Slipping into Irrelevance: Pedagogical 'Conocimientos' in the Preparation of Teachers to Contest Ideological Tracking
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| Title: | Slipping into Irrelevance: Pedagogical 'Conocimientos' in the Preparation of Teachers to Contest Ideological Tracking |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Jaime-Diaz, Jesus, Ramos, D. Carolina, Mendez-Negrete, Josie |
| Source: | Journal of Latinos and Education. 2023 22(2):715-728. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 14 |
| Publication Date: | 2023 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Education Level: | High Schools Secondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Track System (Education), Racism, Disproportionate Representation, Ideology, Teacher Attitudes, Beliefs, Socialization, Teacher Education Programs, Reflection, Consciousness Raising, Low Achievement, Working Class, High School Students, High School Teachers, At Risk Students, Social Class, Social Stratification, Socioeconomic Influences, Teacher Student Relationship, Interaction, Poverty, Mexican Americans |
| DOI: | 10.1080/15348431.2020.1811093 |
| ISSN: | 1534-8431 1532-771X |
| Abstract: | Prior research on school tracking has indicated that racialized classed ethnic students are channeled and separated into cohorts based on academic ability. Few studies have indicated the ways in which early socialization of teachers is imparted through pedagogical practices. Unfortunately, there is a lack of research when it comes to understanding how ideological tracking is reproduced in the context of the classroom. Findings suggest that teacher ideologies, situated within their early socialization, are manifested in through perspectives of difference. This article makes a case for teacher credential training preparation programs to incorporate self-reflexive methodologies to limit reproduction of unconscious teaching/learning in the instruction of students. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2023 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1381640 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwHcc-c7PTIXhRfNCYZ4Jk-mAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDOF293xeGOKfandPVAIBEICBm5fvT2iXAdqnBbvgyJGCTKPNHDDOT06RLjmzDPUfFtSmXGug6S1E6tbf1YRwX5bj73_QHBwr9gBfr5qCXXpz0KE43Yf6LxxI30NO82jM2tvHq7H2lFGq9YY57AsoAqCQ-N5TNLvoj2bx7l7_H8F89f7IZo2rCRreDfH4ChriFDPkTKMsl3Vr30_8eSdyHYhdS1UUjZZ6SmOUbwwX Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0162103258;hd001apr.23;2023Mar01.02:25;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0162103258-1">Slipping into Irrelevance: Pedagogical Conocimientos in the Preparation of Teachers to Contest Ideological Tracking </title> <p>Prior research on school tracking has indicated that racialized classed ethnic students are channeled and separated into cohorts based on academic ability. Few studies have indicated the ways in which early socialization of teachers is imparted through pedagogical practices. Unfortunately, there is a lack of research when it comes to understanding how ideological tracking is reproduced in the context of the classroom. Findings suggest that teacher ideologies, situated within their early socialization, are manifested in through perspectives of difference. This article makes a case for teacher credential training preparation programs to incorporate self-reflexive methodologies to limit reproduction of unconscious teaching/learning in the instruction of students.</p> <p>Keywords: Pedagogical conocimientos; pláticas; ideological tracking; sociohistorical; Mexican American high school education</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-2">Introduction</hd> <p>The structuration and design of the ways in which children of color have been mis/educated based on race, class, and ethnicity due to slavery, poverty, and immigrant status through ideologies assumed them to be uneducable and only good to exploit as a source of physical labor. As such, the historical roots of tracking in U.S. schools was a direct attempt to impose social control through labor during the industrial revolution in the mid nineteenth and early twentieth century (Montejano, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref1">72</reflink>]; Oakes et al., [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref2">77</reflink>]; Takaki, [<reflink idref="bib100" id="ref3">100</reflink>]). The challenges facing the nation-state as it developed industrially were the creation of factories and the need for mechanized accelerated productivity and masses of labor pools. Newly arrived immigrants from distinctive parts of Europe during the 1860s, along with their diverse languages, cultures and identities were seen as a disruption and a barrier to the notion of production (Anyon, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref4">6</reflink>]; Ball, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref5">9</reflink>]; P. E. Willis, [<reflink idref="bib112" id="ref6">112</reflink>]; Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref7">34</reflink>]). Difference was conceptualized as a threat to the economic development and political stability of the nation-state. Oakes ([<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref8">76</reflink>]) illustrates this sentiment: "Most of the population increasingly feared the potential dangers that could result from what was seen as unrestrained hordes of urban immigrants, and a perception of a need for the exercise of greater social control was widespread" (p. 20). To reinforce such ideologies in the early industrial development of the United States, human evolution and notions of whiteness and Anglo-superiority were woven into the structure of schooling (Nason, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref9">73</reflink>]).</p> <p>In Jeannie Oakes's ([<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref10">76</reflink>]) groundbreaking study, <emph>Keeping track: How schools structure inequality</emph>, Oakes found that schools tracked students from racialized classed communities into lower-level classes, which in turn directly channeled them into low-wage occupations. Since her study, critical scholars in education studies have furthered conversations about racialized tracking, showing that the discourse of whiteness was normalized to obstruct equity within the structure of schooling (R. A. Orozco, [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref11">80</reflink>]; Chambers, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref12">24</reflink>]; Orozco, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref13">79</reflink>]; Romero &amp; Arce, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref14">90</reflink>]; Tyson, [<reflink idref="bib104" id="ref15">104</reflink>]; Urrieta, [<reflink idref="bib105" id="ref16">105</reflink>]). Studies on the sociohistorical reality of racialized classed communities confined to poverty wage zones have demonstrated that this structural organization placed them at a disadvantage in relation to housing, education, and social mobility by way of a higher education (Anyon, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref17">7</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref18">6</reflink>]).</p> <p>Racialized classed communities must contend with impoverished boundaries that yield limited opportunities to understand the culture, academic language, and various forms of social capital institutionalized within school culture. With this, contemporary de facto segregation has reproduced deficit views and negative expectations of racialized classed communities that lack various forms of capital (Bunar &amp; Ambrose, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>]; Cammarota, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref20">21</reflink>]; González, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref21">43</reflink>]; Méndez-Negrete, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref22">66</reflink>]; Moll et al., [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref23">71</reflink>]; Orozco, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref24">78</reflink>]; Ovando &amp; Combs, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref25">81</reflink>]; Ruiz, [<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref26">93</reflink>]).