female principals as both in a powerful position to engender change and in a vulnerable one in terms of how leading such efforts might affect their ability to thrive in and outside of their positions. The question, and the focus of this study, is how these women understood their specific roles during this time, and the implications of these understandings for their work moving forward.</p> <p>We find, by conducting 60 interviews with 20 Black female principals during the 2019–2020 school year and beyond, that leading through the pandemics of COVID-19 and racial injustice further cemented these women's commitment to engage in advocacy and justice work on behalf of their communities and students, even when doing so put them at odds with district policies, or, potentially, in harm's way via the pandemic. They also reported, regarding racial inequity and White supremacy, both cautious optimism and frustration. Their optimism stemmed from seeing the work they had long engaged in being taken up at scale, and by White colleagues in particular. Their frustration came from a sense that the engagement of White colleagues often seemed more oriented toward talking than toward doing, and thus unlikely to lead to real change. And yet, they spoke of being committed to fighting on, as they have always done, to create a better and more promising future for their students and communities alike.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-2">Literature Review</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0184509074-3">The Disproportional Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic</hd> <p>Before shifting to a discussion of Black female principals and their experiences in the role, we first take a moment to discuss the impact of COVID-19 on BIPOC communities to set a context for the study. To do so, it is important to highlight the long history of structural inequities including racial bias, economic injustice, and lack of healthcare access that have shaped Black people's lives and health ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref42">49</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref43">87</reflink>]) and made them, and other BIPOC, particularly vulnerable to severe consequences of COVID-19 ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref44">22</reflink>]). For example, African Americans are far more likely both to have comorbidities ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref45">27</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref46">51</reflink>]) and to be low-wage workers in the United States—jobs that both often lack protections and benefits such as healthcare and paid leave ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref47">33</reflink>]). These jobs were also more likely to be deemed "essential" during COVID-19, thus lowering the chance that those working in such jobs could take precautions of staying home and social distancing ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref48">51</reflink>]). As a result of these and other factors, Black people were twice as likely to be hospitalized for COVID-19, and three times more likely than other racial and ethnic groups to die of the disease ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref49">51</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref50">29</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref51">51</reflink>]</p> <p>Beyond a greater incidence of illness, Black people were also more vulnerable to what might be deemed the secondary effects of the pandemic (e.g., job and financial loss). They hold less wealth than White peers (e.g., $200 for single Black women compared with $15,640 for single White women ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref52">11</reflink>])). Additionally, and given their higher likelihood of losing their jobs as a result of the pandemic compared to other groups ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref53">45</reflink>]), Black families were more likely to face bankruptcy and/or eviction during this time ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref54">51</reflink>]). Such events (e.g., loss of a loved one and/or one's home) add to the already traumatic experiences many Black adults and children in America face as a result of discrimination ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref55">27</reflink>]). These experiences were potentially further exacerbated by school closures, as many children receive services, including those related to their physical and mental health, at school ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref56">28</reflink>]). Moreover, research shows that Black families have less access to reliable Wi-Fi ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref57">21</reflink>]), making access to on-line learning more difficult and potentially worsening the educational debt to these students for many years to come ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref58">28</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-4">Black Female Principals—Advocates in a Hostile Environment</hd> <p>Black female educators have a long history of engaging in justice leadership in their communities and the school system overall ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref59">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref60">73</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref61">80</reflink>]). Black women often become school principals to engage in political activism ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref62">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref63">67</reflink>]), community building, and empowerment ([<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref64">69</reflink>]). They have a deep sense of responsibility to BIPOC and vulnerable children, as a core motivation for taking these roles ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref65">57</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref66">85</reflink>]). As principals, they are more likely to engage in more effective and justice-oriented forms of leadership ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref67">37</reflink>]), with positive implications for schools and children alike ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref68">52</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref69">73</reflink>]). A recent review by [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref70">44</reflink>] reminds us of the essential role Black female principals specifically play in increasing students' performance and improving their long-term outcomes.</p> <p>Research looking at Black women's leadership orientations and ways of engaging as principals gives further insight into their approach and efficacy. [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref71">64</reflink>], for example, speaks to the "philosophy of caring for students" (p. 24) as a characteristic of Black female principals. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref72">3</reflink>], too, found care as the primary driver of Black female principals' work and decision making. Such care is understood to be grounded in concepts of "other mothering" ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref73">16</reflink>]), in which leading schools and educating Black children more broadly are situated in "deliberate acts of love, nurturance, guidance, and community rebuilding" ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref74">43</reflink>], p. 308). As part of this orientation to care and mothering, Black women also show a commitment to changing systems of oppression and racial inequity to facilitate greater access, opportunity, and outcomes for minoritized children ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref75">44</reflink>]). This work is often engaged in through "tempered radicalism" ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref76">2</reflink>]), in which leaders work to change their organizations from the inside out. In their study of Black female principals in urban schools, and aligned with work by [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref77">4</reflink>] and others (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref78">43</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref79">59</reflink>]), [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref80">57</reflink>] found that these women led "with painstaking attention to individual students, teachers, families, and communities with the goal of changing schools and transforming communities into beacons of hope rather than despair" and "from a perspective of justice that was directed by and with care for the human condition and rejected traditional notions of 'one-size-fits-all' leadership" (p. 797).