Understanding the Emergence of Females as Leaders in Academia: The Intersections of Gender Stereotypes, Status and Emotion
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| Title: | Understanding the Emergence of Females as Leaders in Academia: The Intersections of Gender Stereotypes, Status and Emotion |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Gaus, Nurdiana (ORCID |
| Source: | Higher Education Quarterly. 2023 77(4):693-708. |
| Availability: | Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 16 |
| Publication Date: | 2023 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Education Level: | Higher Education Postsecondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Females, Higher Education, Sex Stereotypes, Status, Psychological Patterns, Foreign Countries, Social Cognition, Beliefs, College Faculty, Leadership, Cultural Influences |
| Geographic Terms: | Indonesia |
| DOI: | 10.1111/hequ.12426 |
| ISSN: | 0951-5224 1468-2273 |
| Abstract: | Drawing on the expectation state theory, this paper seeks to analyse the social cognitive process of the impacts of gender stereotypes along with their culturally derived schemas of status belief, status characteristics and emotion at the early stage of women's endeavour to emerge as leaders in academia. Employing a convenience sampling and interviews held with five women academic participants from three public and private universities in the western region of Indonesia, this research reveals that two social cognitive practices affect women's endeavour to emerge as leaders; (1) the incongruities of cultural and cognitive expected status belief and status characteristics about females with the expected performance of leadership. The pervasive effect of these can be mitigated when women adopt a strategy of neglection, coupled with a strategy of networking both via their own networks and their husband's networks; (2) the incongruities of cultural and cognitive expected ways of emotional expression on women with the expected performance of leadership. This impacts the status conferral that shapes the worthiness of females to emerge as leaders, leading female leaders in our study to build a protective shield of emotion display to keep them perceived as worthy individuals for leadership roles. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2023 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1396457 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwHgEDTBYzZFuiRY-r0-rmx8AAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDEqptVcCeOQZekCg1wIBEICBm1mBL3XDuWRNFryJ87_FOZY3TCUrfXXxHE8YPaYXAM9tO8ZM0W70rImyfgghz8RJ_tgknPilhPSy6pYB1Z9UjQlIi-HmZmcXttYNRuCv_daZKvnVDzuMQ2zuF2KBZbsff-1MdJ5fWoBMLnvuFeUxilYbrXAsVYtZfPv1NnT9oy42eO3nsEw9SKBZWoGbukLacK2fVKQxb3OnocSV Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0173054468;d8501oct.23;2023Oct20.06:20;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0173054468-1">Understanding the emergence of females as leaders in academia: The intersections of gender stereotypes, status and emotion </title> <p>Drawing on the expectation state theory, this paper seeks to analyse the social cognitive process of the impacts of gender stereotypes along with their culturally derived schemas of status belief, status characteristics and emotion at the early stage of women's endeavour to emerge as leaders in academia. Employing a convenience sampling and interviews held with five women academic participants from three public and private universities in the western region of Indonesia, this research reveals that two social cognitive practices affect women's endeavour to emerge as leaders; (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>) the incongruities of cultural and cognitive expected status belief and status characteristics about females with the expected performance of leadership. The pervasive effect of these can be mitigated when women adopt a strategy of neglection, coupled with a strategy of networking both via their own networks and their husband's networks; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>) the incongruities of cultural and cognitive expected ways of emotional expression on women with the expected performance of leadership. This impacts the status conferral that shapes the worthiness of females to emerge as leaders, leading female leaders in our study to build a protective shield of emotion display to keep them perceived as worthy individuals for leadership roles.</p> <p>Dengan merujuk pada teori Expectation State, paper ini menganalisis proses kognitif sosial mengenai dampak dari stereotip jender dengan unsur‐unsur skemanya yang dihasilkan secara kultural, yaitu keyakinan akan status, karakteristik status, dan emosi, pada tahap awal usaha perempuan untuk muncul sebagai pemimpin didunia akademisi.Dengan menggunakan sampling yang nyaman (konvinens) dan wawancara dengan lima orang partisipan akademisi perempuan dari tiga universitas negeri dan swasta diwilayah bagian barat Indonesia, penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa dua praktek kognitif sosial mempengaruhi usaha perempuan untuk muncul sebagai pemimpin; (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref3">1</reflink>) ketidaksesuain mengenai keyakinan status yang diharapkan secara kultural dan kognitif dan karakteristik status mengenai perempuan dengan kinerja yang diharapkan mengenai kepemimpinan. Efek yang besar dari masalah tersebut dapat dikurangi ketika perempuan mengadopsi apa yang disebut strategi pengabaian, yang diiringi dengan strategi jaringan, baik melalui jaringan perempuan itu sendiri maupun jaringan dari suami mereka; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref4">2</reflink>) ketidaksesuaian mengenai bagaimana cara mengekspresikan emosi yang diharapkan oleh budaya dan kognitif terhadap perempuan dengan kinerja kepemimpinan yang diharapkan. Hal ini berdampak pada pemberian status yang membentuk kelayakan perempuan untuk muncul sebagai pemimpin, yang kemudian menyebabkan perempuan dalam penelitian kami membentuk tameng pelindung yang digunakan sebagai petunjuk dalam bagaimana memperlihatkan emosi untuk menjaga agar mereka tetap dipandang sebagai individu yang pantas untuk peran kepemimpinan.</p> <p>Keywords: emotions; higher education; leadership, gender stereotypes</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-2">INTRODUCTION</hd> <p>Literature suggests that women continue to make their way into management, professional and leadership roles in academia. However, they are still under‐represented in senior leadership roles (Dunn et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref5">29</reflink>]; Fitzgerald, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref6">36</reflink>]; Schuh et al., [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref7">63</reflink>]). The phenomenon of the 'lost and wasted talents' logic has emerged in much literature, signalling much concern about this issue (Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref8">9</reflink>]). This is because women also have the administrative talent, capacity, skills and competence necessary for the management and advancement of higher education in times of increasing challenges and rapidly changing environments. Therefore, such underrepresentation is problematic (Dunn et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref9">29</reflink>]), and needs to be seriously addressed. A similar phenomenon has also prevailed in the Indonesian higher education context, where the numbers of women academics (44%) are relatively equal to men's (56%) but they are numerically less in senior leadership positions. This paper reports the findings of a study that we carried out into Indonesian higher education context.</p> <p>The gender system in society has been considered to be the root cause of this issue, as it holds gender stereotypes. In understanding how these stereotypes have impacted on the low progression and advancement of women to senior leadership, scholars have used various lenses from different fields of studies, such as sociology, psychology and socio‐cognitive psychology. Our research is located in the latter lens, forming our understanding of gender stereotypes framed within the logic of 'constraining expectations'—by which they attribute the generalisations of female and male behavioural differences based on the extent to which they are influential and easily influenced (Carli, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref10">20</reflink>]; Eagly, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref11">30</reflink>]; Eagly &amp; Carli, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref12">31</reflink>]). Within these generalisations, hierarchical‐social structures exist that stem from formal status inequality, where an evaluative‐status‐based performance attributes greater status, competence and worthiness to males than females (Eagly, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref13">30</reflink>]; Madden, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref14">50</reflink>]; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref15">61</reflink>]). As a result, males are always stereotyped as having a high‐role status, whereas females have a low‐role status. When these stereotypes are applied to leadership roles, such stereotypic status provides males with higher expectations of emerging as leaders, and vice versa. Embracing this caveat, we emphasise the social cognitive process of constraining expectations that gender stereotypes entail and how this affects the initial attempts made by women to emerge as leaders in academia, using the expectation state theory (Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref16">61</reflink>]).