Drops in the Ocean: Rooted Academic Identities and Transformational Resistance in a College Assistance Migrant Program
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| Title: | Drops in the Ocean: Rooted Academic Identities and Transformational Resistance in a College Assistance Migrant Program |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | O'Connor, Brendan H., Mancinas, Oscar, Troxel Deeg, Megan |
| Source: | Journal of Latinos and Education. 2023 22(2):438-453. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 16 |
| Publication Date: | 2023 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Education Level: | Higher Education Postsecondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Undergraduate Students, Migrants, Mexican Americans, Self Concept, Family Influence, Community Influence, Acculturation, Resistance (Psychology), College Programs, Migrant Programs, Sense of Community, Barriers, Culturally Relevant Education |
| Geographic Terms: | Arizona |
| DOI: | 10.1080/15348431.2020.1783267 |
| ISSN: | 1534-8431 1532-771X |
| Abstract: | This qualitative study investigated the experiences of first- and second-year migrant undergraduate students and staff in the College Assistance Migrant Program (CAMP) at Arizona State University (ASU). ASU CAMP, which started in 2016, is the first program of its kind at an Arizona public university. Using an ethnographic monitoring approach, a research team that included a faculty member and graduate and undergraduate students conducted observations in a variety of CAMP settings, along with interviews and document analysis, in order to examine how Mexican-origin CAMP scholars developed academic identities rooted in family and community strengths while resisting assimilation to the "foreign land" of the university. We theorize students' academic identity development and staff's efforts to support and advocate for them as a form of transformational resistance through which participants acknowledged the inequities and challenges facing migrant students in postsecondary education and began to "reinvent" the university as they confronted this reality. The findings are relevant to scholars, teachers, and others who work with migrant students in K-12 and postsecondary settings, as well as those who seek to support Latinx and first-generation college students' academic identity development in culturally sustaining ways. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2023 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1381708 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFYIi1oC-qGyEoNi8SxQLDmAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDIN5R2dG_6TqipkLOwIBEICBmwrKcd393ZKtPxGSrgTRpdGPhjOmt875VXWxlZ1FbadNN9QxAk-WXP9GUB9lD_D6B8xEphuEBA4X2uGeDfV09CEdRh1sh1SyrLX80rLVxFLvwnZyT-ZHguepP60TPPGmzGOmNEajdexvIxgcKk_0-z8GkSKkcLeMbRneWbkK4M6UH6jFlP_pY0rfhlUARg1EHsA8OhTGjuzDsoVC Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0162103238;hd001apr.23;2023Mar01.02:25;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0162103238-1">Drops in the Ocean: Rooted Academic Identities and Transformational Resistance in a College Assistance Migrant Program </title> <p>This qualitative study investigated the experiences of first- and second-year migrant undergraduate students and staff in the College Assistance Migrant Program (CAMP) at Arizona State University (ASU). ASU CAMP, which started in 2016, is the first program of its kind at an Arizona public university. Using an ethnographic monitoring approach, a research team that included a faculty member and graduate and undergraduate students conducted observations in a variety of CAMP settings, along with interviews and document analysis, in order to examine how Mexican-origin CAMP scholars developed academic identities rooted in family and community strengths while resisting assimilation to the "foreign land" of the university. We theorize students' academic identity development and staff's efforts to support and advocate for them as a form of transformational resistance through which participants acknowledged the inequities and challenges facing migrant students in postsecondary education and began to "reinvent" the university as they confronted this reality. The findings are relevant to scholars, teachers, and others who work with migrant students in K-12 and postsecondary settings, as well as those who seek to support Latinx and first-generation college students' academic identity development in culturally sustaining ways.</p> <p>Keywords: College assistance migrant program (CAMP); Latinx students; Mexican-American students; migrant education; postsecondary and higher education; college access; academic identity; funds of knowledge; resistance</p> <p>Selena:So when I first heard about CAMP [the College Assistance Migrant Program] it was back in my high school but it was with Arizona Western College, so I knew they had the migrant program over there, and I was kind of sad that we didn't have it at ASU, so when I got introduced to the ASU one, I was like "Oh, like, I wanna be part of it." And I was pretty glad 'cause I know the struggles, you know, we go through and stuff like that. So I was pretty happy and excited that the program was coming to ASU.And since it was the first year here ... being able to be the first cohort was something, I don't know, something, I really felt, special to my heart, you know. So it was exciting. I was surprised, but yeah.Interviewer:Surprised? What do you mean?Selena:That they brought it here. You know, like, it had been so many years that it wasn't here. Like ASU had been around for so long and that we didn't have CAMP here and other, like, states did. And especially like Arizona, that has like a lot of farmworkers and like a lot of people come to ASU, so, like, I was surprised that it hadn't been here before.</p> <p>In the above exchange, Selena, a second-year student at Arizona State University (ASU) and an alumna of ASU's College Assistance Migrant Program (CAMP), a federally-funded program to recruit, support, and retain students from migrant/seasonal farmworker families in postsecondary education, shared her feelings about the practical and symbolic importance of the program in Arizona. For Selena, ASU CAMP represented a new era of educational opportunity for the traditionally underserved migrant student population in Arizona and was especially significant in light of CAMP's absence, until a few years ago, from four-year public institutions in the state. The prior absence of CAMP(which has existed as a federal grant program since 1972) from Arizona looms especially large in Selena's story, given Arizona's history of hostility to Mexican-origin and Spanish-speaking students, manifested in discriminatory legislation and other, less visible forms of opportunity denial. Selena's "surprise" at this watershed moment for Latinx/Mexican-American education in Arizona expressed a tension common to many Latinx and im/migrant students in postsecondary contexts. She showed appreciation for the way that ASU CAMP facilitated migrant students' access to postsecondary education and associated institutional power, and, at the same time, reflected on the historical and sociopolitical inequities that denied similar opportunities to other migrant students. Her comments demonstrate that Selena's relationship with CAMP, and her understanding of her role within it, did not develop only as a result of her involvement with CAMP at Arizona State. Rather, her consciousness of this legacy of exclusion and discrimination shaped her pride in the "specialness" of being part of the first CAMP cohort. Her determination to draw strength from her family and community history in order to make sense of her presence at the university embodies what Anzaldúa ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref1">2</reflink>], p. 209) called a "methodology of resistance" in postsecondary education.</p> <p>This article reports findings from a qualitative study conducted during the 2017–2018 academic year that used ethnographic methods, including participant observation, in-depth interviewing, and document analysis, to explore the experiences of first-year university students who were enrolled in CAMP and second-year CAMP alumni, as well as the experiences of CAMP staff and family members who strove to make ASU CAMP a culturally sustaining environment. The study sought to understand how CAMP scholars and alumni developed their academic identities and negotiated questions of belonging at the university; it also examined how CAMP staff saw their own identities in relation to the program and how staff's advocacy efforts shaped the context for students' identity development. Because the study focused on the significance of this program's being the first CAMP grant at one of the Arizona public universities, and because its location at ASU would be easily identifiable from the researchers' affiliations, we requested and received permission from ASU's Institutional Review Board to use the university's real name. The consent documents reflected this provision. All names of students, parents, and staff are pseudonyms except for Dr. Seline Szkupinski-Quiroga, the anthropologist who was co-PI of the study and was also a participant in her capacity as CAMP Program Director.</p> <p>We argue that CAMP students' and staff's transformational resistance (Solórzano &amp; Bernal, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref2">41</reflink>]), rooted in specific regions and experiences within the U.S.