</p> <p>However, while Black female principals have used their voices and skills to dismantle oppressive structures and systems, those systems have traditionally worked to silence and diminish them. Such discrimination is often structural in nature—for example, the mass firing of Black educators and principals in the South in the post-<emph>Brown</emph> era ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref81">74</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref82">80</reflink>]), as schools integrated and mostly white educators were retained. As [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref83">2</reflink>] highlights, this included more than 38,000 educators in 17 southern and border states in approximately a decade.</p> <p>Beyond the wide-ranging negative impacts on the Black professional class and their sense of ownership of and empowerment over the education of their children ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref84">74</reflink>]), the repercussions of these events are still felt today in schools and systems. For example, as of 2016, women of all races composed 54% of the principals in the Unites States, but only 6% of principals were Black women ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref85">44</reflink>]). Moreover, when Black women do become principals, it is often only after 12–20 years of service, which is, on average, 5–12 years more than for their White, male colleagues ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref86">64</reflink>]). This reality is understood to be due, in part, to the lack of mentoring ([<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref87">63</reflink>]) and "tapping" provided to these women to help them access leadership positions ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref88">54</reflink>]). Black women are also more often placed in underresourced and underperforming schools serving more vulnerable students ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref89">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref90">44</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref91">52</reflink>]), and frequently positioned as "clean up" women ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref92">64</reflink>]) meant to act as change makers under tremendously difficult and often undersupported conditions ([<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref93">73</reflink>]). For example, in [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref94">38</reflink>] study of Black female principals, she found they were most often placed in low-performing schools and pigeonholed as "fixers" ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref95">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref96">47</reflink>]). They also faced what she described as the "triple jeopardy" (p. 619) of gender, racism, and ageism. This discrimination manifested itself in subtle biting comments from colleagues and district leaders and in more explicit undermining of their ability to access resources and other opportunities for career advancement and effectiveness.</p> <p>While facing more difficult conditions, Black female principals also experience extra scrutiny in the role ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref97">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref98">48</reflink>]), receive lower performance evaluations ([<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref99">68</reflink>]), and face "creative insubordination" ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref100">67</reflink>]) in response to their leadership. They also often experience a pathologizing of their communication style (e.g., the trope of the "Angry Black Woman" [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref101">1</reflink>]) and physical appearance ([<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref102">58</reflink>]). Black women leave the principalship at higher rates ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref103">14</reflink>]) and report higher levels of stress than their White counterparts ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref104">64</reflink>]). Those who persist must often engage various and frequently costly coping mechanisms ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref105">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref106">32</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref107">56</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref108">75</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref109">86</reflink>]), and often face myriad negative health implications as a result (see [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref110">41</reflink>] for a review). Therefore, while Black female leaders must be celebrated for their accomplishments and perseverance, we name the institutional discrimination they face and its negative and ongoing impact on their well-being and self-efficacy, as a step toward making real and critically needed change.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-5">Theoretical Framework</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0184509074-6">Intersectionality</hd> <p>We ground our inquiry in intersectionality ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref111">15</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref112">17</reflink>]) and the idea "that social identities such as race, class, and gender interact to form qualitatively different meanings and experiences" ([<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref113">78</reflink>], p. 454). In the case of Black women, an intersectional framework is one that considers their experience not through the lens of Whiteness or maleness, but as unique and framed by the multiple and simultaneous forms of structural oppression Black women face ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref114">18</reflink>]). As highlighted by [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref115">34</reflink>], intersectionality and using an "intersectional methodology" provide opportunity to highlight these unique experiences in ways that are "corrective" in nature. Intersectional methodology "pays close attention to racism, sexism, and classism as they simultaneously operate but specifically names White male supremacy as the driving force behind categorizations of subordination and the persistence of hierarchies that allow some groups to advance as others lose traction" (p. 752). Grounded in Black feminist thought, intersectionality also facilitates centering Black women's experiences, and in doing so, facilitates counternarratives to stereotyped versions of Black womanhood, and in this case, how they engage in school leadership ([<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref116">70</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-7">Methods</hd> <p>Guided by [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref117">52</reflink>] and [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref118">34</reflink>], we use intersectionality as a theoretical framework and to ground our methodological approach. Specifically, we take a constructivist orientation to our work and view reality as socially constructed and pluralistic ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref119">40</reflink>]). Thus, we were oriented toward centering participants' meaning making and building "thick" descriptions based on their recollections and stories ([<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref120">65</reflink>]), and therefore we adopted a phenomenological approach ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref121">53</reflink>]). We used phenomenological interviewing ([<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref122">71</reflink>]) and its focus on uplifting others' meaning making and experiences to collect our data.