</p> <p>While the literature on the barriers and enablers of women to advance to higher education leadership roles has been associated with cultural, organisational or structural, and individual barriers (Gandhi &amp; Sen, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref17">37</reflink>]; Howe‐Walsh &amp; Turnbull, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref18">45</reflink>]; Maheshwari &amp; Nayak, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref19">51</reflink>]; Nguyen, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref20">56</reflink>]), little research has shed much light on the social cognitive process of constraining expectations in such a gender system through the lens of expectation state theory.</p> <p>The gender system also has constraining expectations of emotion display or expression, as well as stereotypical expectations of effective leaders and leadership that generalise women with the logic of 'emotionality' rather than 'rationality.' As such, the fallacy in that logic has created status beliefs and status characteristics in that women are less qualified to take on leadership roles than men (Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref21">9</reflink>]; Brescoll, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref22">13</reflink>]; Cherkowski et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref23">21</reflink>]; Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref24">25</reflink>]; Fischbach et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref25">35</reflink>]). Because emotional expression is important to qualify women as effective leaders gained from the proper state of mind in perceivers (Brescoll et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref26">14</reflink>]; Hoschchild, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref27">44</reflink>]; Tiedens, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref28">67</reflink>]), women need to know how to manage and display their emotions or do emotional labour (Hoschchild, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref29">44</reflink>]). However, gender and leadership scholars, particularly in academia, have paid little attention to this issue (Bosetti &amp; Heffernan, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref30">12</reflink>]; Brescoll, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref31">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>A small amount of relevant research has been conducted in secondary schools, with a focus on how secondary school administrators integrated emotion into their leadership (Yamamoto et al., [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref32">70</reflink>]); in primary schools, on the relationship between emotion and rationality in leadership (Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref33">24</reflink>]); in higher education, the intersection of market and emotion (Bosetti &amp; Heffernan, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref34">11</reflink>]), and Heffernan and Bosetti ([<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref35">41</reflink>]) on emotional labour.</p> <p>With all these issues, we conducted this research with the specific goal are to comprehend the social cognitive processes of gender stereotypes within the logic of constraining expectation of status and emotions encountered by Indonesian women on their way to positions of leadership. In line with this, we formulated our specific questions around:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> To what extent do gender stereotypes affect the conferral of status and status characteristics of female leaders as they emerge as leaders?</item> <p></p> <item> To what extent do gender stereotypes affect the way women leaders regulate and manage their emotions to emerge as leaders?</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0173054468-3">GENDER STEREOTYPES, WOMEN AND LEADERSHIP IN INDONESIAN HIGHER EDUCATION</hd> <p>Indonesia is a country with diverse cultures, religions, languages and ethnic groups. Within this diverse entity, Indonesia has historically and culturally prevailed with the dominant ideology of 'patriarchy' (except for Minangkabau society in West Sumatera, which is predominantly matrilineality). In this patriarchy, the predominant principles are drawn from patrilineality and strict and traditional divisions of labour, where culturally expected roles for men are attached to stereotypic dimensions of 'the head of the household' and 'the breadwinner' (Spierings, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref36">65</reflink>]). Translating these into public domains, results in the culturally and behaviourally agreed‐upon status beliefs and status characteristics of females and males, of which males are associated with being more suitable for positions of power (Spierings, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref37">65</reflink>]). In these profoundly ingrained patriarchal gender stereotypes, females are characterised as weak, softer, more humble, kinder, reliant, caring and loving. Such characteristics are also attached to the regulation and management of emotions, where women are perceived not to be assertive and open in expressing their emotions. Women are also attributed to the prescriptive stereotypes of roles and expectations associated with lower status occupations around home‐making, childbearing and child‐rearing. As these are all brought into leadership roles in higher education, females' leadership would get resistance from males, and females may get penalties for their behaviour violating these stereotypes.</p> <p>As elsewhere, gender stereotypes have been claimed to be the cause of gender inequality in the workplace in Indonesia. A series of reports on Indonesia's Global Gender Gap index, released by the Socio‐economic Forum, indicates that the issue of the gender gap in Indonesia remains problematic. Efforts have been made by the government to mainstream gender equality and equity to address this gap, manifested in the President's Instruction No.9/2000, calling for the mainstreaming of gender as an inseparable part of governmental institutions and in the whole development process (Aruan, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref38">2</reflink>]). This effort can be said to be the manifestation of the goals of sustainable development goals (SDGs) and as the further manifestation of the UN's conference on women in Beijing in 1995 and the UN's Economic and Social Council (1997). However, scepticism is growing, as this is seen as only an 'add‐on' attempt in the absence of concrete proactive government efforts to practically mainstream gender in all sectors of society, including leadership in higher education.</p> <p>Although the total gender parity index of Indonesia (2020) (World Economic Forum, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref39">69</reflink>]) in four indicators (economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment), shows a positive trend that ranks Indonesia 85th with a score of 0.70, there are still many serious issues in each of those indicators. According to the data, Indonesia has been successful in closing the gender leadership participation gap, which accounts for 55% of the total. However, such an improvement is contradictory to that of women's participation in politics and leadership in higher education. Although there has been an affirmative regulation that requires the fulfilment of 30% representation of women in parliaments, the results of 2019's general election only facilitated 20.87% of women's representation. This score is better than the ratio of women in the cabinet of Indonesia Maju (Indonesia is advanced), of which only five women out of 34 ministers are assigned.</p> <p>The case is even worse in higher education leadership, where the gender gap in leadership roles is large. According to the report by Aruan ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref40">2</reflink>]), there were 103,046 (44%) female lecturers in Indonesian universities (private and public), compared to 236,172 (56%) male lecturers. In terms of academic rankings, women lecturers dominate the lower ranks, with 11,434 lektor kepala (associate professors) compared to 21,667 males. In the higher academic rank of professors, women only account for 1061–4281 of their male counterparts. In managerial roles, senior leadership roles, in this case, rectors, in both public and private universities have been dominated by males. In public universities, females occupying rector positions account for only 10% of the total, as compared with those of males, which stands at 90% (Aruan, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref41">2</reflink>]). Women rectors in private universities have a 5% higher (15%) standing than their female counterparts in public universities. Women leadership roles are much better in the positions of dean which accounts for 30% of private universities and 20% of public universities (Aruan, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref42">2</reflink>]). With all these contextual conditions, the context of Indonesia constitutes an interesting context to study the social cognitive process of gender stereotypes, status and emotions towards the underrepresentation of women in leadership roles in academia.