</p> <p>State institutions with the most profound effects on the lives of indignant racialized classed communities include law enforcement agencies, prisons, mental institutions, schools, public hospitals, social welfare agencies, and the courts (civil and criminal). Such established institutions delineate and enforce racialized classed boundaries (Anyon, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref27">8</reflink>]; Frankenberg &amp; Orfield, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref28">35</reflink>]; Healey et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref29">47</reflink>]; Kozol, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref30">55</reflink>]; Méndez-Negrete, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref31">68</reflink>]; Michener, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref32">69</reflink>]; Suarez- Orozco, Suarez-Orozco &amp; Todorova, 2009). These philosophies indicate that schools, not only track students based on racialized class status, but also highlights how curriculum and pedagogy directly aim to impart dominant views within the structure of schooling (Anyon, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref33">5</reflink>]; Oakes, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref34">76</reflink>]). Given this history, there is continued need for the development of trust though dialogue within schools and the diverse communities they serve. Also, there is a need for the cultivation of holistic relationships in the schooling of minoritized students, with the transparency about incorporation of various knowledge foundations that speak to the schooling experiences of minoritized students (Bryk &amp; Schneider, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref35">18</reflink>]; Cookson &amp; Persell, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref36">25</reflink>]; Valdés, [<reflink idref="bib107" id="ref37">107</reflink>]; Valenzuela, [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref38">108</reflink>]; Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib115" id="ref39">115</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref40">114</reflink>]).</p> <p>This article explores the ways in which teachers perceive difference within the structure of schooling. We draw from a qualitative case study using semi-structured interviews and <emph>pláticas</emph>.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref41">1</reflink>] We begin by discussing racialized class and provide an overview of pedagogical <emph>conocimientos</emph>[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref42">2</reflink>] This is followed by the methodology, research site and participants in the study, with a data analysis of the themes that emerged. We conclude with implications for further study, as the researchers examine the following questions:</p> <p>What do teachers perceive to be their role when educating lower-performing students in a predominantly Mexican working-class community?</p> <p>How do teachers instruct diverse students at <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School?</p> <p>What are the ways that teachers identify students who are struggling?</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-3">Racialized social class</hd> <p>Racialized social class is evident and embedded within institutions whereby minoritized groups historically have had to face social stratification within such sociohistorical constructions (Méndez-Negrete, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref43">66</reflink>]). In the racialization of a social class, it is of critical importance to interrogate and contest the ways in which students of color are sorted into categories, based on the distribution of resources along racial, class, and gender lines through policies that normalize such inequitable disparities by racialized social class contours within society (Michener, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref44">69</reflink>]; Wilson, [<reflink idref="bib113" id="ref45">113</reflink>]). Furthermore, this schooling organization suggests how a racialized social class for minoritized groups expands the concentration of poverty in relation to demographic and economically driven neighborhood stratification, important to situate in such critiques of the structure of schooling (Martinot, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref46">61</reflink>]).</p> <p>Differences related to racialized social class during the high school experience have a profound influence on the lives of minoritized students and on their development into adulthood (McClure &amp; Harris, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref47">63</reflink>]). In many instances, high schools become sorting centers that determine the outcome of a person's placement in society. High schools regulate whether students go directly into the workforce, on to college, or become exiled from the schooling experience altogether (Oakes, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref48">76</reflink>]). Tracking structures in high schools reflect the roles and values of distinctive communities in relation to race and class (Entwisle et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref49">29</reflink>]; Gamoran, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref50">38</reflink>]). During the establishment of high schools in the United States, conflicting views emerged as to what their purpose would be in U.S. society (Jeynes, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref51">54</reflink>]; Spring, [<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref52">98</reflink>]). High schools reflect privilege, power, and difference, and evidence where routinization is normalized with an emphasis on productivity and place in the labor market (Halinan, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref53">46</reflink>]; Ritzer, [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref54">89</reflink>]; Taylor, [<reflink idref="bib101" id="ref55">101</reflink>]; Tyack &amp; Hansot, [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref56">103</reflink>]). Such a schooling experience has been argued as detrimental in the healthy development of minoritized students, where they are devalued by dehumanizing curriculum and pedagogies (Cammarota, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref57">20</reflink>]; Illich, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref58">51</reflink>]; McLaren, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref59">65</reflink>]).</p> <p>It is crucial that we address the ways in which high-status culture has historically been used to normalize social class and social stratification through schooling, as evidence in attitudes, language cues, praxis preferences, formal knowledge, and behaviors within the structure of schooling. Such normalizing criteria is used for social and cultural exclusion from the dominant discourses (Alim &amp; Baugh, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref60">3</reflink>]; Lamont &amp; Lareau, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref61">56</reflink>]; Lareau, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref62">57</reflink>]; Ramos, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref63">84</reflink>]; Ramos &amp; Sayer, [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref64">85</reflink>]; Weber, [<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref65">110</reflink>]). Also, informal academic standards are interwoven into the dominant social class practices where cultural and social selection, as well as how they are socially reproduced, are understood (Blossfeld &amp; Shavit, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref66">11</reflink>]). In other words, it