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-8">Sample</hd> <p>We used purposeful, criterion-based sampling ([<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref123">62</reflink>]) to recruit individuals self-identifying as Black female principals (<emph>n</emph> = 20), interviewing each woman three times over the year for a total of 60 interviews. We drew participants from two states in the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic regions. We did so for convenience and in reliance on social networks. Though we recruited from participant referrals and connections, we were sensitive to rapport-building, given the personal and emotional nature of the interviews ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref124">19</reflink>]) and, as we discuss below, our identity as White women ([<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref125">71</reflink>]).</p> <p>As seen in Table 1, and as is true for female leaders more broadly, most of the participants led elementary schools. The women, like Black female principals generally ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref126">64</reflink>]), were quite experienced, on the average, having worked in education 22 years, and heavily credentialed, a large number having doctoral degrees. Again, aligned with the research, most of the women led schools serving predominantly Black and brown children with high percentages receiving free and reduced-price lunch. These women's schools were often in larger, predominately White-serving districts with lower proportions of students requiring lunch support or with other additional needs (special education, English learners, etc.).</p> <p>Table 1: Select Principal Characteristics</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Pseudonym</th><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Years in Role</th><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Years in Education</th><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">School Location</th><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">School Level</th><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">FRL Status</th><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Student Population</th><th align="left" valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">State</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Joyce</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">15</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">28</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">P–6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">83%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">1</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Mckenzie</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">18</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">K–5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">12%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">PWI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">1</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Michele</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">26</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Urban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">P–8</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">74%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">1</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Passionate</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">24</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Urban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">K–6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">37%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">1</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Jennifer</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">8</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">28</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Urban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">District</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">47%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">1</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Susan</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">9</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">21</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Urban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">P–1</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">60%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">1</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Sarah</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">10</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">24</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Urban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Elementary</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">58%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">1</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Victorious</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">4</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">27</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">P–6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">54%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Bella</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">3</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">22</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Urban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Middle</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">41%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Dr. Jackie</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">28+</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Urban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">P–5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">66%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Valerie</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">18</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">K–5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">6%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Liz Garland</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">4</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">18</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Headstart–5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">77%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Shawna</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">26</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Middle</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">44%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Anne</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">27</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">High</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">68%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Malea</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">22</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">P–5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">42%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Robin</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">25</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Middle</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">12%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">PWI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Ramelle</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">12</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">27</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Middle</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">22%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">50/50</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Rose</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">3</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">18</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">P–5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">19%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">PWI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Natalie</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">4</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">22</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Prek-6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">76%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Kimberly</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">6</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">26</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Suburban</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2–5</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">24%</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MSI</td><td align="left" rowspan="1" colspan="1">2</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 <emph>Note.