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-4">LITERATURE REVIEW</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0173054468-5">Expectation state theory: gender stereotypes, status and leadership</hd> <p>The expectation state theory, as one particular aspect of the social cognitive process, gives us a promising ground to understand gender stereotypes of status and leadership, where its effects on the barriers of women to leadership in academia can be thoroughly understood via the cultural rules or schemas of 'the status belief' and 'the status characteristics' (Correl &amp; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref43">22</reflink>]; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref44">61</reflink>]). These schemas include culturally expected descriptive characteristics of what females and males are, as well as prescriptive notions of what females and males should be like (Cundiff &amp; Vescio, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref45">27</reflink>]; Eagly, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref46">30</reflink>]; Heilman, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref47">42</reflink>]; Madden, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref48">50</reflink>]; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref49">61</reflink>]), shaping both institutionalised and individualised expectations that both females and males hold about themselves. The intersecting aspects of the gender system, gender stereotypes, status belief and status characteristics interact to 'create a network of constraining expectations and interpersonal reactions' (Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref50">61</reflink>]:637), resulting in the glass ceiling—long thought to be barriers to the emergence of women leaders, not only in academia but also in almost all spheres of organisational landscapes. More specifically, the theory seeks to explain the emergence of a hierarchy based on the level of performance expectations of members of groups that can contribute to the achievement of collective tasks or goals. Through this contribution, group identification that functions as 'self‐categorisation builds an intragroup prototypicality gradient' (Hogg, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref51">43</reflink>]: 184), identifying members with the appearance of influencing the most prototypical (Hogg, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref52">43</reflink>]).</p> <p>Leadership has been defined in general terms as the work to influence and align others in the direction of shared organisational goals (Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref53">49</reflink>]). The distinctive nature of higher education (HE) as a 'bureau professional regime' characterised by a high degree of autonomy and fragmented expertise or disciplines has made leadership a contested issue in whether leadership in HE is needed or is only a myth (Evans, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref54">32</reflink>]). The rise of new managerialismf (Deem, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref55">28</reflink>]) and performativity (Ball, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref56">4</reflink>]) brought by the neoliberal economy has changed the perception of HE as a corporate institution with the end goal of obtaining profit through <emph>ex</emph>‐post accountability of audit culture (Shore, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref57">64</reflink>]). The repercussion of this practice is the construction of identities and values as 'academic managers' and 'managed academics' (Deem, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref58">28</reflink>]). As a result, corporate leadership theories and methods of leading and managing have taken precedence over educational leadership theories (Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref59">49</reflink>]). While corporate leadership theories have been criticised as having contradictory principles with the traditional nature of HE, much research on leadership in education has employed theories from corporate leadership (Evans, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref60">32</reflink>]; Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref61">49</reflink>]). This is associated with the issue of different 'conventional knowledge' (Barker, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref62">5</reflink>]) or paradigms held by educational researchers (Evans, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref63">32</reflink>]; Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref64">49</reflink>]), leading to a mixture or conflation of the concepts of leadership and management (Bush, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref65">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>In higher education, polarisation about leadership has raised questions about what leadership is, who leaders are and what leaders must do to be considered leaders (Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref66">49</reflink>]). Lumby ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref67">49</reflink>]), Bryman ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref68">17</reflink>]) and Bush ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref69">19</reflink>]) positioned leadership as values, influences and vision based that promotes change and is focused on the academic work of teaching, research and enterprise—while management is institution focused, concerned with the maintenance of operationalisation, finance, marketing and accountability (Bush, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref70">19</reflink>]; Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref71">49</reflink>]). While those at the top of the HEI hierarchy, such as chancellors, vice chancellors, deans and department heads, have been associated with those in leadership roles, the extent to which they believe they are doing the job of leading and are considered leaders is determined by the criteria (Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref72">49</reflink>]). Gronn ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref73">39</reflink>]) pointed out that leadership and what is to be assumed as effective leaders lie in the eyes of beholders, leading to a perceptual prototypicality that would affect the worthiness and status beliefs and status characteristics of individuals to take on leadership roles (Eagly, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref74">30</reflink>]; Hogg, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref75">43</reflink>]). We agree with Gronn's concept (Gronn, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref76">39</reflink>]), so in our research, 'leaders' are referred to those in formal positions in the hierarchy, regardless of whether they do the job of leading or not.</p> <p>While the paradigm of leadership has shifted from leader‐centric or heroic narratives of positivism (Barker, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref77">5</reflink>]; Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref78">26</reflink>]; Evans, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref79">32</reflink>]; Lumby, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref80">49</reflink>]) to one that is viewed as a social and relational process, there has been a shift in focus to shared leadership, with distributed leadership being one of its forms. Distributed leadership, which originated in primary and secondary education (Gronn, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref81">39</reflink>]; Spillane, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref82">66</reflink>]), is defined as concerted actions mediated by expertise rather than those in formal positions in the hierarchy in the practice of distribution (Woods and Gronn, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref83">68</reflink>]). It is viewed as the best fit for the characteristics and missions of HE. Yet, the construction of this theory has been inspired mostly by that of corporate leadership as well.