-Mexico borderlands (Bejarano, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref3">6</reflink>]), allowed migrant students to assert their "right to be different ... without compromising [their] right to belong" (Rosaldo, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref4">37</reflink>], p. 57) within the university and to strengthen their academic identities while refusing linguistic and cultural assimilation. As Selena's comments suggest, one aspect of CAMP students' border rootedness was their critical perspective on educational inequity, which predated their time at ASU and their involvement with CAMP. CAMP scholars' academic identity development unfolded as a collaborative process in which students, staff, and others co-constructed what it meant to be academically successful, in ways that were rooted in an appreciation for the value and relevance of students' lived experiences and family histories.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-2">Belonging and academic identity development</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0162103238-3">A literature review of migrant students' reinventing the university</hd> <p>Across the United States, the College Assistance Migrant Program (CAMP) provides almost 2,500 migrant students each year access to a college education with funding from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Migrant Education (National HEP CAMP Association, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref5">22</reflink>]). Through CAMP, students from migrant or seasonal farmworker families – i.e., those who work in farming, fishing, or logging – receive assistance during the first year of college to support them in adapting to university life. Migrant and seasonal farmworker families in Arizona are economically disadvantaged, with annual incomes of $17,500-$19,999, while the average yearly in-state cost of attending one of Arizona's public universities is $25,255. Over 10,000 Arizona K-12 students were identified as coming from migrant families in 2014–15. These students are more likely to come from families with incomes below the federal poverty level and around 24% are designated as English language learners. Arizona migrant students face additional difficulties associated with their families' livelihoods: they often experience disruption in their education when their families move, which can lead to missing significant amounts of class time and missing or performing poorly on standardized tests. As a result, they tend to be around a year and a half behind in the curriculum (Arizona State University, School of Transborder Studies, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref6">4</reflink>]).</p> <p>Given the myriad and well-documented challenges facing migrant students at all levels of education (Salinas &amp; Fránquiz, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref7">40</reflink>]), pre-college programs (such as the Migrant Student Leadership Institute) that provide mentorship and information about university life and the application process have been indispensable in encouraging more migrant students to apply to universities and CAMP programs (González, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref8">13</reflink>]; Núñez, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref9">23</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref10">24</reflink>]; Núñez &amp; Gildersleeve, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref11">25</reflink>]). Once enrolled in the university, the supports offered through CAMP aim to provide opportunities, information, and support for students from migrant backgrounds and their families (U.S. Department of Education, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref12">45</reflink>]). CAMP students receive mentoring and professional development opportunities, such as workshops, peer mentoring, and one-on-one mentoring from faculty, in order to gain the forms of social and navigational capital necessary for success in academia (Araujo, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref13">3</reflink>]). Through these experiences, CAMP students are invited to explore new academic identities and expand their individual and collective sense of possibility (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref14">33</reflink>]). These acts of "inventing the university" (Bartholomae, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref15">5</reflink>]) require students to assume a level of authority and privilege they may not yet feel entitled to, as they "try on" expert identities, inventing themselves as they reinvent the university around them.</p> <p>Reimagining academic identity and seeing new possibilities for the future is often challenging for students from migrant backgrounds. Years of being marginalized in school and society can make it difficult for CAMP students to redefine their identities to include that of a successful college scholar (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref16">33</reflink>]). Entering a predominantly white institution like ASU can often feel isolating and reinforce feelings of not belonging in the academic community (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref17">30</reflink>]). Many Latinx students, migrant and otherwise, endure feelings of culture shock upon entering the university and express concerns about not fitting in (Medina &amp; Posadas, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref18">20</reflink>]). Some female students also struggle with negotiating new gender roles: for example, Reyes et al. ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref19">34</reflink>]) described the experience of a female migrant college student as she struggled to navigate her first year of college and to balance her college experience with the values and expectations that come with being a young woman in her culture. Migrant students gain confidence as they move through various stages of academic identity, but the process of academic socialization can be uneven (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref20">33</reflink>], pp. 127–128).</p> <p>Considering the complexity of the migrant college experience (e.g., negotiating belonging at the institution, exploring new cultural possibilities, and dealing with family and gender role expectations), it is not surprising that migrant students have reported higher stress levels related to adjusting to university life than non-migrant Mexican-origin students (Mejía &amp; McCarthy, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>]). When students develop a sense of resiliency, receive support from parents and community members, and set high educational goals for themselves, these students achieve academically despite significant obstacles (Cavazos et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref22">9</reflink>]). By creating a community that provides academic, financial, and socioemotional support, develops institutional knowledge, fosters student voice, and embraces Mexican-American and migrant culture, CAMP educators and staff members guide collegiate migrant students on the pathway to success (Ornelas-González, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref23">26</reflink>]; Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref24">31</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref25">32</reflink>]). Through these supports, CAMP educators and staff members cultivate opportunities for students to develop identities as successful scholars even in the face of adversity (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref26">30</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref27">33</reflink>]).</p> <p>Families of students from migrant backgrounds also play an essential role in CAMP student success (McHatton et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref28">19</reflink>]). In addition to providing financial, informational, emotional, and academic support (Araujo, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref29">3</reflink>]; Escamilla &amp; Trevino, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref30">11</reflink>]), successful CAMP projects include a "pedagogies of home" approach that involves students' families in the collegiate process (Bejarano &amp; Valverde, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref31">7</reflink>]). With support from educators and families, approximately 81% of CAMP students persist beyond the first year of college. Retention rates in the majority of CAMP programs surpass the average national retention rate for all student groups (Willison &amp; Jang, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref32">46</reflink>]). A longitudinal study of CAMP students enrolled in California universities found that CAMP students performed at the same level or higher than other student groups enrolled in the same schools, and that migrant Pell Grant recipients outperformed all other student groups (Ramirez, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref33">28</reflink>]). The National HEP CAMP Association ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref34">22</reflink>]) found that approximately 75% of CAMP students across the country graduate from college. Efforts within CAMP sites to create a family-like atmosphere that values deep, meaningful connections with students and their families play an integral role in setting migrant students on the road to academic success (Escamilla &amp; Trevino, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref35">11</reflink>]).