</emph> PWI: predominantly white-serving institution; MSI: predominantly Minority-serving institution. Participants selected their pseudonyms, which are used throughout.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-9">Data Collection</hd> <p>Data came from a larger study focused on Black female principals' experiences more broadly, in which participants were, aligned with [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref127">71</reflink>] recommendations, interviewed three times over the year, with each interview lasting anywhere from one to two hours. Interviews were semistructured and asked participants to reflect on their experiences as leaders and how gender, race, and gendered racism played a role in these experiences, and were responsive to changing environmental context. Later interviews took a more constructivist approach ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref128">13</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref129">35</reflink>]) and existed as discourse between the researchers and participants, with both asking questions, reflecting on prior discussions, and together making meaning of current events. As the third interview with each participant took place after March 2020 (and often between March and August 2020), the later interviews created space to discuss the impact of and response to the "twin pandemics" on and by these women and their school communities—that is, COVID-19 and the murder of George Floyd and widespread participation in the Black Lives Matter movement. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-10">Analytic Approach</hd> <p>To analyze our data, we engaged in thematic coding ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref130">6</reflink>]), taking an inductive approach to our work to consider how these women came to understand their leadership relative to these twin pandemics. We narrowed our focus to explicit mention of the events relating to COVID-19 and racial inequity broadly from March 2020 onwards and their responses to these events both independently and in reaction to those within their professional ecosystems (teachers, parents, district leaders, state educational leaders, etc.). Informed by [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref131">12</reflink>], we created our inductive codes from the recurrent themes that emerged as we read through the interviews. First, we randomly selected three interviews to code. Independently engaging with the data, each researcher made meaning through memoing and reflecting and creating concept codes (hopefulness, identified hypocrisy, advocacy, etc.).</p> <p>We refined our analysis to consider tiers of responses (e.g., organizational [such as those related to district policies for schools], interpersonal [interactions with colleagues, parents, etc.] and intrapersonal [relating to how they viewed themselves and their leadership during this time]). This framing helped us to further narrow to the themes presented here and ensure that we fully considered, as intersectionality requires, the multilayered forms of institutional oppression Black women face to engage in deeper and more nuanced counternarratives ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref132">34</reflink>]).</p> <p>Once we amassed some initial themes via our coding schema, we met with participants virtually to share and engage in further meaning making. This member check supports the credibility of our findings ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref133">42</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref134">60</reflink>]) and is essential regarding our positionality and the goals of intersectionality. The participants provided critical feedback to further explore and highlight their work, resilience, and confrontation of gendered racism. We used their feedback to refine our approach and subsequent findings.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-11">Positionality</hd> <p>We are White scholars, and thus, as always, but particularly during this time, are acutely aware of our privilege and how we benefit from White supremacy and institutional racism. We are also aware that our decision to study Black women is steeped in a history of White academics using Black women's stories to forward their careers and reinforce damaging stereotypes. We acknowledge that some might find us doing such work problematic at best, and hurtful at worst, and we want to honor this perspective. Indeed, as [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref135">52</reflink>] explain, acknowledgment of such privileges, generally and via a process of "disclosure" with participants in which we engaged, diminishes neither these privileges nor the hurt they have caused. With that said, we come to this work actively engaging with how whiteness shaped our perspectives and interactions with the women in this study, an essential element of engaging with intersectionality as white scholars ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref136">34</reflink>]). In our effort to be true allies, we have engaged and continue to engage in "a continuous, reflexive practice of proactively interrogating Whiteness" ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref137">25</reflink>], p. 2) and worked to decenter whiteness via our analytic process. More specifically, we purport neither to have an insider perspective nor to fully "understand" the experiences of the women in this study. Instead, we worked alongside our participants to make meaning of their experiences, taking our cues and directions from them. This included, as highlighted above, engaging participants in the interview process, interpretation of data, and writing.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-12">Findings</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0184509074-13">Continued Advocacy for Community Needs</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0184509074-14">Connecting Families to Resources</hd> <p>In March 2020, when their school buildings closed due to COVID-19, participants did what they have done throughout their careers: they worked to meet the evolving needs of their students and communities. With a few exceptions (e.g., Rose, Mckenzie, and Robin worked in well-resourced schools with predominately White students), most of the women led schools serving mostly students of color. These schools often also were underresourced and/or struggled to meet their communities' varied and complex needs. Given the prevalence of COVID-19 in these communities, as well as its subsequent economic and social impacts, the onset of the pandemic required these women to expend additional effort toward their already demanding and often difficult work.</p> <p>Importantly, these women worked to serve their communities and pushed their districts to pay attention to communities' dire needs, as their own loved ones and communities were too being disproportionately affected by the pandemic:</p> <p>Covid has impacted my family directly. My great-aunt died of Covid a couple weeks ago ... my cousin, a couple years younger than me, her and her husband just got diag—they're, they have Covid. My uncle's wife has Covid, her mother has Covid. My other uncle's mother ... (Valerie)</p> <p>It's been difficult ... New York got hit hard, which meant my family and my husband's family got hit hard and our friends. During that timeframe between people we know, and our parents, and friends circle, we lost 16 people, 14 to COVID and two to cancer. (Robin)</p> <p>It was in this context that these women rose to meet the challenges they and their communities faced. For example, all spoke of connecting with families to ensure access to food and other necessities for life (e.g., a safe place to live, access to healthcare) and learning (laptops, WIFI, books, etc.). These efforts were time-consuming and often moved these principals and their staffs to put their safety at risk (four of the women revealed that they had autoimmune disorders), driving to homes to deliver these supplies or simply to check in and tell families they were not alone. Liz Garland explained,</p> <p>We were trying to just figure out, if all the children were safe, if they had just the basic necessities. Forget academics. We couldn't even really focus on academics ... My focus was well being. Is everyone well? Is everyone okay? ... I wanted to make sure that you were well, that you had food ... We had families who ran out of food. We had families who were terrified to leave the house. We had families who were sick, and were ... because of their immigration status, did not want to reveal that they were sick or did not want to seek medical attention because they were fearful of what would happen.