</p> <p>Within the neoliberal economy, gender and leadership have become more complex than ever. Females' perceptual status in leadership roles is affected by the masculinity of power that creates a gendered hierarchy in organisations (Acker, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref84">1</reflink>]; Fitzgerald, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref85">36</reflink>]) and epistemic injustice (Morley &amp; Lund, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref86">55</reflink>]). Women are viewed as 'organisational others' (Fitzgerald, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref87">36</reflink>]) who have to navigate their work between 'outsiders' and 'insiders'. That power reinforces the prerogative status of leadership for males that will affect influence (Correl &amp; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref88">22</reflink>]; Eagly &amp; Carli, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref89">31</reflink>]; Heilman, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref90">42</reflink>]), which is conceptualised in a stereotypic dimension of 'competent' and 'agentic', while females are 'friendly' and 'communal' (Eagly &amp; Carli, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref91">31</reflink>]). Work related to teaching, student support, international networks and research is the perceptual appropriate status for females within the friendly and communal stereotypes (Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref92">9</reflink>]; Morley, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref93">54</reflink>]). Research conducted by Morley ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref94">54</reflink>]) and Fitzgerald ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref95">36</reflink>]) showed how females' lower perceptual status beliefs and status characteristics held by males have affected how their ideas and voices are less heard and neglected in their faculties' meetings.</p> <p>One of the criteria of effective leaders can be perceived through leadership styles. Literature on corporate leadership has pointed to the importance of transformational (Bass, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref96">6</reflink>]) and transactional leadership (Burns, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref97">18</reflink>]) to influence people to achieve shared organisational goals. Gaus et al. ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref98">38</reflink>]) argued that Indonesian university leaders or managers influence staff through neo‐transactional leadership, where incentives and strong relationships are combined. Another one is the task‐oriented leadership style. Males are perceived as agentic individuals who are goal oriented and focused on achieving goals, whereas females are perceived as more communal, are more group dynamic oriented, and participate in the decision‐making process (Eagly &amp; Carli, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref99">31</reflink>]; Fischbach et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref100">35</reflink>]; Fischbach &amp; Lichtenthaler, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref101">34</reflink>]; Madden, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref102">50</reflink>]). These stereotypic gender status characteristics influence thoughts or beliefs about leadership that are analogised to the 'think manager‐think male' (Fischbach et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref103">35</reflink>]), where males are assumed to be more suitable, competent and knowledgeable for leadership roles than females. The violation, or the incongruence, between determined gender stereotypes and the performance expectations needed for leadership roles, can affect how women emerge as leaders in certain contexts, including higher education. Unfortunately, little research in academia has focused on this issue.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-6">Gender stereotypes, emotion and leadership</hd> <p>Emotion is broadly defined as a subjective feeling state which includes the basic emotions (e.g. joy, love, anger) and social emotions (e.g. shame, guilt, jealousy) (Ashforth &amp; Humphrey, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref104">3</reflink>]). To put it succinctly, emotions are the feelings that we show (Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref105">25</reflink>]). Literature on social cognitive theory and expectation state theory (Humphrey, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref106">46</reflink>]; Iszatt‐White, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref107">47</reflink>]) also suggests that leaders and leadership may emerge through the intersection of gender and emotion. However, gender stereotyping of emotions, particularly emotion display or expression, has created fundamental barriers to women's success in leadership positions (Brescoll, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref108">13</reflink>]). The stereotypical beliefs that women are more emotional than men have contributed to perceivers' perceptions and inferences that women cannot control their emotions, such that it may prevent their ability to make rational, and objective decisions (Brescoll, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref109">13</reflink>]). Conversely, indeed, if people can suppress their emotions, perceivers will be likely to infer that they are also able to prevent those emotions from 'biasing their thoughts and behaviours' (Brescoll, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref110">13</reflink>]). Consequently, here, the discourse of rationality does function as subtle technology of control (Sachs &amp; Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref111">62</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although women and male leaders arguably display and experience certain emotions at work to a similar degree, women are in fact bound to certain emotional rules or emotion conventions (Cherkowski et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref112">21</reflink>]; Fineman, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref113">33</reflink>]; Hoschchild, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref114">44</reflink>]), which they must appropriately choose and know the intensity of and appropriate emotions they must display in certain situations—this is related to emotional labour (Hoschchild, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref115">44</reflink>]). Because of the pejorative view of emotionality, not all emotions are socially acceptable. Negative emotions such as fear, anxiety, sadness and anger tend to be unacceptable unless under constrained conditions. For women, their negative emotions should not be expressed, as this would be incongruent with their expected stereotypes as being more modest, kinder, emotional and softer. Displaying such emotions for women can lead to perceptual errors (Fischbach &amp; Lichtenthaler, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref116">34</reflink>]), which can lead to the perception that women are not good or effective leaders (Brescoll &amp; Uhlmann, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref117">15</reflink>]). Men rather than women are more expected to show their negative emotions and this will not affect their negative conferral of status. This is because such negative emotions are seen as masculine traits and, when men display such emotions, perceivers will infer that there is an excess of environmental factors that require men to display such emotions (i.e. anger). This contradicts when women do the same thing. People may infer that women's negative expressions will be more attributed to dispositional than situational (Brescoll, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref118">13</reflink>]). As these are brought into leadership arenas, women who are more assertive in showing their anger will be negatively judged by social perceivers, which may affect their status conferral (Brescoll &amp; Uhlmann, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref119">15</reflink>]; Haver et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref120">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>Women leaders, consequently can confront the dilemma of balancing rationality, as the logic for effective leaders, and the affective dimension of emotionality (Sachs &amp; Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref121">62</reflink>]). Strategies are practical actions to trade off such situations that highlight literature. Crawford ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref122">25</reflink>]) pinpointed that the ways women regulate their emotions will result in different impacts. Literature on emotional labour (Hoschchild, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref123">44</reflink>]) has brought in two forms of strategy in regulating emotional expression through 'surface acting' and 'deep acting'. Yet, Bolton and Boyd ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref124">10</reflink>]), (cited in Iszatt‐White, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref125">47</reflink>]) criticised that such 'cynical performances in the form of surface acting result in ultimate alienation from one's 'true self' and 'deep acting', that is, efforts to conjure up sincere performances, result in 'altering' one's self' (p. 290). The consequence of performing these roles can cause psychological effects