</p> <p>Recent studies of the college experiences of Mexican-origin and other Latinx students (Alcantar &amp; Hernandez, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref36">1</reflink>]; Cavazos et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref37">9</reflink>]; Turcios-Cotto &amp; Milan, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref38">44</reflink>]), including students from migrant backgrounds (Araujo, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref39">3</reflink>]; Escamilla &amp; Trevino, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref40">11</reflink>]; Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref41">30</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref42">31</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref43">33</reflink>]), stress the importance of social and psychological factors for students' adaptation to and success in postsecondary contexts. Research has highlighted the importance of faculty and staff as mentors (Cavazos et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref44">9</reflink>]) and as "validating [or invalidating] agents" (Alcantar &amp; Hernandez, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref45">1</reflink>] p. 7) for the promotion, or denigration, of students' confidence and likelihood to persevere in higher education. Reyes's qualitative work with CAMP scholars at a Colorado community college identified faculty's "key interactions" (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref46">32</reflink>]) as crucial to students' emerging sense of an academic self.</p> <p>Others (Tangalakis &amp; Peña, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref47">43</reflink>]; Turcios-Cotto &amp; Milan, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref48">44</reflink>]) have tied Latinx students' academic identity formation to culturally-specific pedagogies and value systems, supporting the finding that incorporating "pedagogies of home" contributed to the success of CAMP programs (Bejarano &amp; Valverde, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref49">7</reflink>]). In this understanding of academic identity, "familismo" and other social goals, such as being a successful parent or a polite person, are values that should be incorporated into the identity formation of college students, rather than being framed as antithetical to academic goals, which are often associated with Eurowestern, capitalistic notions of self-determination and financial success.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-4">Theoretical framework: rootedness as transformational resistance</hd> <p>We theorize the experiences of CAMP students at ASU, as well as staff's efforts to support and advocate for them, in terms of <emph>transformational resistance</emph> in postsecondary education (Brayboy, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref50">8</reflink>]; Solórzano &amp; Bernal, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref51">41</reflink>]). Selena's comments at the very beginning of this paper exemplify transformational resistance, as understood by critical scholars of education: it is behavior that demonstrates awareness of the reverberating effects of past injustice but is oriented toward present and future efforts at social change (Solórzano &amp; Bernal, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref52">41</reflink>]). In the case of CAMP students and staff, their understanding of a specific legacy of discrimination and opportunity denial in Arizona strengthened their determination to resist this history through education. At the same time, this sociopolitical awareness informed the ways they designed, adapted, and participated in CAMP on an everyday basis. Transformational resistance is a form of praxis – action rooted in reflection, and vice-versa (Freire, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref53">12</reflink>]) – through which students from historically marginalized communities appropriate academic skills and knowledge creatively, in ways that serve community interests and "unseat the assimilationist influence of Western schooling" (Brayboy, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref54">8</reflink>], p. 208).</p> <p>We draw on Bejarano's ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref55">6</reflink>]) concept of <emph>border rootedness</emph> as a source of transformational resistance in our analysis of how CAMP staff cultivated pedagogies of home (Bejarano &amp; Valverde, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref56">7</reflink>]), setting the stage for CAMP students to develop their academic identities and sense of belonging at the university. These pedagogies bore fruit in CAMP students' "invention" of academic identities that allowed them to branch out from their prior schooling experiences but were nonetheless powerfully grounded in personal and family history and put into practice as academic testimonio. Bejarano ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref57">6</reflink>]) conceptualized border rootedness as a set of academic and social survival strategies that college students developed by remaining connected to their home communities in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. For our purposes, border rootedness helps to describe the specific "methodology of resistance" (Anzaldúa, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref58">2</reflink>], p. 209) that CAMP staff incorporated, and which many students embraced, into the program's "boundary-crossing vision." As CAMP participants had to "mediate, translate, negotiate, and navigate ... different locations" (Anzaldúa, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref59">2</reflink>], p. 209) within and outside of the university, this resistance, rooted in a belief in the value and relevance of students' life stories and family histories to their academic development, confounded institutional efforts to relegate difference to "bordered-off sections of the curriculum" (p. 205).</p> <p>As with the CAMP participants in Reyes's ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref60">30</reflink>]) study, our participants' transformational resistance was a "collective pursuit" in which CAMP staff, students, and family members collaborated to articulate new possibilities for being and becoming at ASU in culturally sustaining ways (Paris &amp; Alim, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref61">27</reflink>]). The program responded to calls for educators and scholars not merely to recognize students' funds of knowledge but to focus on "expanding and enriching these sources of knowledge beyond K-12 [schooling]" (Rios-Aguilar &amp; Kiyama, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref62">36</reflink>], p. 13). The emphasis on culturally sustaining pedagogy for CAMP students was not just intended to create a space where students felt they belonged within the university, but to allow students to "capitaliz[e] on the strong family, community, and peer ties on which [they] already rely for ... support" (Rios-Aguilar &amp; Deil-Amen, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref63">35</reflink>], p. 192). Doing so allowed students to overcome barriers to college access and develop rooted academic identities within and beyond CAMP.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-5">Methodology: research site, participants, data collection and analysis</hd> <p>During the Fall 2017 semester, the professor and students in a seminar called Ethnography of Schooling in the Borderlands, including the authors, collaborated to conduct in-depth research with first and second-year CAMP students, family members, and program staff. Even before CAMP's inception at ASU, when the grant-writing process was underway, the first author had been in conversations with the Project Director, Dr. Seline Szkupinski-Quiroga, about the possibility of doing interpretive qualitative research to complement the mostly quantitative forms of program evaluation mandated by federal reporting guidelines. The research project was appealing as a way to inform and strengthen the institutional infrastructure for migrant students and to build relationships among faculty, program staff, CAMP students, and student researchers. Dr. Szkupinski-Quiroga (hereafter Seline) subsequently became co-PI on this research project and consulted with the researchers throughout the entire process.</p> <p>Fall 2017 was a promising time to undertake such a project: ASU CAMP was entering its second year; as Cohort 1 students were preparing to branch out beyond the supportive confines of CAMP, program staff were working with Cohort 2 students during their transition to university life, with lessons from Year 1 in mind. The makeup of the program staff had changed significantly from Year 1 to Year 2. New hires included Roberto, a Recruiter/Family Engagement Coordinator, Elizabeth, a new Academic Success/Student Development Coordinator, and a number of peer mentors and office aides, some of whom were also CAMP students or alumni.