</p> <p>Others worked to contact every student's family and make sure they had what they needed during this difficult time. As Sarah explained, she</p> <p>tried to keep in contact with families, especially families who kinda fell off the rails as far as engagement ... our calls pretty much turned to wellness checks ... "What can we do for you? Is there anything your family needs from the school?" And what we learned was that a lot of our kids were directly impacted, had lost someone, everyone in the house had been ... touched by COVID, and families were just barely, if at all, holding it together.</p> <p>This hard work, empathy, and connection was neither mandated nor necessarily replicated across all schools in these women's districts. While such efforts may not have been needed across all schools (again, these women often led schools serving vulnerable communities), district decisions appeared to ignore, or be ignorant of, these differentiated needs. As a result, participants often felt they had to advocate for their communities to reverse or change district decisions, or, when that failed, work around them:</p> <p>If I have to speak out ... you do what you gotta do. This is why I'm here. I'm here to advocate on behalf of kids. I'm here to advocate for my faculty and staff. I am here to be an advocate. That's why I got into education in the first place. (Passionate)</p> <p>Jackie too advocated her school becoming a food distribution site, as did Joyce, who worked to ensure her students with disabilities could still access instruction during the pandemic. Belle, knowing that few of her families had access to reliable Internet and/or devices, spent days creating paper learning packets for her families for them to pick up at school despite district calls for only virtual learning. As we discuss later, such stories were common among these women, as was the frustration they felt as a result.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-15">Motivating Staff</hd> <p>Participants additionally had to motivate their staff, also feeling the pressures and anguish of the pandemic, to keep going, and often, to work even harder than usual. The women spoke to how they elevated care and grace to encourage staff and keep them going:</p> <p>I have to keep telling my staff, "You're going to screw up." I sent them a long email. I said, "We're gonna mess up. It's gonna be a hot mess. It's gonna look ugly and terrible. And guess what? We'll be okay." (Anne)</p> <p>As Anne explained, and many of the women reiterated, part of their role as leaders was to help teachers give themselves grace, as they did their best in often impossible circumstances. While giving this grace, however, these Black female principals still pushed teachers to ensure students' needs were attended to and that all adults were giving their best effort. Robin, for example, told her teachers,</p> <p>We are here to serve kids and I know it's not easy. It's not supposed to be, it's a pandemic. Something we've never experienced in our life, but we've got to figure out how to make lemonade.</p> <p>Taken together, these Black women faced the COVID-19 pandemic by lifting their staff toward greater service to ensure that all students and families received what they needed during this time.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-16">Dealing with District Demands</hd> <p>With the exception of some of the women, such as Belle, who expressed relief at the lack of district oversight during this time, as it allowed her to do the work she wished to without interference ("I was waiting for this moment!"), Jennifer, who felt empathy and care were at the center of her district's approach, and Dr. Jackie, who appreciated her district's strong, centralized approach, most participants felt confined and/or stifled by district decisions. These policies, they argued, often failed to attend to the challenges their schools faced or got in the way of their ability to best serve their staff and students. Michele, for example, shared frustration at her district's autocratic response ("it put chains on our feet") and the consequences:</p> <p>Our district is very like, "You have to do it this way." [But] we had to constantly wait for the district. So, we did packets and we would have our packets ready to go, but we had to wait to distribute them ... And then, we would distribute them and then we were ready to collect them. And, twice we actually got them out, collected them, but then we had to wait before we could do another round of packets ... So it was almost a week and a half of dead time ... that happened multiple times.</p> <p>As many shared their discontent at their districts' newfound interest in the inner workings of their schools (e.g., "their hands are in our cooking," "they had to prove they were doing something"), the women spoke to their districts' frequent lack of attention to the inequities further exacerbated by COVID-19 and requiring attention. Many said they felt they were living in an alternate reality in which the district was treating the pandemic as a technical problem to be solved with safety protocols and revised schedules, while they and their communities experienced it as life or death and requiring bigger and bolder solutions. Capturing the sentiments of many of the women, Liz Garland explained her district's response this way:</p> <p>It was totally lost [on the district], that we were in the midst of a world health crisis ... it wasn't somewhere [else], in another foreign place ... it's one of those things like ... sometimes children will cover their eyes. And, like, if they cover the eyes and "you don't see me!" "Oh, yes, I see you. You don't see me." You know what I mean? That's what it's like.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-17">Leading for Equity and Anti-racism</hd> <p>As their school system responded, to varying degrees, to George Floyd's murder and the Black Lives Matter movement of spring 2020, these principals found themselves in the familiar position of fighting for racial justice and equity in their schools and districts. Similarly to COVID-19's personal impact on them and their loved ones, these women acutely felt the pain of this pandemic of racial injustice as the world learned of and responded to the murder of George Floyd:</p> <p>I've never felt so much pain in actually acknowledging the things that have really taken place. It's almost as though I wanted to just keep myself in a little bubble, to say, "Well, this isn't really affecting me directly, so let me just ... gently try to hear," but I couldn't and I had to face it, but it was very hard facing those emotions because with those emotions comes, resentment, and anger. (McKenzie)</p> <p>My own uncle was killed in 1982 by the police and nothing was done about it. You know any Black man you talk to has had experiences with the police that are not good and these situations are not isolated or far removed ... this is the norm ... Status doesn't matter. So, when I walk into a store, I'm ingrained automatically to watch where my hands are. If I have a purse, to make sure that if I have jewelry in my hand or something small that I'm holding it out. They don't see a doctorate, they don't see a principal, I'm just a Black woman. (Valerie)</p> <p>Carrying this hurt, these women showed tremendous vulnerability and courage, often choosing to share these experiences with their staff and larger community ("I shared with them how I wept" [Liz Garland]). They did so even when, as Jennifer explained, it came at a personal cost:</p> <p>It was hard in that when you're a principal, you're a servant to others. And so, the decisions you make are about "What do my students need? And what do my parents need? And what does my staff need?" Whereas ... that was definitely a time where if I could've just like taken some time ... I just need a break. I just didn't want to do it. Like, I can do it, but is that what I wanted to get up in the morning and like lead a community of people through that moment? I would say no ... I just wanted to take a step back and be in that reflective family mode.