such as stress, emotional exhaustion, lower job satisfaction and reduced life dissatisfaction (Haver et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref126">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>Gender stereotypes have also influenced how women leaders should regulate and manage their emotions in the workplace to maintain a positive image and improve performance. Yet, the cultural stereotypic attributions to women that are associated with the adjectival femininities of irrational, emotional, subjective and individual pathology (Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref127">8</reflink>]; Cherkowski et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref128">21</reflink>]; Mavin, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref129">52</reflink>]) have intrinsically made women inferior—while males are endowed with adjectival masculinities, and thus are believed to be rational and cool, and therefore superior (Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref130">8</reflink>]; Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref131">25</reflink>]). These adjectival dichotomies are seen as a form of boundary maintenance work to control workers (Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref132">8</reflink>]) and have emerged as 'an administrative paradigm partly as a defense against the perceived dysfunctions and pejorative connotations of emotion' (Ashforth &amp; Humphrey, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref133">3</reflink>]:10).</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-7">METHODOLOGY AND METHOD</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0173054468-8">Methodology</hd> <p>Our study employed qualitative research methodology to collect and analyse the data. The backdrop against this is guided by our purpose to obtain rich and deep data directly from the field (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref134">59</reflink>]). In our study, we aimed to directly gather the experience of women academics in making their way up to leadership positions from the early stage of their attempts.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-9">Method</hd> <p>Our research is part of our ongoing project on the reform of new public management and women's academic empowerment in leadership in higher education in Indonesia, where it was conducted at the same time as that of our project on the career development of Indonesian academics through academic publishing in international journals. In the latter project, we held a series of workshops run across campuses in the two regions of Western and Eastern Indonesia, making our workshops heterogeneous in nature as they were attended by academics from differing backgrounds in terms of disciplines, gender, ages and educational background. Considering such a characteristic, we, subsequently, decided to recruit our respondents to be included in our former project from the latter project's attendees, leading us to employ convenience sampling.</p> <p>Convenience sampling is part of non‐probability sampling techniques of who will be included in the research, which is a mostly debated technique applied in sociology, anthropology and women's studies. Yet, it is rarely used in organisations and management (Brewis, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref135">16</reflink>]). Convenience sampling has helped us to save a lot of time in yielding rich data without further work of negotiation of selecting respondents and without the added work of establishing a good and close relationship with our respondents. Because we already had our own network of respondents with whom we had built good and close relationships in a 3‐day workshop that we held during the years 2019–2020, we had provided a comfortable forum in which our respondents felt free and comfortable to express their sensitive and personal stories. This situation helps us to enhance our data collection. As McConnel‐Henry et al. (2009–2010), cited in Brewis ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref136">16</reflink>]), pointed out, putting respondents into the 'friendship' loop can produce rich data 'because time has not been 'wasted' establishing a forum in which the participant feels comfortable opening up (p. 16) and the data gathering will be enhanced, especially when sensitive data are gathered (Brewis, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref137">16</reflink>]).</p> <p>As we realised that convenience sampling may raise the issue of validity, we applied a strategy of determining some criteria in selecting our respondents. Because we intended to understand how women in higher education contexts in Indonesia emerge and fail to emerge as leaders through social cognitive perspectives, we set pre‐determined criteria. Our first criterion is vested in the supposition that demographic characteristics such as race, age and gender influence status because they impact perceived competence (Berger et al., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref138">7</reflink>]; Li et al., [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref139">48</reflink>] as cited in Yun et al., [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref140">72</reflink>]). We then decided to set the criterion for respondents based on those of marital status (married and divorced), roles of leadership (those who are or were in any structural positions in institutions, and those who either had ever or never made their way to ascending to leadership roles during their career paths). Based on these, five respondents matched our criteria, who came from the disciplines of mathematics, economics, accounting and public administration of two public universities and one private university in the western region of Indonesia, whom we anonymised in our respondents' referral. One of the five respondents was unable to advance to positions of leadership, whereas the other four were able to serve as dean, vice dean and director of the postgraduate programme.</p> <p>Interviews were conducted using semi‐structured interviews that lasted between 45 and 60 minutes for each of these respondents, and they were held in each venue of the workshop in which they participated. Before we held the interviews, we informed these respondents about our research: what it was about, what the nature of their participation was, how the data would be kept and how their anonymity would be protected. Upon gaining approval from them, we arranged the schedules of the interviews, which were all recorded with the approval of the respondents.</p> <p>We analysed and interpreted the data based on the thematic analysis Miles et al. ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref141">53</reflink>]). We generated themes through coding processes and made sense of what was happening in the stories told by our respondents. To enhance our understanding, we employed an abduction logic (Yanow &amp; Schwartz‐Shea, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref142">71</reflink>]), where we conducted a 'go and forth' analysis of looking at data and theories. The theories and our first‐hand knowledge helped us to assign themes to each script of respondents, reduce general to core themes and put these core themes under concepts (Miles et al., [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref143">53</reflink>]). We kept using abduction logic in generating themes for us to see whether our data support the theories or contradict the theories (Yanow &amp; Schwartz‐Shea, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref144">71</reflink>]). Referring to our research questions, we finally generated two themes that included: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref145">1</reflink>) the attribution of low status and expectation to women; and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref146">2</reflink>) the attribution of women hiding their emotions.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-10">FINDINGS</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0173054468-11">The attribution of low status and expectation to women</hd> <p>The interviews with female participants revealed a wealth of information about the extent to which women made the initial effort to advance to positions of leadership. Regardless of their marital status, women are perceived by their male counterparts as having low status and characteristics. The story told by Intan, a single‐divorced woman academic, has dismantled how her gender and marital status have invoked negative perceptions from her male colleagues in terms of her suitability, competence, and worthiness to aspire to leadership roles, let alone take on leadership responsibilities. She is expected to be an unsuitable candidate for leadership in her faculty. Ironically, indeed, she was discredited by one of her male colleagues in a wicked way via circulating untrue information about herself to forestall her way up to leadership roles, as she acknowledged lamentably.