is not only visible and tangible differences that account for social stratification, but also the less visible forms of capital that result in disparities and exclusion from social mobility through education. While economic capital accounts for money an individual has at their disposal, social and cultural capital reflect available social networks and knowledge of cultural practices from the dominant culture (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref67">12</reflink>]). Thus, ideological tracking involves exclusion from multiple ways of knowing and, as Bourdieu argues, gaining a type of capital that is more likely to yield access to forms of capital ultimately associated with educational and socioeconomic success. Dominant ideologies are reinforced through interests that serve as symbolic interactions in relation to the ways different social classes intercommunicate within the structure of schooling. These ideologies are directly related to social, cultural, human, and symbolic capital (Bettie, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref68">10</reflink>]; Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref69">12</reflink>]; Brantlinger, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref70">16</reflink>]; Fiske &amp; Marksus, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref71">32</reflink>]; MacLeod, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref72">59</reflink>]; Willis, [<reflink idref="bib111" id="ref73">111</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-4">Pedagogical Conocimientos</hd> <p>To contest social reproduction in relation to racialized social class ideologies, it is critical for future teacher educators to reflect upon their early socialization. This process allows them to deconstruct how they pedagogically interact in the creation of knowledge with minoritized students (Jaime-Diaz &amp; Mendez-Negrete, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref74">53</reflink>]). Often, teachers do not reflect on these contradictions, which leads them to normalizing the ways they respond to students. These dehumanizing ideologies censure self-reflexive methodologies that critique identity markers, like race, class, gender, which lead to reproduction of internalized oppression (Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref75">26</reflink>]; Hill Collins, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref76">50</reflink>]). To create change, use of intersectionality theory avails deep reflection to understand the ways in which such oppression overlaps through coercion and consent (Brah &amp; Phoenix, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref77">15</reflink>]; Bright et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref78">17</reflink>]; Castro-Salazar &amp; Bagley, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref79">23</reflink>]; Mills, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref80">70</reflink>]; Simon, [<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref81">97</reflink>]).</p> <p>To create pedagogical change, self-reflexive methodologies and intersectionality theories must necessarily be incorporated in future teacher preparation and the nurturing of critical consciousness engaged to disrupt dominant discourses that reinforce inequitable schooling (Gaxiola Serrano et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref82">39</reflink>]). Teacher preparation must embody humanizing pedagogies where the student/teacher relationship cultivates an authentic caring and understanding schooling experience for minoritized students (Valenzuela, [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref83">108</reflink>]). This requires future teacher educators to be reflexive of their pedagogical practices, while simultaneously problematizing their early socialization in relation to the human experience (Carello &amp; Butler, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref84">22</reflink>]). Such professional socialization has a profound influence on the ways in which people come to understand and view the world from the beginning, until the very end of their lives (Bowles &amp; Gintis, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref85">14</reflink>]; Bowles et al., [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref86">13</reflink>]; Marx &amp; Engels, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref87">62</reflink>]; Roth, [<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref88">92</reflink>]).</p> <p>Working class and poor families are usually excluded from participation in high social class groups. Their socioeconomic status is deemed inferior and are often perceived as unable to function within high power niches (Lamont &amp; Lareau, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref89">56</reflink>]; Lareau, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref90">57</reflink>]; Yosso, [<reflink idref="bib115" id="ref91">115</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref92">114</reflink>]). Moreover, families with single mothers are often stigmatized as broken or ineffective in the rearing of their children, thus lacking the sociocultural capital to succeed. Such discourse is dominant in U.S. society and tends to historically reproduce stereotypes of working class and poor minoritized communities, characterizing them as disengaged and as disinvested in the education of their children (Dyrness, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref93">28</reflink>]; Lee, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref94">58</reflink>]). This normalizes the ways in which children from such communities are viewed by administrators and teachers who have historically come from white middle class backgrounds. These views continue to designate such communities as problematic, rather than assign them as foundational to the structure of schooling (Flores &amp; Benmayor, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref95">33</reflink>]; Urrieta, [<reflink idref="bib105" id="ref96">105</reflink>]). To eliminate these practices, the conversation must shift to the ways in which those from underprivileged backgrounds become ideologically tracked within the confinements of classrooms – thus blaming the victim for their own oppression.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-5">Methods</hd> <p>This case study focuses on teacher/student interactions in relation to racialized class background, drawing on data from a qualitative case study. Historically, case studies have served as opportunities for the proposal of new theories (Creswell, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref97">27</reflink>]; Glaser et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref98">40</reflink>]; Hesse-Biber &amp; Leavy, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref99">49</reflink>]). The analyzed data derived from co-laboring with five high school teachers, where three ideal types reflecting teaching approaches were established. Those who participated shared their lived experiences. In analyzing such experiences, we applied a <emph>conocimiento</emph> approach where family and community legacies are sociohistorically retrieved to identify points of interconnection between researcher, student, and experiences within classroom settings.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-6">Context</hd> <p>Using the nom de plume <emph>Vigilancia</emph> or Surveillance High School, we engaged with a high school situated within a historically Mexican working class community on the southside of <emph>Mihoco</emph>,[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref100">3</reflink>] in the borderlands of the southwest, approximately an hour from <emph>Los Ambos</emph> Nogales, Sonora, Mexico. The city is referred to as "The Dirty M" and the southside is commonly known as "The South," both identifications suggesting disdain and devaluation because of the concentrated poverty and ethnic-makeup. With a median income of 17, 614 USD the economic median income per household is roughly 14, 587USD of which males make 20, 504 USD and females 14, 754 USD. About 46% of the population live below the poverty line, and 43.5% are families where 61.2% are under the age of eighteen, and 36% are over the age of 65 (US Census Bureau, [<reflink idref="bib106" id="ref101">106</reflink>]).