</p> <p>The research team conceived of the project in terms of "ethnographic monitoring" (Hymes, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref64">18</reflink>]) and the project goals were closely aligned with those of ethnographic monitoring projects. The research team sought to:</p> <p>(a) describe local communicative practices, (b) analyze and interpret patterns and social meanings of [program] implementation, and (c) evaluate the educational effects and political consequences of programs with the goal of advancing educational success (Hornberger &amp; Kvietok Dueñas, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref65">16</reflink>], p. 2)</p> <p>Ethnographic monitoring, while it involves ethnographic methods, differs from traditional ethnography in a number of ways: it is relatively short-term, focuses on program evaluation (rather than cultural description <emph>per se</emph>), and tends to involve close collaboration with program stakeholders (Hornberger, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref66">15</reflink>]). Seline encouraged the team to conduct ethnographic monitoring in order to provide rich, on-the-ground, qualitative documentation of program successes and challenges as well as perspectives that might not be visible in quantitative monitoring data. Ethnographic monitoring allows evaluators to "go beyond tests and surveys to interpret the social meaning" of program practices and participants' experiences (Hymes, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref67">18</reflink>], p. 117).</p> <p>The ethnography seminar also functioned as a sort of on-campus field school for the graduate and undergraduate student researchers. Hawkins ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref68">14</reflink>]) argued forcefully for the necessity of ethnographic field schools and for the value of the research produced therein, observing that students who wish to conduct ethnographic research are trained "haphazardly ... and all too often at a disturbingly late point in [the] student's career" for the "core enterprise" of immersing oneself in the social life of a community (Hawkins, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref69">14</reflink>], p. 551). In contrast to the field school Hawkins ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref70">14</reflink>]) describes, where U.S.-based students conducted research as outsiders in Guatemala, our research team conducted a locally-based research project using ethnographic methods taught during the seminar, exploring cultural understandings within the CAMP community in order to inform practice and strengthen staff's ability to advocate for CAMP scholars. The outcome was closer to a case study using ethnographic methods than traditional ethnography (i.e., long-term immersion in a community with the aim of comprehensive cultural description).</p> <p>Individual members of the research team could not be described simply as outsiders. The identities and life experiences of team members positioned them in diverse, complex ways with respect to CAMP students and staff. The research team included first-generation Mexican-American/Chicanx student-researchers, some of whom hailed from families with migrant or farmworking histories, and one of whom, Oscar Mancinas, had grown up in the same community as one of the Cohort 2 student participants. The team also included a graduate student of Puerto Rican descent who had previously worked as CAMP program coordinator at a public university in a different part of the U.S., as well as white, non-Hispanic researchers with backgrounds in Latinx education and prior experience with migrant students in K-12 and university settings. Also represented on the team were international students from China and Taiwan, who brought their perspectives on cultural adaptation within educational settings to bear on the project.</p> <p>The research team comprised 12 members, who collected a wide variety of data in many different CAMP settings. During the Fall 2017 semester, the team worked to write and revise the Institutional Review Board project protocol and consent documents in English and Spanish, and to modify the IRB application when it became necessary. The original research questions for the study were:</p> <p>How do first and second-year CAMP students' perceptions of campus culture and institutional climate, particularly with respect to diversity, shape their academic and social identity development (cf. Hurtado &amp; Carter, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref71">17</reflink>])?</p> <p>How do CAMP staff members support students and families in negotiating issues of access and belonging in order to develop intentional trajectories through college (cf. Rios-Aguilar &amp; Deil-Amen, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref72">35</reflink>])?</p> <p>Team members carried out direct observation and participant observation in Seline's biweekly research methods class for CAMP students, in mandatory Sunday night study halls in the unit's computer lab, at special CAMP events throughout the fall semester (e.g., a Día de los Muertos altar dedication, a day-long recruitment event for prospective CAMP students and parents, university-sponsored outreach events for current CAMP students), at staff meetings, and in informal interactions with CAMP students and staff in the hallways and student lounge.</p> <p>The research team also conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 11 participants, using interview guides that the team developed collaboratively. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. Researchers also closely examined CAMP-related documents and artifacts, such as recruitment and marketing materials, the program's website and social media presence, and CAMP-related media coverage. These materials were useful for illuminating how CAMP staff conceived of the program's efforts to reach out to prospective families and how they sought to position the program within the broader institutional space of the university. Observational fieldnotes, interview transcripts, images, and other data were added to a secure, shared online folder that was used to manage and organize data from the entire team.</p> <p>Data were initially coded inductively in a collaborative process among all research team members, using an <emph>in vivo</emph>, grounded theory approach and maintaining openness to different codes and categories that might emerge (Saldaña, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref73">39</reflink>]). As the authors of this paper began to refine the analysis, we took a more structured approach to coding, adapting our strategy to reflect Seline's specific concerns for ethnographic monitoring of the program. We focused attention on themes that had to do with CAMP students' academic identity development and staff's efforts to foster that development. We then used the results of that analysis to construct assertions (Dyson &amp; Genishi, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref74">10</reflink>]) about participants' enactment of transformational resistance in the context of developing academic identities. It is important to acknowledge that different CAMP scholars experienced the program differently and had varying experiences of adaptation to university life, and that not all were equally involved in CAMP activities and networks. While we sought to engage with a wide range of CAMP participants in the course of the study, many of the students who are most visible in our analysis were highly involved in the CAMP community. There is therefore a degree of selection bias in our representation of program participants.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-6">Findings and discussion</hd> <p>CAMP scholars actively negotiated the production of their academic, university-going identities in dialogue with staff and others. This negotiation took place in a variety of settings and interactional arrangements, such as focal events that brought CAMP participants together, one-on-one mentoring partnerships with faculty and staff, university courses with other CAMP students, and weekly CAMP study halls. Sharing testimonio, in a variety of settings and formats, and participating in mentoring relationships were especially rich opportunities for CAMP scholars to rethink and reinvent what it meant to be university students, and, by extension, to begin to transform the university itself. Our use of "testimonio" is meant to express that students, staff, and faculty told their personal stories in ways that bore intentional witness to elements of struggle and triumph in the shared experiences of Mexican-origin and migrant families (Reyes &amp; Curry Rodríguez, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref75">29</reflink>]). ASU CAMP staff also used the word "testimonio" to refer to migrant students' counterstorytelling in academic spaces – for example, in naming the students' end-of-semester research symposium "Testimonios Transfronterizos." Through such experiences, CAMP students came to see themselves as embodying academic identities rooted in cultural continuity and recognized that those identities implied the possibility of membership in broader academic communities (i.e., beyond CAMP and the university).