</p> <p>I am a single‐divorced woman with one child. I feel that because of my status, I received negative perceptions from my male colleagues even when I just started to express my wish to ascend to leadership roles. One of them showed his cynicism and told me that I was not a capable person for such a role. He told me that as a woman what can I do to manage people in my faculty? I am so sad about this. What is more, he circulated fake information about me to prevent me from running for that position (dean of my faculty). Because of this, I could not run for the leadership position or obtain it.</p> <p>Sinta, a single‐divorced woman, describes a similar event. Despite her low status and expectations applied to her, she was lucky than Intan, as she was able to emerge as a leader in her faculty because of her closeness with the then rector of her university, as Sinta points out:</p> <p>I am negatively perceived and looked down upon by some of my male counterparts. When I first came back from studying overseas, they always tried to mock me. They said 'why must be her?' what is her capacity?'. I can be in this leadership position as the director of a postgraduate programme because the then‐rector knows me well. So, it is easy for me to get this role because of his support.</p> <p>A different way of emerging as a leader is demonstrated by Mimin, a married woman with a husband. Experiencing and receiving negative stereotypes and cynicism from her male colleagues, she was luckily successful in tackling all the barriers she encountered. This is due to the status of her husband as an important figure in her university's foundation (Yayasan), such that it made her easily appointed and not selected to be a dean, as reported by Mimin:</p> <p>I was not selected to become a dean; I was chosen and assigned directly by the head of the foundation (Yayasan). My husband is one of the influential people in that Yayasan, and I got to know him well through the head of the Yayasan. So, when there was a substitution for the then‐dean, he directly chose me. Yet, they underestimate my competence and capacity.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-12">The attribution of women to hide their emotion</hd> <p>Women of both marital statuses have experienced precarious situations in which they have to struggle to manage their emotions when addressed with the cynicism and negative perceptions shown by their male counterparts. The data reveal that these women have tended to hide their broken hearts and sadness to themselves, making home a good place to display them all. As a result, they have to pretend to be tough and happy women to signal that they are capable of taking on leadership roles and responsibilities, as Intan puts it:</p> <p>As I told you before, I received a negative perception and an unpleasant attitude from one of my male counterparts, and you know, actually, I was very sad. Yet, I tried my best to hide it and pretended to look tough and happy. The worst thing was that I was not that strong. All my sadness, disappointment, and helplessness were poured out at home. I sometimes cried in loneliness. I could not believe why he treated me that way. Please research why women are not allowed to take up leadership roles, even when they are just starting to aspire for it.</p> <p>If Intan just simply poured out her sadness at home by crying, Sinta, on the other hand, has to find other ways to soothe herself. Eating in uncontrolled portions of meals has been chosen by her as a pacifier or a refuge from her vulnerability as a woman in the face of these cynicisms and negative perceptions. a negative consequence of her choice has resulted in the gain of weight. That may be another sign of her fragility, as she expresses:</p> <p>I am not as strong as the way my colleagues have looked at me. Just because I am a single‐divorced woman, I have been frequently verbally mocked. They have looked me down and always been cynical towards me. Because of that treatment, I look to 'eating' a lot as my way of overcoming stress. You see, I am fat now. This is because I am stressed and have to eat a lot of meals. I also sometimes cry at home. Is it wrong if I am a single‐divorced woman? Why is our culture not sympathetic to such a status?</p> <p>Mimin demonstrates the importance of having a tougher personality when it comes to dealing with emotions. Although she also encounters harsh cynicism and negative perceptions about her competence and capacity to assume a leadership role, she can manage not to cry secretly at home. Instead, she chose to ignore all of those bad voices and made herself busy with her ideals of advancing her faculty through hard and sincere work. Mimin reports.</p> <p>Because I was appointed because my husband is the administrator of the Yayasan, many of my colleagues display cynicism towards me. I heard a lot of negative whispers that many of my colleagues in my faculty doubted my competence and tended to disagree with my appointment by saying: 'Why must it be her?' Is there no one else in our faculty capable of taking up this role? 'We never even heard of her achievements. What has she done that qualified her to be a dean?' Even though these hurt me so much, I just ignore them. I prefer to respond to them by working hard and sincerely to advance my faculty.</p> <p>These five women chose not to display their sadness and disappointment in front of their colleagues because they did not want to be perceived as sentimental and weak. If they display their emotions, they will receive the consequence of being perceived as not being a good leader and thus not eligible to lead in their faculty, as Mimin acknowledges. 'I could not express my emotions because people would consider me a sentimental and fragile person.' Thus, I will be perceived as unsuitable for leadership roles. This was validated by Sinta, saying that 'I do not want to show fragility as I do not want to be looked at as a defeated person in the eyes of those males'.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-13">DISCUSSION</hd> <p>The data from our study reveal interesting phenomena in terms of how women leaders at Indonesian universities have undergone stereotyping and been living in an incongruent gender stereotype, which was illuminated in the social and cognitive processes of attribution and expectation through the eyes of their male colleagues. Such processes inform how males' beliefs about women regarding their competence, suitability and worthiness interact with the males' expected performance of leadership in their contexts. And, interestingly, such processes have been intertwined with gender (being female), marital status and the expected expression of emotion for females and males. Informed within these processes, it can be postulated that the emergence of and the failure of women to emerge as leaders have to some extent been affected by and dependent on how other members of their groups, in this case, their male colleagues, perceive these women's competence and worthiness to become leaders through their gender and marital status. In expectation theory, these male perceptions are referred to as the 'status belief', a social and cognitive aspect by which one constructs the 'status characteristics' (Correl &amp; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref147">22</reflink>]; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref148">61</reflink>]) of women. These status beliefs and status characteristics, or self‐categorisation of prototypicality (Hogg, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref149">43</reflink>]), have been cognitively and behaviourally confirmed by all members of these women's faculties as a result of gender stereotypes and performance expectations adhered to the notion that only males are eligible for leadership roles.</p> <p>Following these, in our study, the intersections of the status belief and the status characteristics of women held by males or the prototypicality (Hogg, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref150">43</reflink>]), suggest a constraining expected performance that shapes a condition in which the notion of 'the lack of fit' (Heilman, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref151">42</reflink>]) of females with the leadership roles has continued to position them at low‐status roles and occupations. In our study, marital statuses with sub‐characteristics of married with a husband and single‐divorced women, receive no different perceptions and treatment from their male counterparts. Both groups are stereotyped as incompetent and unworthy of assuming and taking up leadership roles. Therefore, their male colleagues continue to demonstrate their cynicism and even discredit through what we called 'wicked plotting'.