</p> <p>And yet, despite their personal pain, these women did persist and led their school communities through these events, their goal being to bring about greater understanding of the Black experience and push for change. Michele, for example, sent the following email to her school community after George Floyd's murder:</p> <p>These events have deeply affected me personally and professionally. Though for the past week, I have dealt with them in a personal manner. As the daughter of a Black man, the mother of a Black adult son and partner of a Black man, I cannot begin to describe for you what this fear, anxiety, anger feels like from my perspective. I've been in a perpetual state of unsettleness since last week ... I am battling a range of emotions. This situation has shed a spotlight on issues that some of us here have lived with for our entire lives.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-18">Cautious Optimism</hd> <p>For some, the elevation of such conversations about racism and White supremacy created a sense of cautious optimism, particularly as participants spoke to the conversations they were able to engage in with White colleagues, families, and students about race and injustice. As Malea recalled,</p> <p>My parent community, they got together and they organized a march through their community. And they invited me and I came, and this largely white group of parents and kids, (laughs), who had been through my school, in elementary school, and are now high schoolers ... They made signs and they walked through their neighborhood chanting, "Black lives matter! Black lives matter!" Like me and my son, two of my teachers, and their children were the only Black people there, and there were at least 50 people out there and it was amazing to see ... It was a reinforcing moment that let me know that I can be who I am.</p> <p>Others were a bit more critical regarding what often seemed to be white colleagues' and community members' newly acquired commitment to equity and anti-racism:</p> <p>I'm thinking, "Where have you been?" ... the geographic location of where I live in work, you have to choose not to engage in conversations. It's a choice. So, when you talk about privilege, that's what privilege does. Privilege allows you not to engage in conversations because the conversations are happening all across this geographic area. And at this point they're happening across the world ... So privilege allows you to be oblivious. And so, at some point, when you are truly invested in the work, you reach out and do the work yourself. (Liz Garland)</p> <p>I think the jury is still out ... I can't even necessarily use the word hopeful because I feel that people are really just wanna do things at a superficial level and be like, "We did that. We had our equity workshop, we read our book how to be an anti-racist and like, I'm good now I did it." And that's just what I find that people, that's where people want to be. (Michelle)</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-19">Performative Wokeness</hd> <p>These more guarded responses were frequently tied to participants' experiencing racial microaggressions by district leaders as well as seeing their lack of meaningful efforts toward addressing and dismantling racist systems and policies. A few mentioned the concept of "performative wokeness," defined by [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref138">80</reflink>]) as when (supposed) allies engage in "a disingenuous demonstration of an acute awareness of social issues that affect marginalized populations" (p. 241). For example, as the women spoke about their districts' response to the murder of George Floyd, it was most often to speak of how it was "too little, too late," "disingenuous," "cursory," or "tone-deaf," or how, as with Robin, it paled in comparison with that of a neighboring district in which she lived and whose leaders spoke forcefully and empathetically about these issues.</p> <p>This same sense that district efforts were more about "performance" than substance was oft repeated by the women as they told stories of how long-time perpetrators of racist behaviors were now, in district meetings acting as "social justice warriors," all the while continuing to engage in inequitable policies:</p> <p>I hear this colleague of mine ... We're having all Zoom meetings, and he gets on the screen and he has a "Protect Black Children" shirt ... he's like, telling us all we should order these t-shirts, and ... I'm just sick to my stomach knowing how you treat Black women under your leadership. But yet ... you can wear the shirt to make us think, "Oh, my god, you're champion the cause. You're an ally," but you're really not. (Sarah)</p> <p>The person that has produced a harm to you, you're sitting in a meeting with, and they're talking, they're wearing their Black Lives Matter shirt. It's in disjoint, you're sitting with this person who you sat with in an interview, and they said, "You know, you spoke a little bit too much about Black people," or "You've advocated too much," or "Your voice was a little too loud." And that person is sitting across from you now with their t-shirt on, you're like, "Oh, so that's what we're doing now? Oh, okay." (Belle)</p> <p>The women repeatedly brought up how, while spouting a new vision of racial justice or engaging in anti-racist trainings, district leaders continued to uphold, and even fight to retain, inequitable structures and systems. More than half of the women, for example, representing at least four separate districts, spoke to their districts' continued failure to hire BIPOC for administrative positions and the glut of highly qualified people who could fill these roles. Others spoke of policies, for example, that underfunded and understaffed schools enrolling Black and brown children and promoted curricula that failed to reflect these students' experiences, and safety polices that undervalued the contributions of Black and brown custodians, bus drivers, and paraprofessionals, who put their lives on the line to ensure that schools were open and safe. They spoke to the lack of attention district leaders, most often White, paid to the historical hurt caused by racist policies and action as part of the work moving forward. As Belle put it, district leaders needed to "repair some relationships with people of color. You can't just say, 'now I'm an anti-racist.' You actually have to apologize."</p> <p>And yet, despite the women's collective feeling that what was being done was not enough, they too spoke to their determination to keep fighting to ensure the rhetoric became a reality. Capturing the sentiments of so many of the women, when talking about her continued press for equity, Joyce said,</p> <p>It's part of my job, the advocacy ... you have to do it. If I was anywhere, I would have to do it, right, but there's, also more of it that needs to be done ... I'm advocating not only for students, I'm advocating a lot of times for parents and families, I'm advocating for like the needs that come to the school. I'm gonna make sure that all of these students are ... getting what they need.