</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-7">Trusting the story: developing rooted academic identities</hd> <p>CAMP staff made repeated, deliberate efforts to frame CAMP scholars as experts on their own stories and agents for academic reinvention. Seline and other staff members acted as empowerment agents (Stanton-Salazar, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref76">42</reflink>]), constantly encouraging students to proceed through the academy with confidence and security and to challenge would-be naysayers or gate-keepers. Our use of "empowerment agents" is not meant to suggest that CAMP staff were solely responsible for empowering students to succeed academically, but to highlight staff's role in creating the conditions for CAMP students to assert the value of their perspectives and experiences as they began to transform the university (cf. Ruiz, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref77">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>Occasionally, acting as an empowerment agent meant that Seline and other staff had to counter the perception among some at the university that CAMP students were receiving "special treatment." As someone from an immigrant family and a first-generation college student, Seline stated explicitly in an interview that she saw her role within CAMP as one of advocacy, role modeling, and being a "voice of conscience." She commented, "I don't think that being an advocate for a student, particularly a student who's first generation and where ASU is this foreign world, is special treatment" (October 10, 2017). Thus, she identified herself as an "institutional agent ... willing to go counter to the established and hierarchical social structures" (Stanton-Salazar, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref78">42</reflink>], p. 1089) to facilitate social transformation and empower students who traditionally do not have equal access to social capital.</p> <p>ASU CAMP sought to facilitate student entrance into the "foreign world" of the academy, both by challenging institutional gate-keeping entities (Stanton-Salazar, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref79">42</reflink>], p. 1077) and by making space for students to integrate their home-based values and cultural funds of knowledge into their experiences of acculturation and academic identity development within the university. For example, in her capacity as instructor of TCL 202, a research methods class required for CAMP scholars, Seline invited Chicanx/Latinx faculty members as guest speakers in order to offer role models for students. The course presented critical social science methodologies such as testimonio and counter-storytelling that were grounded in notions of reflexivity, reciprocity, and relationality and drew heavily on the work on Chicanx/Latinx scholars.</p> <p>One TCL 202 class meeting early in the fall semester was facilitated by a senior Mexican-American anthropologist, who related her story as a first-generation college student, her struggles as a teacher of remedial classes at a Title I high school, and her decision to pursue graduate education. The anthropologist also spoke to the class about autoethnographic methods, reading an autoethnographic piece entitled "In Search of the Voice I Always Had," which drew parallels between her graduate school experiences and lessons she used to receive from her grandfather (Fieldnotes, October 17, 2017). On another occasion, a different faculty guest shared her story of growing up as the child of undocumented parents, her journey to becoming an immigration activist, and the difficulty of conducting research on her own community, urging the students to see their community relationships in terms of familiarity rather than researcher bias (Fieldnotes, October 19, 2017). During yet another class meeting, Seline led CAMP students through ASU's Chicano Research Archive, where the students practiced accessing archival resources and witnessed how Mexican-origin and migrant history had been preserved for future generations of scholars (Fieldnotes, November 2, 2017). These examples demonstrate how CAMP scholars were encouraged to keep their border rootedness in mind during their socialization into the traditional academic activities of data collection, writing, and research presentation.</p> <p>Throughout this process, students also benefited from one-on-one mentoring relationships with faculty and CAMP staff, through which they received encouragement and guidance on how to refine their stories and position them as legitimate, valuable forms of academic knowledge. Mentoring was especially crucial when students encountered friction between the expectations of the "foreign land" of higher education and the experiential knowledge they were learning to leverage for academic purposes.</p> <p>A striking example of this came when a CAMP scholar named Betty was paired with a member of the research team who had volunteered to participate as a mentor in a professional writing workshop on resumés and personal statements. After the initial workshop, Betty and the researcher met to work on essays for several summer internship applications, including an internship with a farmworker advocacy group in North and South Carolina. Betty began talking enthusiastically about her ideas for the first two essays, which prompted applicants to explain why they were interested in the farmworker movement and if they had a family connection to it. Betty had little difficulty coming up with material for those two essays, and spoke movingly about how seeing the daily effects of farm work on her father, grandmother, and aunt had motivated her to pursue a career in migrant health.</p> <p>Betty was having a much harder time with the third essay, which asked applicants to reflect on a time when they demonstrated independence and initiative. During the conversation, Betty seemed self-conscious about her lack of involvement in extracurricular activities in high school. She brought up the issue numerous times, and attributed it to her "shyness" at one point.</p> <p>Prefacing her story with "I'm not sure if this counts," she then recounted how her parents were deported when she was twelve years old. At the time, Betty lived with her aunt, but since her aunt was in the fields, Betty was responsible for cleaning the house and cooking, in addition to keeping up with schoolwork. The researcher told Betty that this would be an ideal example of how independent and capable she was, if she were willing to share such a difficult part of her past. The essay prompt asked what students had "enjoyed" about taking initiative and the researcher commented that, while that did not apply to the experience of living through her parents' deportation, Betty might think of the experience in terms of being proud of herself. The suggestion appeared to strike a chord with Betty, who reflected on how she was in fact proud of making it through that ordeal and eventually ending up at the university. (Fieldnotes, January 25, 2018)</p> <p>The fieldnotes reveal a delicate negotiation of academic identity in this "key interaction" (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref80">32</reflink>]): the researcher did not want Betty to feel as though she were expected to share a traumatic story for professional gain – hence his "cautious encouragement," as he wrote in the fieldnotes, to include the story in her essay only "if she was willing to share it." At the same time, through the conversation, Betty was reassured that her story "counted" as an example of independence and initiative and, in the end, was able to take pride in telling it for academic audiences – not only for the internship application, but later as a participant in CAMP-themed roundtables at academic conferences.</p> <p>It was not intuitive or straightforward, at least initially, for Betty to bridge the gap between the expectations and assumptions she perceived in the essay prompt and her own lived experience. Betty's uncertainty about whether or not her story "counted" for the purposes of the essay pointed to her awareness of how values like "independence" and "initiative" are usually understood in the context of high school students' experiences: as being "enjoyably" challenged in extracurricular activities (in which Betty was unable to participate) as opposed to having to deal with the practical consequences of one's parents' deportation. Socializing students to trust the story, then, was not always a smooth process, and involved a significant leap of faith from the students, who were conscious of which sorts of stories were expected and not expected within the "foreign land" of higher education.</p> <p>As the year went on, CAMP staff began to encourage students to expand their participation in academic communities, bringing their stories along with them. Many of the CAMP scholars in the first cohort, for example, were able to attend a national CAMP conference in Sacramento, California in the spring of 2016. Selena reflected that the experience was "really impactful ... 'cause just seeing other migrant students there and seeing ... [that] they were succeeding" encouraged her not only personally but academically. She further commented that CAMP allowed her to meet and work with other students whose journeys might parallel her own, stating, "Having CAMP [during] my first year really helped me see that other people like me were here and that we all had the same struggles but then we all felt connected through CAMP."