</p> <p> <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School began with 900 students in 1956. As of 2015, 1,526 students are enrolled. From the onset, <emph>Vigilancia</emph> has educationally served the regional Mexican community of <emph>Mihoco</emph>. It has a philosophy embedded in the commitment to cultivate student engagement and foster leadership.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-7">Participants and data collection</hd> <p> <emph>Vigilancia</emph> high school originated with the belief that schooling should depart from a practice of respect with a responsiveness to the community and its needs. I (first author) sought to engage in activist-guided research at the site. Such research demands collaboration with the community out of respect, with the expectation of not imposing one's own agenda. This requires knowing and understanding the needs and issues of a community as a moral obligation (Alinsky, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref102">4</reflink>]; Gutiérrez, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref103">45</reflink>]; Navarro, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref104">74</reflink>]). To gain a deeper understanding about the needs of the community, I had a sit-down meeting with a professor from the University of The Place of The Small Spring South Campus, and the principal of <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School. Both knew each other professionally and are part of the <emph>Mihoco</emph> community.</p> <p>To work with a community it is important to embody an authentic <emph>amistad</emph> or friendship to guide the research (Hesse-Beiber &amp; Leavy et al., [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref105">48</reflink>]). After the meeting, the principal introduced me to teachers. Once I received the institutional review board (IRB) approval, I reached out to teachers to explain the research project, specifying their rights as human subjects and participants, and requested their approval and agreement to participate. Five teachers partook in semi-structured interviews and <emph>pláticas</emph> that were tape-recorded and later transcribed (Fierros &amp; Delgado Bernal, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref106">31</reflink>]; Gonzalez, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref107">42</reflink>]; Seidman, [<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref108">95</reflink>]). Among the participants, there was a math teacher and four English teachers, of whom two are Chicanas, with two white females, and a white male – all teaching in a working-class community.</p> <p>During the spring semester, February–May 2017, the first author was a participant-observer, attending high school administrative meetings, participating with parents and community members, and also attending classroom activities. By involving myself with <emph>Vigilancia</emph> in diverse ways, I recorded the views and perceptions of those who engage within the structure of schooling through multiple lenses. I relied on shadowing as I walked through the hallways to observe interactions between teachers and students (Cammarota, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref109">20</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-8">Data analysis</hd> <p>Data for this study was analyzed by utilizing Appreciative Inquiry (AI), a feminist methodology, which explores what works for people and embodies their experiences in the creation of knowledge (Paige et al., [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref110">82</reflink>]; Reed, [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref111">86</reflink>]). AI provides teachers a life-centric approach that inspires them to take direction unrestrained of their desires in relation to their early socialization. This critical approach identifies ideas rather than explores them through organic <emph>pláticas</emph>. This methodology creates knowledge with participants/co-creators in the process and honors their experience at the moment of data collection and beyond.</p> <p>Throughout the study, teachers often asserted their concerns about what was important, as they expressed difficulties with the teaching profession. Their sharing of experiences assisted the coding process.</p> <p>Data was examined by utilizing holistic coding, beginning with an understanding of the norms that influenced the way in which teachers viewed difference, specifically in relation to student diversity in the context of their early socialization (Marshall &amp; Rossman, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref112">60</reflink>]; Saldaña, [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref113">94</reflink>]). Themes that emerged in relation to upbringing, neighborhood stratification, and social niches were utilized to complete topic coding, being that through examination of these concepts they revealed connections as to the ways in which early ideologies socially reproduce in their teacher/student engagement over time (Richards, [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref114">87</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-9">Findings</hd> <p>The analysis from the semi-structured interviews and <emph>pláticas</emph> resulted in three themes across the teacher participants:</p> <p>(<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref115">1</reflink>) Curriculum Disengagement, which is the identification of students distant from the schooling experience. This theme highlights a point of tension when it comes to a standardized curriculum that continues to exclude the working-class experience.</p> <p>(<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref116">2</reflink>) Diverse Lived Experiences, or how teachers relate to students or understand them. This next theme revealed that teachers tolerate diverse lived experiences as assets of knowledge, which enrich the educational experiences of their students. Additionally, the teacher participants felt that what students experienced in their homes and community should be honored within their schooling experience. However, these experiences may not always match the standardized curriculum and are much less valued by it.</p> <p>(<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref117">3</reflink>) Emotional Attrition, which identifies how teachers view students' issues within the context of schooling. This area suggested that such attrition is exacerbated by a high student to teacher ratio and continues to challenge teachers' efforts to effectively engage students. This is caused when students' issues overwhelm teachers and they do not want to be responsive or prefer to keep the students at a distance.</p> <p>We identified an overlap in the experiences of the teachers, which are further explained in detail below. It is crucial to note that teachers, for the most part, remained optimistic when discussing their students and their instances of disengagement. For example, even though they identified difficulties of teaching and revealed concerns for their students within <emph>Vigilancia</emph>, they all shared a strong commitment to teaching within the community and stressed the importance of having teachers who cared for students. To illustrate our findings, we begin with Curriculum Disengagement.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-10">Curriculum disengagement</hd> <p>The teachers observed at <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School had classrooms of between twenty to twenty-five students and their movement among students was constant in order to keep them engaged. In response to a question about her own experience as a high school student, <emph>Maestra</emph>[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref118">4</reflink>]<emph>Aliada</emph>,[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref119">5</reflink>] a white working-class teacher who had a middle-class upbringing, shared the following, when speaking about her students.