</p> <hd id="AN0184509074-20">Discussion and Implications</hd> <p>While the nature of these twin pandemics differed, the Black female principals in this study were resolute in their work fighting against them and advocating for their students and communities. This was true even as these pandemics touched not just the lives of those they served, but their own communities and families, often to devastating effect. Indeed, and in keeping with the unique orientation of generations of Black female educators before them (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref139">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref140">73</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref141">80</reflink>]), while facing great challenges, they worked within the system as "tempered radicals" ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref142">2</reflink>]) to find ways to put pressure on those in power to create more thoughtful and equitable policies as they pertained to the district's COVID-19 response and beyond. When this did not work, or became too burdensome, they pivoted to reallocate existing resources over which they had greater control (e.g., using their time to create paper learning packets, driving to visit families and bring them food directly), even when their districts did not support, or even decried, such approaches. All the while, and aligned with the work of other effective urban principals who helped teachers stay motivated and oriented toward meeting the evolving needs of students during the COVID-19 pandemic, these principals also centered care and collective accountability in their everyday practices, whether directed at teachers, staff, students, or families ([<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref143">84</reflink>]), and can serve as models for leading through crisis.</p> <p>These principals' laudable efforts, shaped by their intersectional experiences and identities, often appeared in stark contrast to that of many of their district leaders and White colleagues who, while seemingly more aware and eager to engage in conversations about inequity and racial injustice, did not necessarily link such awakenings to practice or to how the COVID-19 pandemic was impacting different communities. In the best cases, it seemed that White colleagues were naïve but well-meaning in that they desired to engage in more thoughtful and deeper discourse about race and discrimination, though perhaps they were in beginning stages of such efforts and did not necessarily connect these ideas with the impacts of COVID-19. In the worst cases, long-time perpetrators of racist behavior and policies positioned themselves as the "woke police" and weaponized the language of racial equity against those whom they had long targeted (i.e., Black women) and/or willfully ignored the differentiated needs of, and impacts on, BIPOC communities as the COVID-19 pandemic unfolded. The result, like other forms of White supremacy and racism, was to inflict harm on these women ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref144">1</reflink>]) and their communities, and to send messages that district-level efforts oriented towards equity were unlikely to produce real change. And yet, through this all, these women kept fighting with courage and grace for a better future for their students and families, even when facing loss or risking their or their families' health in so doing.</p> <p>On this point, while these women are undoubtedly to be lauded, it is also important to name the ways a system dependent on Black women doing more and better than others is neither just, nor fair. Rather than simply reifying the concept of the "Strong Black Woman" ([<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref145">88</reflink>]) and its stereotyped expectations of Black women, "standing up for oneself, exhibiting self-reliance, and taking care of others" ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref146">79</reflink>], p. 425), we must begin to examine the complexity of their experiences and the ways this race–gender schema can be both affirming and depleting. Just because these women can survive in these systems and uplift others as they do so, it does not mean these efforts are without cost. For example, recent work by [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref147">8</reflink>] highlights how even "adaptive" coping mechanisms, such as advocacy work on behalf of students, have costs to these leaders' well-being and, potentially, their longevity in the field. Such findings also highlight the power and necessity of an intersectional framework and its more complex understandings and the "social hierarchy [that] creates the experiences that produce the categories that intersect" (MacKinnon, 2013, p. 1024, as cited in [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref148">34</reflink>]).</p> <p>In keeping with this approach, the goal should not be to ask Black women to do more, or even for them to carry their current load, but rather to build infrastructure and support to ensure that they can engage in this work more freely and effectively, and without additional costs to themselves and their health and well-being. Such efforts could include, for example, the creation of and ongoing resource allocation to mentoring for ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref149">44</reflink>]) and networks of Black female school leaders ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref150">26</reflink>]). Such networks allow women to come together and share and draw strength and are essential to coping with the negative effects of discrimination ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref151">55</reflink>]).</p> <p>Moreover, real support for Black female principals would also come from the dismantling of discriminatory systems at all levels of our society, including within our school systems. To do so, and as indicated in the findings, district leaders would need to move away from a predominately performative orientation toward anti-racism and equity and towards one of true allyship and anti-racist behavior. This would, as [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref152">25</reflink>] argue, move White people to learn not only "about one's privilege but also about understanding power and the process of colonialism and domination" (p. 326), and would include "interrogating Whiteness" and examining current structures and systems to "critically examine how their own values, beliefs, and behaviors reinforce racialized sexism, even unintentionally" (p. 327). In the longer term, we need to apply continued pressure on those in power to make policy that endeavors to close equity gaps in funding, healthcare, food access, facilities, and all other resources that impact schools, and ensure that those with the greatest wisdom and experience regarding some of these issues, such as the Black women in this study, are leading the change.</p> <ref id="AN0184509074-21"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref24" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Aaron, T. S. (2020). 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She is interested in gender and racial bias in educational leadership, as well as issues of educational infrastructure at the local, district, and state levels.</p> <p>Daron Cyr is a doctoral candidate in leadership and educational policy. Her scholarship focuses on issues of parental voice, equity, and school improvement at the University of Connecticut.</p> <p>Laura J. Burton PhD, is a professor in the sport management program in the Department of Educational Leadership within the Neag School of Education at the University of Connecticut. Her research interests include understanding leadership in organizations (particularly sports organizations) and exploring development, access, and success in leadership. In particular, she focuses on issues of gender in leadership contexts and, specifically, how stereotypes and discrimination impact women in sport leadership.