</p> <p>CAMP served to bond migrant students over a shared sense of purpose and potential. Staff empowered CAMP scholars to provide feedback on the types of support and programming that would be most helpful:</p> <p>[CAMP staff] had asked us [CAMP scholars] about... what areas we were interested in and things like that, so that really helped me start working on my resumé and start like researching what internships I was interested in. And then like this semester [Fall 2017] Dr. Seline just sent us an email, you know, anyone who's interested fill it out and stuff like that, so I know they're making those connections with students with other organizations so that's pretty cool to have (Selena, Interview, November 15, 2017).</p> <p>In addition to being able to trust their stories and growing more confident in their academic identities, ASU CAMP scholars began to see themselves as experts on their academic needs and potential.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-8">Enacting transformational resistance as the public face of CAMP</hd> <p>Centering their own experiences, and gaining confidence stepping into expert roles, allowed CAMP students to reinvent themselves as members of academic communities as they began to reinvent the institution around them. As featured speakers and representatives at campus events – e.g., at a student-led Día de Los Muertos event, at CAMP town hall meetings, and through their subsequent involvement with the program as peer mentors and office aides – CAMP students became the living, breathing creators of CAMP.</p> <p>Students' role in shaping the present and future of the program, with the support and tutelage of staff, was especially visible when ASU CAMP hosted an on-campus conference for prospective high school students and their families in October 2017. These families, who came mostly from the Yuma/San Luis area in southwestern Arizona and the San Tan Valley southeast of Phoenix, were invited to the university to learn more about youth's potential paths to higher education via CAMP. This conference also served as an opportunity for ASU CAMP to publicize the program's success and growth since its inception one year earlier. In addition to providing information sessions about financial aid opportunities, campus life, and so forth, ASU CAMP made space for faculty and current students to relate their journeys from home to higher education. In a sense, the framework of the event paralleled CAMP scholars' experiences of developing rooted academic identities throughout the school year: first, Mexican-origin faculty members testified to their own academic journeys (just as CAMP staff bore witness to their own experiences, encouraging CAMP students to trust their stories, in Seline's class and elsewhere). Then, later in the day, current CAMP scholars came forth to speak directly to parents and prospective students about their experiences in the program so far.</p> <p>Mexican-origin faculty members who gave testimonio at the event framed their academic journeys as coming from, and working to repair, sociopolitical afflictions confronted by im/migrant and minoritized communities. In so doing, they presented the pathway to postsecondary education for prospective CAMP scholars in similar terms. A senior professor spoke with urgency and familiarity, telling prospective students, "En sus manos cae el futuro de nuestra comunidad" ("In your hands lies the future of our community"). In commenting on his own academic journey, the professor told all in attendance, "Va a ser trabajoso" – "it will be a lot of work" – for the prospective students to fulfill their responsibilities to their communities. He also stressed students' potential to meet and overcome obstacles on their journeys. This professor grounded much of his discourse in the historical context of Mexican-origin populations within the United States and the academy, closing his remarks by declaring to the prospective students and families, "Estamos aquí y no nos van a mover" ("We are here and they will not make us budge"), words that echoed CAMP students' status at ASU as much as they referred to the place of Mexican-origin communities in the U.S.</p> <p>Similarly, a younger, pre-tenure Mexican-American professor began by playing a recording of music from the region in southern Mexico where her family originated and showing photographs of her family and the places they lived in Mexico and California during her childhood. She related personally to the prospective students in the audience, stating, "Yo también escuché esas palabras de responsabilidad" ("I, too, heard those words about responsibility"). She continually referred to the vital role of parents in supporting their college-going children, saying "El papel de los padres es súper importante" ("the role of parents is super important"). She reflected that, in her own career, the drive to pursue doctoral studies was reinforced by the notion "es bueno para nosotros" ("it's beneficial to us"), referring both to her immediate family and the wider transborder community with which she felt a kinship (Fieldnotes, October 20, 2017).</p> <p>At the same event, later in the day, current CAMP students spoke out about their experience in ways that expanded upon faculty members' testimonios and anticipated the experiences of prospective or incoming CAMP scholars. Jesús, a first-year CAMP scholar, was invited by CAMP leadership to present his own testimonio alongside his mother Lidia. Together, mother and son spoke to a roomful of parents about Jesús's initial efforts and failures to attend college, outside of CAMP and ASU, and how his experiences through CAMP had led to a different outcome. Lidia mentioned her reluctance to see her son leave home to attend the university, calling him her "mano derecha" ("right hand") because of how close they were and how much she relied on him when he was at home. She reiterated the importance of individual self-determination and the communal benefits of his experiences in CAMP, asserting, "Mis hijos tienen que volar algún día. Yo me volé de muy joven," ("My children have to fly someday. I flew when I was very young") and adding, "Estoy muy agradecida del programa" ("I am very grateful for the [CAMP] program") (Fieldnotes, October 20, 2017).</p> <p>All of the presenters that day spoke with linguistic and social familiarity, fluidly switching between English and Spanish and invoking community issues and symbols. Even so, Jesús and Lidia's co-testimonio was extraordinary in that it highlighted ASU CAMP's success in helping students create academic identities that students and parents alike saw to be rooted in family and community values, not separate from them. The deliberate inclusion of student and parent stories reinforced CAMP staff's efforts to encourage student academic identity formation that embraced pedagogies of the home (Bejarano &amp; Valverde, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref81">7</reflink>]), making students authorities on their own stories. As CAMP scholars were supported in theorizing practices from home, understanding how these practices intersected with their academic endeavors, and sharing their stories with others, they began to enact transformational resistance in their everyday participation in CAMP.</p> <p>In the next section, we consider how CAMP staff drew on their own rooted identities to reinvent the university as they dealt with the needs, concerns, and challenges of CAMP students and families.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-9">Coming "full circle": rooted resistance in outreach and advocacy</hd> <p>As was discussed earlier, migrant students and their families face significant challenges when entering the world of postsecondary education. ASU CAMP staff recognized these challenges and aimed to address the needs of the "whole family" and provide students with opportunities to develop as "whole [people]," according to the ASU CAMP website. Many CAMP staff members shared similar backgrounds with CAMP students and families, which helped them to anticipate student and family needs and to design programming and outreach efforts accordingly. In this section, we explore how CAMP staff supported students and their families by drawing upon their own experiences, focusing on the importance of family to achieving academic success and breaking down barriers to postsecondary education.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-10">Cultivating belonging by drawing on similar experiences</hd> <p>According to CAMP staff, building rapport with students was integral to the students' developing a sense of belonging that would allow them to persevere and achieve academically (Cavazos et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref82">9</reflink>]; Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref83">30</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref84">33</reflink>]). CAMP staff shared that they drew on their personal and family histories to support students in navigating life at the university. Seline, the Program Director, talked about her experiences as a child of working-class immigrant parents and as a first-generation college student (Interview, October 10, 2017). These experiences, along with her previous work with younger migrant students, sparked her interest in creating opportunities for migrant students to continue their education beyond high school, particularly as she became aware that migrant students had few options and minimal supports to help them attend and succeed in college (cf. Salinas &amp; Fránquiz, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref85">40</reflink>]). This inspired her to take the lead in applying for a grant to create the pioneering CAMP project at ASU (Interview, October 10, 2017).