</p> <p>They are the black kids who don't smile, or do you want me to speak from my personal views? So back to my high school, I remember who was different. As a teacher, different students are kids who come to class and don't do any work – they are just different. People treat them weird. They are kids from lower class backgrounds, the parents we never hear from them, so we don't know what they are up to. The different students are the ones that are there, but they don't have a relationship with school. They don't seem to participate or communicate with any of the teachers or do anything. I mean it's like none of us teachers have the skills to get them to open up or care. Those different students are like in a separate world. They are here today but not present, they are not the kids who ditch that's normal.</p> <p>They are not the kids who are out smoking weed. They have their excuses, they will tell you if you are cool with them. They will tell you, "I just don't give a fuxx" that's them. They are physically present but not part of schooling. They are different because I can't read them. I don't know what is going on with them. Maybe they don't trust me, because everybody else trusts me, like the other 95 percent of the kids. Even if all they care about is sex and drugs they will just be like, "Well Ms. I am busy." But they know that I am not judging them. There are some kids, and it is the end of the year, and I don't have a relationship with them but I tried. I don't feel different towards them but something is missing.</p> <p> <emph>Maestra Aliada</emph> observed ideologies related to a conceptualization of whiteness internalized by white middle class teachers. To refer to Black kids who do not smile and minority students who are not there is a narrow view of the hardships marginalized communities endure in relation to poverty, violence, and an array of social ills. <emph>Maestra Aliada</emph> struggled with modern racism and a limited self-reflexive approach to the lived experiences of underprivileged communities. The importance of understanding the community in which teachers are immersed must be understood from a critical reflection of their own early socialization. Teachers must be vigilant of the ways in which they view minoritized students within their pedagogical practices. It is difficult for teachers to understand a student when they are not mindful about feelings and distortions such as stereotypes that they have internalized during their early socialization. Indeed, earlier in the interview <emph>Maestra Aliada</emph> discussed her upbringing:</p> <p>[In her community in Texas] – It was all white people ... I don't remember seeing a person of color. Except you know what we are now in Texas. Actually, there was like an African family who wanted to come to church, and I remember my mom would give them rides for a while. Then, eventually my mom stopped giving them a ride, and my mom told me something about how they smelled. And then we never saw them again, and then the other thing was we would share the church building with people from Tonga. They were called Tongan, I don't even fuxxing know, my parents would constantly complain about them. They would say those Tongans look different, they are like big and they leave the building dirty and shixxy.</p> <p>This reflects what Navarro ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref120">75</reflink>]) argues that, "from birth until death, in any social order, people undergo a well-systematized socialization and conditioning process" (p. 13). Tools of socialization such as family origin, language, work, and education mediate their understanding of the world (Jaime-Diaz &amp; Mendez-Negrete, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref121">53</reflink>]). Research training in relation to a sense of place and the sociohistorical experiences of communities in which teachers will be immersed must be included in teacher preparation. <emph>Maestra Aliada</emph> was from the state of Texas, where Mexicans were colonized and Blacks were enslaved (Acuña, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref122">1</reflink>]; Alaniz &amp; Cornish, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref123">2</reflink>]; González, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref124">41</reflink>]; Vargas, [<reflink idref="bib109" id="ref125">109</reflink>]). Without a critical analysis of the groups' histories and socialization, ideologies are socially reproduced, particularly in areas of concentrated poverty where people of color have been marginalized and disempowered.</p> <p>The reality of oppression is never absolute. <emph>Maestra Aliada</emph> made it clear when she talked about teaching diverse students at <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School:</p> <p>I think I try to make my classroom a place of trust by loving them individually. I share a lot. I position myself and my kids know who I am and where I am from. I tell stories about what is going on in my life so that they can see me as a vulnerable human. I have told them of mistakes that I have made in my life so they know that I am not judging them.</p> <p>Although modern racism is a reality, <emph>Maestra Aliada</emph> made a conscious effort to humanize her pedagogical practices (Freire, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref126">37</reflink>]). Diverse Lived Experiences further illuminate pedagogical <emph>conocimientos</emph>.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-11">Diverse lived experiences</hd> <p>To provide a diverse education, teachers felt it necessary to acknowledge the experiences students brought to the classroom from their families, communities, and the society of which they are a part. Teachers offered that it is critical to make students feel welcomed in their classrooms, and that such a space creates the facilitation of reciprocity, mutual understanding, and trust. <emph>Maestro Guacho</emph>[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref127">6</reflink>] a white middle class male from the east side of <emph>Mihoco</emph> expressed he had a military background in the corps. He said he took notice of different experiences early in his childhood:</p> <p>In first and third grade they bussed White kids over to this side of town [Southside], and then from fourth through sixth grade they bussed minorities to that side of town [Eastside]. An attempt was being made to try to desegregate and equalize the schooling experience in <emph>Mihoco</emph>. They were trying so I think but we did recognize that was different. In particular, because it was the kids that took the bus, it wasn't necessarily ... Black kids, but there was a correlation there. Basically, most of the Black kids in our school didn't live in the neighborhood. They took the bus, so I think that we knew that there were differences in race. I don't remember that being an issue but again being a white male, you know, I may have been blind to that, because I didn't have to deal with things like race and gender.</p> <p>Because of historical residential segregation in <emph>Mihoco</emph>, the social distance between Anglos and minoritized groups was a lived reality (González, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref128">44</reflink>]; Rosales, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref129">91</reflink>]). This, and other points made by teachers, suggest that difference was viewed but seldom questioned in their early socialization. There was an awareness and understanding of racial differences, but these were normalized in the communities in which they were raised. A point of concern is how <emph>Maestro Guacho's</emph> early schooling experiences and internalized views of difference have been reinforced in his teaching profession. <emph>Maestro Guacho</emph> would later speak to the ways he supports diversity as an asset:</p> <p>I think from that perspective I actually want students to be working with people that are different, I want them to have learning experiences with diverse people, that's why I have them in groups, and that's why I change their groups every 4 ½ weeks. Every semester they are going to be in groups. I want them to have time where they can cooperate, learn to work together, you know, 21<sups>st</sups> century skills.