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib81" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib72" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib67" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib69" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib64" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib77" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib74" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib80" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib83" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib66" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib87" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib73" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib85" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref70"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref74"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref79"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib63" firstref="ref87"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref98"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib68" firstref="ref99"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref102"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref103"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref106"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref107"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl52" bibid="bib75" firstref="ref108"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl53" bibid="bib86" firstref="ref109"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl54" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref110"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl55" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref111"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl56" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref112"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl57" bibid="bib78" firstref="ref113"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl58" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref114"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl59" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref115"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl60" bibid="bib70" firstref="ref116"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl61" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref119"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl62" bibid="bib65" firstref="ref120"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl63" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref121"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl64" bibid="bib71" firstref="ref122"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl65" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref123"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl66" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref124"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl67" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref128"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl68" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref129"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl69" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref131"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl70" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref133"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl71" bibid="bib60" firstref="ref134"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl72" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref137"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl73" bibid="bib84" firstref="ref143"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl74" bibid="bib88" firstref="ref145"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl75" bibid="bib79" firstref="ref146"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl76" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref151"></nolink>
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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: A Study of Black Female Principals Leading through Twin Pandemics
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Weiner%2C+Jennie%22">Weiner, Jennie</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cyr%2C+Daron%22">Cyr, Daron</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Burton%2C+Laura+J%2E%22">Burton, Laura J.</searchLink>
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  Label: Source
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Education+Human+Resources%22"><i>Journal of Education Human Resources</i></searchLink>. Jul 2022 40(3):335-359.
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  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: University of Toronto Press. 5201 Dufferin Street, Toronto, ON M3H 5T8, Canada. Tel: 416-667-7810; Fax: 800-221-9985; Fax: 416-667-7881; e-mail: journals@utpress.utoronco.ca; Web site: https://www.utpjournals.press/loi/jehr
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  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 25
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2022
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+Americans%22">African Americans</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Principals%22">Principals</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Women+Administrators%22">Women Administrators</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+American+Leadership%22">African American Leadership</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22COVID-19%22">COVID-19</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Pandemics%22">Pandemics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Justice%22">Social Justice</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Advocacy%22">Advocacy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Administrator+Attitudes%22">Administrator Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Motivation%22">Teacher Motivation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Equal+Education%22">Equal Education</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.3138/jehr-2021-0008
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  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 2562-783X
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: In 2020, the United States experienced twin pandemics disproportionately impacting BIPOC communities and their schools and school systems--one new, COVID-19, and one longstanding, that of white supremacy and anti-Black racism. This phenomenological study of 20 Black female principals in two states provides insights into how these leaders, who so often center racial justice and caring for BIPOC children and communities in their leadership practice, grappled with these pandemics and how doing so impacted their leadership and work. Findings suggest that leading through these twin pandemics further cemented these women's commitments to engage in advocacy and justice work on behalf of their communities and students. They also reported, regarding racial inequity and white supremacy, feeling both a cautious optimism stemming from seeing the work they had long engaged in being taken up at scale, and by white colleagues in particular, and frustration, experiencing this engagement often as "performative" and thus unlikely to lead to real change. And yet they also spoke of their deep commitment to advocacy and social justice moving forward and their role in ensuring that all their students receive the education, opportunities, and outcomes they deserve.
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  Data: 2022
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  Data: EJ1348478
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    Identifiers:
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        Value: 10.3138/jehr-2021-0008
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 25
        StartPage: 335
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: African Americans
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Principals
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Women Administrators
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: African American Leadership
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: COVID-19
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Pandemics
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Racism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Justice
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Advocacy
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Administrator Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teacher Motivation
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Equal Education
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: A Study of Black Female Principals Leading through Twin Pandemics
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            NameFull: Weiner, Jennie
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            NameFull: Cyr, Daron
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            NameFull: Burton, Laura J.
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              Y: 2022
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            – TitleFull: Journal of Education Human Resources
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