</p> <p>Similarly, Elizabeth, the Academic Success/Student Development Coordinator, drew upon her experiences as a child of immigrants, a first-generation college student, a bilingual, and an activist to create connections with the students she served. She suggested that her background made it easier to relate to the struggles and experiences that migrant students face at the university and to support them in navigating these obstacles in a manner that drew upon students' and staff's shared cultural knowledge. Miriam, the Program Coordinator, reiterated this stance. She explained that, as a child, she observed the difficulties her own parents faced learning English and trying to navigate a large academic institution (Interview, October, 13, 2017). These experiences fueled her desire to work with CAMP students.</p> <p>Roberto, the Recruiter and Family Engagement Coordinator, described how his experiences immigrating to the United States at the age of eight helped him relate to students better (Interview, October 13, 2017). He recalled traveling through the desert, being apprehended by immigration agents, and being sent back to Mexico. In his view, these experiences allowed him to connect with some of the struggles migrant families face. Additionally, Roberto asserted that his own undergraduate experiences were a resource for supporting CAMP students dealing with similar issues:</p> <p>I think the other thing that's very important is that, for first generation students or specifically in the Hispanic culture, being the first in your family is also, I think, the hardest part. So I feel like I see myself in a lot of these students because I did come from a small rural community as well. I mean, Yuma is a lot bigger than my small town, but when the students talk about being at ASU and how they have that sense of homesick[ness] or the feeling that ASU is big ... that's exactly how I felt. But for me, I didn't have a program like CAMP that was there to help me. It was more like, oh, I'm on my own over here and my parents really had no idea what I was getting myself into, or they questioned a lot of things. Like, why are you always studying? How come you never call us back? Some of the students were telling us the same thing and I was like, I can totally relate to you like ten years ago. It's really interesting. It's like full circle. (Interview, October 13, 2017)</p> <p>In this quotation, Roberto explained how his own history helped him to sympathize with the challenges CAMP students faced, including how to "translate" their university experiences for family members who may be supportive of students' academic success, but have limited experience with the expectations and responsibilities that go along with postsecondary education. Staff's border rootedness (Bejarano, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref86">6</reflink>]) equipped them to do the essential work of encouraging students to trust their stories, and draw strength from those stories, as they struggled to find their place at the university.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-11">Recognizing and breaking down institutional barriers</hd> <p>In addition to ASU CAMP staff's direct work with CAMP scholars, staff also worked behind the scenes to anticipate and break down potential barriers that might impede migrant students from applying to CAMP or attending college. During meetings with school districts, CAMP staff became better informed about the obstacles migrant families face when trying to help their children attend college. Roberto described the challenges of working with school districts with different high school graduation requirements, which did not always match the university's admission requirements: "I feel like you have these silos, but these silos aren't working together." In his capacity as Recruiter, Roberto made sure he "touch[ed] base with every single counselor" in CAMP's target migrant communities "so that everybody was familiar with CAMP ... and [was] receiving applications for the next cohort" (Interview, October 13, 2017).</p> <p>CAMP staff worked to eliminate informational barriers with respect to college admission requirements and opportunities. For Spanish-speaking migrant families , language can be a barrier in navigating academic institutions. To address this potential language barrier, during the ASU CAMP Migrant Family Conference, CAMP staff and students presented sessions in Spanish. Seline also partnered with producers from Radio Campesina, a network of radio stations directed at recent Spanish-speaking immigrants and migrant workers, to create a Spanish commercial about ASU CAMP that would be broadcast to listeners in the target migrant communities. The commercial dramatized a conversation between an imaginary CAMP student and his mother – not unlike the joint testimonio by Jesús and Lidia at the recruitment event – in which the mother professed that she never thought her child would be able to attend college until she found out about CAMP.</p> <p>Staff members also advocated for ASU to create more Spanish language materials for students and families, since the institution provided relatively few such materials. The push for Spanish language materials was another example of how CAMP staff enacted a methodology of resistance (Anzaldúa, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref87">2</reflink>]), demanding inclusion without acceding to assimilation, in the "foreign land" of academia. Miriam expressed the importance of advocating for the needs of CAMP students and families in the face of university policies that, generally speaking, were not designed with migrant students in mind. "Some challenges we've encountered are just the bureaucracy of a large university. There's a lot of steps and procedures ... and the way that process is here is hindering our ability to help our students." Even when frustrated by bureaucratic obstacles, Miriam asserted, "I always feel like I need to advocate. Staying silent is not an option when I am working for these students." Seline, Roberto, and Miriam all expressed the same desire to advocate for students despite institutional challenges. Seline mentioned that she often leveraged the language of the university charter, which emphasizes inclusion, student success, and assuming responsibility for community well-being, to advocate for the needs of CAMP students and families in her correspondence with university administrators.</p> <p>In all of these ways, staff's transformational resistance, rooted in their own borderland identities, set the stage for CAMP scholars to write their own stories and reinvent the university as a place where Mexican-origin migrant students could sustain a sense of cultural integrity while pursuing ambitious academic goals. In the final section, we share a powerful example of students' counter-storytelling as transformational resistance and reflect on the broader implications of our findings.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-12">Conclusion</hd> <p>At the end of the Spring 2018 semester, students from Seline's research methods class gathered to present the academic testimonios that they had developed as they gained exposure to autoethnography, counter-storytelling, and archival research, learning from the examples of Latinx faculty members. With Seline's guidance, some of the students would go on to share their work at national academic conferences such as MALCS (Mujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social) and NACCS (National Association for Chicano and Chicana Studies).</p> <p>A CAMP scholar named Michelle was the first student to present. Michelle described herself as a reluctant public speaker, but gamely took her place at the front of the darkened classroom and began to unfold her testimonio to a small audience of fellow CAMP students, staff, and a scattering of faculty members. The first slide of her presentation juxtaposed three photos: one of Michelle as a sleepy-looking four or five-year-old; one of Michelle's hand, making the iconic, three-fingered ASU "pitchfork" gesture, outlined against the gold-attired crowd at a university-wide welcome event; and one of the view out an airplane window, symbolizing her journey to the university. Michelle explained that the title of her testimonio, "A Drop in the Ocean," had a double meaning: on one hand, it referred to her father's seasonal work as a fisherman in Alaska, which made her different from most of the ASU CAMP students, whose families worked in agriculture. Michelle's father had started working as a fisherman immediately after high school, and neither of her parents was able to pursue higher education. Michelle recalled her father's words: "Mija, estudia para que no seas como nosotros" – "My daughter, study so that you won't end up like us" – echoing faculty members' testimonios and evoking a similar sense of shared responsibility for family and community. In another sense, Michelle said, "<emph>I'm</emph> the drop in the ocean. I'm the individual who came to the university," explaining that the drop represented herself, a first-generation college student from a migrant background, and the ocean represented "Phoenix, the multitude, the variety of people seen on campus" (Fieldnotes, April 24, 2018).