</p> <p>Because of his commitment to working with the students, the teacher enabled collaborative pedagogy in the class. The teacher was observant of students who were struggling and he constantly attempted to engage them by implementing diverse methods of instruction and materials that facilitated understanding of mathematics (Fassett &amp; Warren, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref130">30</reflink>]; Sharratt &amp; Planche, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref131">96</reflink>]). <emph>Maestro Guacho</emph> also paired students up with peers who understood the course content and had demonstrated an understanding of the course material in group settings (McIntyre et al., [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref132">64</reflink>]).</p> <p>Working within apparatuses of intensification, academic productivity is instilled through routinization within structures of schooling. Such standardized pedagogical practices have limitations in being responsive to the diversity of minoritized students, let alone schools that are located in areas of concentrated poverty (Anyon, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref133">6</reflink>]; Ball, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref134">9</reflink>]). The importance of having love for one's students is difficult to enact if it is not organic and from a place of the heart. Freire ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref135">36</reflink>]) wrote that "to say one thing and do another – to take one's own word lightly – cannot inspire trust. To glorify democracy and silence the people is a farce; to discourse on humanism and negate on people is a lie" (p.91). <emph>Maestro Guacho</emph> would later attest to the difficulties of working within such areas of confinement:</p> <p>You know it's hard, it's hard because our class sizes are too big. My emotions sometimes they do hurt, I am a very vengeful person. Overtime, I have learned that I just have to take a step back. I can deal when he (student) walked out of class and called me a bitxx it had nothing to do with me. His phone had been taken away by another teacher and she brought it to me, so I got involved in that. I think students that are different are struggling. Man they can be struggling academically, that's the easiest one to find out, because they either can or can't do it. The harder part is when kids are struggling emotionally, and again I think our system is not set up to deal with that.</p> <p> <emph>Maestro Guacho's</emph> reflection on the challenges he faced with the lived experiences of students conveys how good intentions and willingness to work with diverse lived experiences may not be enough. Instead, obstacles like class size may impede full engagement with students and what they bring to the classroom. Thus, engaging emotions is another point of engagement.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-12">Emotional attrition</hd> <p>The social issues that teachers endured in working with their students varied from verbal assaults, threats, mental illness, and disrespect of various kinds, just to name a few. For some, it became a routine to deal with students and issues that emerged within the structure of schooling. <emph>Maestra Acero</emph>,[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref136">7</reflink>] a white, late aged middle class woman from the far Eastern United States, mentioned the difficulty of working with so many students while remembering her own time in school: "We didn't have that many students that would get suspended. Because if you talked back to a teacher you were gone for like a long time. Yeah, like the other day a kid in the hall called me a fuxxing bitxx. If you said that in my high school you were gone, oh my gosh." Verbal attacks were something that some of the teachers often experienced with students. Profanity was a common theme and something that was surveilled and disciplined aggressively among teachers.</p> <p>Another area of concern that emerged was the constant exhaustion teachers felt in teaching at <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School. Some teachers were quick to refer students to the principal's office for disciplinary measures, while other teachers attempted to work directly with the students. Of interest was to see which teachers cared to work with their students within the schooling environment, which was not an easy task. An example of this kind of work in action was observed in <emph>Maestra Corazón</emph>[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref137">8</reflink>]<emph>Magicos'</emph>[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref138">9</reflink>] class. She was a working class Chicana teacher raised on the southside of <emph>Mihoco</emph>. Her classroom was filled to capacity and students would show up "to hang out in her class as a place to kick it." She would listen to the students' concerns and advise them, and at times there were groups of students that would work out problems among themselves. She was constantly tired but invested her heart and patience to reach as many students as she could. This was not the same for all teachers and it was rare among the five teachers I interviewed. Some teachers did not want to know everything that their students were going through and kept rigid social boundaries between the students and themselves. Some teachers also did not feel that they could trust their students and would not disclose much to them. <emph>Maestra Solida</emph>,[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref139">10</reflink>] a Chicana working class teachers from the South Side of <emph>Mihoco</emph>, attested to such distance from the students:</p> <p>I try to meet their needs and I try to make the classroom as relevant as possible. That's one thing that I struggle with. I don't want to know everything about them, I don't want to be super close with them. I will be close with them within a school setting, so if they are struggling within the classroom with things that I can help with. [Only wanted to keep relationships with students in relation to school]. I am going to go with emotionally overwhelming, I have a friend that works here and the kids come and talk to her with everything that is happening in their lives, and she is always upset about something with the kids. But I understand that sometimes they need to share, some of them do, but I don't want to know everything about them.</p> <p>The teachers in this study spoke of struggles in working within a structure of schooling. With their pedagogical approaches, they demonstrated being qualified and professional teachers in the delivery of curriculum content. But the art of teaching calls for much more than just correct training, it demands self-reflection in how teachers view difference. It entails being constantly vigilant of deeply internalized feelings that are manifested within school classrooms. Thus, the art of teaching goes beyond a standardized curriculum and into social issues at play within the context of schooling. Such self-reflexive practice is uncommon as schools typically function as structures designed to intensify academic production.</p> <p>Within the structure of schooling, the question we must address is how to to counteract the pressures that cause the social reproduction of deficit views deeply internalized in teachers' early socialization. Moreover, recognizing the role of emotional attrition in everyday exchanges between students and teachers is a reminder that teachers like <emph>Maestras' Corazón Magico, Solida</emph><emph>Acero</emph> and <emph>Maestro Guacho</emph> need additional resources and opportunities to engage with and reflect on the ways in which emotional labor impacts their pedagogical practices.