</p> <p>This stereotype and plotting have prevented Intan from emerging as a leader in her faculty. The status of Intan as a single‐divorced woman without the support of other sub‐status, in this example, a network, has doubled the disadvantages she faces, which may forestall her from ascending to leadership roles. While the expectation state and status theory premise that for a leader to gain influence, the status of groups based on those gender, prestige, education, occupation, race, hierarchical standing and ethnicity may play either negative or positive important determinants to the emergence of leaders and leadership (Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref152">61</reflink>]). The case of Sinta constitutes an example of how networking may smooth her way up to leadership roles. This, subsequently, reinforces other past research that signifies the important role of networking for women to ascend to leadership roles (Maheshwari &amp; Nayak, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref153">51</reflink>]; Nguyen, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref154">56</reflink>]; O'Meara &amp; Stromquist, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref155">57</reflink>]). From the experiences of Sinta and Intan, our research assumed that marital status and males' perceived status belief will not have negative impacts on women's emergence as a leader, so long as they have the savvy to establish networking. Sinta, apart from her marital status, Sinta's story is a good example of this, where she managed to become a leader with the help of her closeness to her then‐rector. While building a network is not a new key aspect for women to emerge as leaders in the literature on gender and leadership, the pattern of networking via a person whose highest hierarchical standing in a particular context, like that displayed by Sinta, can be taken into account as a new aspect of status characteristics that may help understand the emergence of leadership and leaders.</p> <p>Our research finds another interesting pattern in the status characteristics that may enable the emergence of women's leadership, that is, the hierarchical, prestigious status of husbands in their same groups or in groups. Hogg ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref156">43</reflink>]) argued that the more prototypical a member is perceived to be concerning the group's self‐conception, the more likely he or she is to emerge as the leader (Hogg, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref157">43</reflink>] as cited in Correl &amp; Ridgeway, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref158">22</reflink>]). Although Intan and Dini do not belong to the prototypicality as defined by Hogg's, it is through their husbands' prototypical status that is perceived as being at a higher prestige within their group that enhances their likelihood to emerge as leaders.</p> <p>Leadership is an emotional process (Fineman, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref159">33</reflink>]) and gender has a role in that process (Bosetti &amp; Heffernan, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref160">12</reflink>]). Emotions are dictated by powerful social scripts (Fineman, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref161">33</reflink>]) with which the conferral of expected gender‐based stereotypes of emotions and leadership is intersected (Cherkowski et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref162">21</reflink>]; Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref163">24</reflink>]; Sachs &amp; Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref164">62</reflink>]; Tiedens, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref165">67</reflink>]). And social script prescriptions are the myth of rationality that takes precedence over emotionality and shapes strong and ideal discourses for determining organisational life effectiveness (Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref166">23</reflink>]; Putnam and Ashcraft, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref167">60</reflink>]; Sachs &amp; Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref168">62</reflink>]). Because the gender‐emotion stereotypes prescribe women to be more emotional than men, women may be constrained in what Brescoll ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref169">13</reflink>]) called a complex 'minefield', in which women academic leaders in our study are required to be self‐cognizant in applying the emotional rules or emotion conventions (Fineman, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref170">33</reflink>]). As a result, they may be aware of how much emotion should be displayed as well as the types of emotions that are appropriate and inappropriate (Bosetti &amp; Heffernan, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref171">12</reflink>]; Brescoll, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref172">13</reflink>]; Fineman, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref173">33</reflink>]; Hoschchild, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref174">44</reflink>]) to produce specific outward appearances that are in alignment with expected gender‐emotion‐leadership stereotypes. Concerning this, women in our study seemed to understand this convention or rule by deciding to suppress or hide their anger, disappointment and sadness. Consciously and unconsciously, these female leaders have performed emotional labour or emotion management (Hoschchild, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref175">44</reflink>]).</p> <p>The technologies of control of rationality have caused women in our study to employ strategies for regulating their emotions. To avoid being judged as more emotional and thus, less qualified as leaders, women tried their best to hide or suppress their socially unacceptable emotions in their own context, such as anger and sadness. Individuals' different ways of regulating emotions may produce different effects, particularly on their mental well‐being (Crawford, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref176">24</reflink>]). In our study, different strategies are practised by women and impact their mental well‐being differently. Although much literature suggests women leaders better hide their negative or buffer emotions in the workplace, as this would affect the lowering of their status, our study signals a bad consequence of such a practice, which is in line with that pointed out by Tiedens ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref177">67</reflink>]). Mimin has to find other means of soothing herself through eating a lot, as crying is not a sufficient means of reducing her sadness and frustration, resulting in her weight gain. And if this is not addressed properly and appropriately, it may disrupt Mimin's well‐being and satisfaction in social group interactions. Mimin is experiencing an emotional dissonance, a state in which female leaders are unable to regulate their emotions well. Despite her ability to hide her fragility, her concealed stress state has led her to develop the unhealthy habit of eating a lot.</p> <p>Women in our study choose to display their sadness and anger at home as the best, private and secret place to hide their fragility. This is because they do not want to be perceived as emotional, irrational and weak leaders. This fits with the logic of 'you never showed that you couldn't cope' (Fineman, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref178">33</reflink>]; Sachs &amp; Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref179">62</reflink>]). In other words, they want to communicate to their groups that they are strong and competent leaders and that they deserve leadership positions. If women leaders in our study choose home, women leaders in some western universities, like that reported by Sachs and Blackmore ([<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref180">62</reflink>]) prefer to talk with their female counterparts. The regulation of emotion by women leaders in our study fits with the 'buffering' management of emotion (Ashforth &amp; Humphrey, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref181">3</reflink>]). Therefore, female leaders have to be careful in expressing their negative emotions, as these are socially unacceptable (Ashforth &amp; Humphrey, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref182">3</reflink>]) and are regarded as non‐feminine (Blackmore, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref183">8</reflink>]; Oplatka &amp; Atias, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref184">58</reflink>]). If they violate these or become 'counterstereotypical' individuals (Brescoll et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref185">14</reflink>]), they may evoke negative responses from other people, and this may affect their ability to obtain prestigious status (Brescoll &amp; Uhlmann, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref186">15</reflink>]; Heilman, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref187">42</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-14">CONCLUSION</hd> <p>We have provided ways for understanding the barriers faced by women academics seeking to emerge as leaders in a particular gender system, as exemplified by respondents in our study. Understanding such a gender system through the lens of expectation state theory, underpinned by social and cognitive lenses, has resulted in a better understanding of how women academics in our study dealt with prejudice and biased perceptions, beliefs, conferral of status and evaluation of performance against them. These, together, may have produced a certain prototypicality of status beliefs, status characteristics and emotions in their male counterparts' beliefs that see these women academics as less qualified for leadership roles. Such a condition has made these women academics in our study navigate their flexible adaptation to deal with the incongruencies between what is culturally and cognitively expected gender stereotypes for them and the expected performance of leadership. As a result, women's condition in our study is demanded to be the one that was described by Blackmore ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref188">8</reflink>]) in that women must be 'vulnerable' and 'strong'.