</p> <p>We choose to end with Michelle's testimonio and its central metaphor because it beautifully expresses the nature of CAMP students' and staff's transformational resistance. At times, CAMP scholars might have felt like mere drops in the institutional ocean of Arizona State, just as staff confronted their own relative insignificance in the face of the vast bureaucracy that at times seemed indifferent to CAMP students' experiences. To extend the metaphor, however, we argue that these drops in the ocean changed the chemical composition of the ocean itself. As CAMP scholars found opportunities to develop academic identities rooted in family and community strengths and came into their own as academic experts on their own stories, as well as advocates and spokespeople for CAMP, they began to transform the institution around them in small but powerful ways. As CAMP staff worked day in and day out to cultivate spaces of belonging for current CAMP students and alumni, and to strengthen the pipeline of prospective CAMP students , they embodied transformational resistance (Brayboy, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref88">8</reflink>]; Solórzano &amp; Bernal, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref89">41</reflink>]), displaying an acute awareness of enduring barriers to college access for migrant and first-generation students. They coupled this awareness with determination to envision a different future for migrant students in postsecondary education – and, by extension, a different kind of postsecondary institution.</p> <p>Our findings affirm insights from prior research with CAMP at other institutions: they support a view of identity development and academic achievement as a "collective pursuit" of CAMP participants (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref90">30</reflink>]); they underline the potential for "pedagogies of the home" to support students' processes of adaptation to higher education (Bejarano &amp; Valverde, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref91">7</reflink>]); and they emphasize the importance of "key interactions" among CAMP students and faculty/staff mentors (Reyes, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref92">32</reflink>]). This article extends previous work by documenting how CAMP scholars' and staff's rooted resistance took shape in a wide variety of settings and across many interactions – in research methods classes, in one-on-one mentoring arrangements, at CAMP outreach events, and elsewhere – and how it began to reshape contexts of higher education, from the perspectives of staff, faculty, students, and prospective families. We offer it as our own "drop in the ocean," our contribution to a growing, inspiring body of literature on migrant students in postsecondary education.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-13">Acknowledgments</hd> <p>Our deepest thanks to all the CAMP students, alumni, staff, and family members who participated in this study, especially those whose voices and experiences appear in this article: Selena, Betty, Michelle, Jesús, Lidia, Elizabeth, Miriam, and Roberto. We are also grateful to the other members of the research team who contributed their time, energy, and insights to the study: Eric Esparza, Terri and Copper Hlava, Fangwen Lu, Brenda Mora-Castillo, Xue Qiao, Sarah Salinas, Stephen Santa-Ramirez, Hua Shi, and Alexis Vollmer Rivera. Thanks to Garine Palandjian for help organizing and managing the data and to Enrique Murillo and two anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback. Special thanks are due Dr. Seline Szkupinski-Quiroga, whose encouragement and thoughtful, enthusiastic participation made this work possible.</p> <hd id="AN0162103238-14">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <ref id="AN0162103238-15"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref36" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Alcantar, C. M., &amp; Hernandez, E. (2020). 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O'Connor; Oscar Mancinas and Megan Troxel Deeg</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref71"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref74"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref75"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref77"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Drops in the Ocean: Rooted Academic Identities and Transformational Resistance in a College Assistance Migrant Program – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22O'Connor%2C+Brendan+H%2E%22">O'Connor, Brendan H.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Mancinas%2C+Oscar%22">Mancinas, Oscar</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Troxel+Deeg%2C+Megan%22">Troxel Deeg, Megan</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Latinos+and+Education%22"><i>Journal of Latinos and Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 22(2):438-453. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 16 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Undergraduate+Students%22">Undergraduate Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migrants%22">Migrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mexican+Americans%22">Mexican Americans</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Concept%22">Self Concept</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Family+Influence%22">Family Influence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+Influence%22">Community Influence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Acculturation%22">Acculturation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Resistance+%28Psychology%29%22">Resistance (Psychology)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Programs%22">College Programs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migrant+Programs%22">Migrant Programs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sense+of+Community%22">Sense of Community</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Barriers%22">Barriers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Culturally+Relevant+Education%22">Culturally Relevant Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Arizona%22">Arizona</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/15348431.2020.1783267 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1534-8431<br />1532-771X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This qualitative study investigated the experiences of first- and second-year migrant undergraduate students and staff in the College Assistance Migrant Program (CAMP) at Arizona State University (ASU). ASU CAMP, which started in 2016, is the first program of its kind at an Arizona public university. Using an ethnographic monitoring approach, a research team that included a faculty member and graduate and undergraduate students conducted observations in a variety of CAMP settings, along with interviews and document analysis, in order to examine how Mexican-origin CAMP scholars developed academic identities rooted in family and community strengths while resisting assimilation to the "foreign land" of the university. We theorize students' academic identity development and staff's efforts to support and advocate for them as a form of transformational resistance through which participants acknowledged the inequities and challenges facing migrant students in postsecondary education and began to "reinvent" the university as they confronted this reality. The findings are relevant to scholars, teachers, and others who work with migrant students in K-12 and postsecondary settings, as well as those who seek to support Latinx and first-generation college students' academic identity development in culturally sustaining ways. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1381708 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/15348431.2020.1783267 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 16 StartPage: 438 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Undergraduate Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Migrants Type: general – SubjectFull: Mexican Americans Type: general – SubjectFull: Self Concept Type: general – SubjectFull: Family Influence Type: general – SubjectFull: Community Influence Type: general – SubjectFull: Acculturation Type: general – SubjectFull: Resistance (Psychology) Type: general – SubjectFull: College Programs Type: general – SubjectFull: Migrant Programs Type: general – SubjectFull: Sense of Community Type: general – SubjectFull: Barriers Type: general – SubjectFull: Culturally Relevant Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Arizona Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Drops in the Ocean: Rooted Academic Identities and Transformational Resistance in a College Assistance Migrant Program Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: O'Connor, Brendan H. – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Mancinas, Oscar – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Troxel Deeg, Megan IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2023 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1534-8431 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1532-771X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 22 – Type: issue Value: 2 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Latinos and Education Type: main |
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