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-13">Discussion and implication</hd> <p>Our goal in this study has been to better understand the perceptions that teachers have about the experiences of minoritized students that they teach in areas of concentrated poverty. To this end, five high school teachers at <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School participated in this study through <emph>pláticas</emph> and guided <emph>conocimientos</emph> on the Southside of <emph>Mihoco</emph>.</p> <p>The findings indicate that teachers primarily identify students who are struggling through disengagement of curriculum, an inability to connect with the students on an interpersonal level and emotional attrition in dealing with interpersonal issues. The participants have shown us that a pedagogy of surveillance within the culture of schooling exists where students are expected to conform and uphold values within the structure of schooling. Such ideologies have been sociohistorically constructed as norms within school culture and have been reinforced through correct training and discipline (Jaime-Diaz, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref140">52</reflink>]). For example, some teachers expressed heightened frustration in their inability to engage students in their large classes. This signals a misunderstanding of their students and results in teachers enacting attitudes related to ideologies from their early socialization. At times, the teachers felt that they were unable to cope with social issues that students faced at school. Teachers believed that the school system is not set up to respond to and address an array of social issues experienced and confronted by the communities in which they serve.</p> <p>Research has shown that schools track students based on perceived giftedness and ability , but what we must ask is how such ideals of meritocracy serve as a means of control at the micro level in the schooling of diverse populations. How does racialized social class, race, and gender trigger an ideological tracking of the other? How do we view the potential of all students when teachers are overwhelmed with overcrowed classes, state-imposed curriculum demands, and social issues that schools were not historically structured to address? What is brought to the forefront by these observations are the deficit views of minoritized students that teachers were conditioned with during their own socialization. However, most teachers worked with what they had and made a strong-hearted effort to work with their students.</p> <p>Even when hostilities and social obstacles were present, they performed their teaching duties day in and out. During observations it was evident that some practices were clearly mechanical and routinized. Such pedagogical practices are ineffective, particularly because they exclude diverse experiences and strugglesin areas of concentrated poverty. Teaching is not a job that suits all people, even when some teachers mentioned that they drove thirty to thirty-five minutes to teach at <emph>Vigilancia</emph> High School because they cared for the students, despite having job opportunities elsewhere. Teaching requires love and respect for oneself and others, critical empathy, and compassion (Rabois, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref141">83</reflink>]).</p> <p>Future research is needed to more holistically explore the ways in which the lived realities of teachers influence how they ideologically track those who deviate from their experience within the structure of schooling. Our findings support the literature that teachers have difficulties connecting with students from racialized social class backgrounds. This continues to be an area of pressing concern because it assumes that such students are apathetic and disengaged from their schooling. As a result, the exiling of students from educational institutions continues to be widespread and socially reproduced. Scholars in sociology have argued that deficit views of historically marginalized communities must be viewed as a de facto segregation that is implemented to socially reproduce a permanent underclass as cheap labor reserve (Healey et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref142">47</reflink>]).</p> <p>A second area for future research, then, would be to better understand the ways in which teachers can overcome emotional attrition within schools. As I observed in <emph>Maestra Corazón Magico's class</emph>, she created an alternative space for students to come together and she mindfully listened to them and made herself available. It was heartfelt to see how students would come together, meet as groups, and talk about problems they were struggling to overcome.</p> <p>Given our findings, we pose the following questions for future inquiry: Can teachers impart spiritual knowledge as they create alternative spaces for students to come together and be self-reflexive as a community of learners (Thompson et al., [<reflink idref="bib102" id="ref143">102</reflink>])? If so, how? We offer that this would call for teachers to self-examine and interrogate their early socialization of difference in their daily interactions with peers and students. Thus, this would require teachers to allow themselves to be vulnerable as they gain new and alternative ways of understanding each other's humanity. Through this self-examination teachers assisteach other in overcoming the struggles that they collectively experience in their communities, in their homes, and at schools, particularly as they engage the dialectics of oppression and domination within the structure of schooling.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-14">Conclusion</hd> <p>With this article, we advise teacher preparation credential programs to embody self-reflexive methodologies to better train future teacher educators in deconstructing internalized prejudices, traumas, and stereotypes that trigger an ideological tracking of the other. Through what Méndez-Negrete ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref144">67</reflink>]) calls pedagogical <emph>conocimientos</emph>, teachers engage self and other in interaction as they collectively co-labor with their students in retrieving their family legacies, which are not limited to migration/immigration histories, language, work, education and religion as ways of creating knowledge (Rieger, [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref145">88</reflink>]). Thus, within the art of teaching, future educators can revisit their early socialization, given that this is essential in being responsive to the schooling of underprivileged communities.</p> <p>By borrowing from such self-reflexive methodologies, alternative pedagogical strategies should be adopted to address minoritized students' needs in underprivileged communities. The art of teaching demands embodying critical compassion <emph>cariño</emph>,[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref146">11</reflink>]<emph>respeto</emph>[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref147">12</reflink>] and <emph>confianza</emph>,[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref148">13</reflink>] in cultivating an authentic caring of minoritized students (Jaime-Diaz &amp; Mendez-Negrete, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref149">53</reflink>]; Rabois, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref150">83</reflink>]; Valenzuela, [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref151">108</reflink>]). Self-reflexive methodologies that intersect with race, racialized class, gender, and sexuality should be at the heart of teacher preparation. This is especially important in those who wish to make an impact and provide love, hope, and empowerment in the schooling of those outside their own experience. By implementing pedagogical <emph>conocimientos</emph> opportunities for self-reflection, teacher educators will be availed to better understand who we are in relation and in interaction with each other, thus empowering our students to better understand themselves in relation to their own complex struggles and to critically empathize with the struggles of others.