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-15">IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY</hd> <p>Referring to the experiences of women academics seeking to emerge as leaders in our study, we believe that to reduce the phenomenon of the lost and wasted talents of women leaders and improve gender equity in higher education, any intended efforts to facilitate interventions or affirmative policies both from governments and higher education institutional management must target these core issues that disadvantage women. In respect of this, our study proposes potential interventions and programmes that are important for the advancement of women into leadership positions both for Indonesians and those who have similar contexts to that of Indonesia, and may help improve the standing of Indonesia's global gender gap index, in particular in the domain of women's leadership in academia as well:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Women in our study need psychological and emotional empowerment to help them cope with aggression or prejudice from their male counterparts. This would be important to reinforce their confidence to courageously face hostile environments that forestall their progression to leadership roles.</item> <p></p> <item> Women in our study need emotional management training to help them regulate and manage their emotions appropriately. So, the phenomenon of the dissonance of emotion that may impact negatively on their well‐being can be mitigated.</item> <p></p> <item> Women in our study need peer‐group networks whose members are all other women. These networks function as a medium for women to talk about their negative emotional experiences. This would help women to strengthen each other and give them more energy and confidence to go about their roles and responsibilities as leaders and, thus, become effective leaders.</item> </ulist> <p>Theoretically, our research has added room for understanding the reciprocal relationships of social cognitive processes in understanding the constraining expectations contained in gender stereotypes, specifically on the analysis of specific aspects of status belief, status characteristics and emotion, to the expectation theory and leadership.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-16">LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY</hd> <p>Despite its potential contribution to practice and theory, our study bears some limitations as well, in that it excludes the voices of females themselves in perceiving their female counterparts' eligibility to take up leadership roles. It would also be wise if the perceptions or voices of male colleagues were also engaged to comprehensively understand the backdrop to their stance. Future research may consider these issues.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-17">CONFLICT OF INTEREST</hd> <p>We confirm that there are no conflicts of interest in this research.</p> <hd id="AN0173054468-18">DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT</hd> <p>The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to privacy or ethical restrictions.</p> <ref id="AN0173054468-19"> <title> REFERENCES </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Acker, J. (1990). Hierarchies, jobs, bodies: A theory of gendered organization. Gender &amp; Society, 4 (2), 139 – 158.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Aruan, C. (2019). Human resources and gender in higher education Indonesia. www.ksi‐indonesia.org/id/pengetahuan</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref104" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Ashforth, B. E., &amp; Humphrey, R. H. (1995). 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Understanding the Emergence of Females as Leaders in Academia: The Intersections of Gender Stereotypes, Status and Emotion – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Gaus%2C+Nurdiana%22">Gaus, Nurdiana</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1411-7512">0000-0002-1411-7512</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Larada%2C+Nasrullah%22">Larada, Nasrullah</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jamaluddin%2C+Syakir%22">Jamaluddin, Syakir</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Paramma%2C+Muhammad+Azwar%22">Paramma, Muhammad Azwar</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8358-8548">0000-0001-8358-8548</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Karim%2C+Abdul%22">Karim, Abdul</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Higher+Education+Quarterly%22"><i>Higher Education Quarterly</i></searchLink>. 2023 77(4):693-708. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 16 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Females%22">Females</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sex+Stereotypes%22">Sex Stereotypes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Status%22">Status</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Psychological+Patterns%22">Psychological Patterns</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Cognition%22">Social Cognition</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Beliefs%22">Beliefs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Faculty%22">College Faculty</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Leadership%22">Leadership</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Influences%22">Cultural Influences</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Indonesia%22">Indonesia</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1111/hequ.12426 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0951-5224<br />1468-2273 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Drawing on the expectation state theory, this paper seeks to analyse the social cognitive process of the impacts of gender stereotypes along with their culturally derived schemas of status belief, status characteristics and emotion at the early stage of women's endeavour to emerge as leaders in academia. Employing a convenience sampling and interviews held with five women academic participants from three public and private universities in the western region of Indonesia, this research reveals that two social cognitive practices affect women's endeavour to emerge as leaders; (1) the incongruities of cultural and cognitive expected status belief and status characteristics about females with the expected performance of leadership. The pervasive effect of these can be mitigated when women adopt a strategy of neglection, coupled with a strategy of networking both via their own networks and their husband's networks; (2) the incongruities of cultural and cognitive expected ways of emotional expression on women with the expected performance of leadership. This impacts the status conferral that shapes the worthiness of females to emerge as leaders, leading female leaders in our study to build a protective shield of emotion display to keep them perceived as worthy individuals for leadership roles. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1396457 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1111/hequ.12426 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 16 StartPage: 693 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Females Type: general – SubjectFull: Higher Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Sex Stereotypes Type: general – SubjectFull: Status Type: general – SubjectFull: Psychological Patterns Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Cognition Type: general – SubjectFull: Beliefs Type: general – SubjectFull: College Faculty Type: general – SubjectFull: Leadership Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Indonesia Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Understanding the Emergence of Females as Leaders in Academia: The Intersections of Gender Stereotypes, Status and Emotion Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Gaus, Nurdiana – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Larada, Nasrullah – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Jamaluddin, Syakir – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Paramma, Muhammad Azwar – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Karim, Abdul IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2023 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0951-5224 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1468-2273 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 77 – Type: issue Value: 4 Titles: – TitleFull: Higher Education Quarterly Type: main |
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