</p> <hd id="AN0162103258-15">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <ref id="AN0162103258-16"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref41" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Acuña, R. (2007). Occupied America : A history of Chicanos (6th ed.). Pearson Longman.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref42" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Alaniz, Y., &amp; Cornish, M. (2008). Viva la raza: A history of Chicano identity and resistance. Red Letter Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref60" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Alim, H. 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Routledge.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0162103258-17"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Pláticas</emph>, are informal conversations in Mexican communities used as a research methodology by Chicana feminisit scholars</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Conocimiento</emph>, in Spanish means knowledge and the dialogic process of knowing self in interactions with others</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Mihoco</emph>, in Nahuatl language semi-translates to the place of the cats</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Teacher</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ally</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> In Mexican Spanish is slang for soldier</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Steel</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Heart</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Magical</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Solid</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Affection</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Respect</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Trust</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Jesus Jaime-Diaz; D. 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Slipping into Irrelevance: Pedagogical 'Conocimientos' in the Preparation of Teachers to Contest Ideological Tracking – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jaime-Diaz%2C+Jesus%22">Jaime-Diaz, Jesus</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Ramos%2C+D%2E+Carolina%22">Ramos, D. Carolina</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Mendez-Negrete%2C+Josie%22">Mendez-Negrete, Josie</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Latinos+and+Education%22"><i>Journal of Latinos and Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 22(2):715-728. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 14 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22High+Schools%22">High Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Secondary+Education%22">Secondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Track+System+%28Education%29%22">Track System (Education)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Disproportionate+Representation%22">Disproportionate Representation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ideology%22">Ideology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Attitudes%22">Teacher Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Beliefs%22">Beliefs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Socialization%22">Socialization</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Education+Programs%22">Teacher Education Programs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Reflection%22">Reflection</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Consciousness+Raising%22">Consciousness Raising</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Low+Achievement%22">Low Achievement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Working+Class%22">Working Class</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22High+School+Students%22">High School Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22High+School+Teachers%22">High School Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22At+Risk+Students%22">At Risk Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Class%22">Social Class</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Stratification%22">Social Stratification</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Socioeconomic+Influences%22">Socioeconomic Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Student+Relationship%22">Teacher Student Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Interaction%22">Interaction</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Poverty%22">Poverty</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mexican+Americans%22">Mexican Americans</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/15348431.2020.1811093 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1534-8431<br />1532-771X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Prior research on school tracking has indicated that racialized classed ethnic students are channeled and separated into cohorts based on academic ability. Few studies have indicated the ways in which early socialization of teachers is imparted through pedagogical practices. Unfortunately, there is a lack of research when it comes to understanding how ideological tracking is reproduced in the context of the classroom. Findings suggest that teacher ideologies, situated within their early socialization, are manifested in through perspectives of difference. This article makes a case for teacher credential training preparation programs to incorporate self-reflexive methodologies to limit reproduction of unconscious teaching/learning in the instruction of students. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1381640 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/15348431.2020.1811093 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 14 StartPage: 715 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Track System (Education) Type: general – SubjectFull: Racism Type: general – SubjectFull: Disproportionate Representation Type: general – SubjectFull: Ideology Type: general – SubjectFull: Teacher Attitudes Type: general – SubjectFull: Beliefs Type: general – SubjectFull: Socialization Type: general – SubjectFull: Teacher Education Programs Type: general – SubjectFull: Reflection Type: general – SubjectFull: Consciousness Raising Type: general – SubjectFull: Low Achievement Type: general – SubjectFull: Working Class Type: general – SubjectFull: High School Students Type: general – SubjectFull: High School Teachers Type: general – SubjectFull: At Risk Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Class Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Stratification Type: general – SubjectFull: Socioeconomic Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Teacher Student Relationship Type: general – SubjectFull: Interaction Type: general – SubjectFull: Poverty Type: general – SubjectFull: Mexican Americans Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Slipping into Irrelevance: Pedagogical 'Conocimientos' in the Preparation of Teachers to Contest Ideological Tracking Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Jaime-Diaz, Jesus – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Ramos, D. Carolina – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Mendez-Negrete, Josie IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2023 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1534-8431 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1532-771X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 22 – Type: issue Value: 2 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Latinos and Education Type: main |
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