Patriotism in Moral Education: Toward a Rational Approach in China
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| Title: | Patriotism in Moral Education: Toward a Rational Approach in China |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Lin, Jason Cong (ORCID |
| Source: | Journal of Moral Education. 2023 52(3):343-361. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 19 |
| Publication Date: | 2023 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Information Analyses |
| Descriptors: | Patriotism, Moral Values, Moral Development, Teaching Methods, Foreign Countries, Political Attitudes, Political Influences, Ethics, Textbooks, Educational Theories, Nationalism |
| Geographic Terms: | China |
| DOI: | 10.1080/03057240.2022.2136148 |
| ISSN: | 0305-7240 1465-3877 |
| Abstract: | Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2023 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1396675 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwGSCYSrw4Xlpos4hrX3-PlfAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDGcKQJBR0F-dfBKJWQIBEICBm2-6zTXKo1BaE67lwW88Tf-SwjnLT82bhc6DofJXgzYILeNOZAutnUwxRgwqFfllJY4mZrTFLxQ5WcWA-QY9lkusYaS42EPusdeEXU4oGZIUKApj_MzfOPWuK_FUpMuuEzrrRwVEoB-WvfWAt26mmln3mqv8kfwRP0RDTsTE5CbwMsFc7Lf_iyIn3yEOtjPK6zgtDSz2GkreHGu- Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0169833748;moe01sep.23;2023Aug10.06:22;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0169833748-1">Patriotism in moral education: Toward a rational approach in China </title> <p>Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative.</p> <p>Keywords: Moral education; patriotism; China; nationalism; rational approach</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Patriotism is generally understood as love of one's country. However, beyond this abstract definition, there is no global consensus on what it entails, whether it is better understood as a virtue or vice, or how to teach for or about it in schools. Patriotism has been particularly contentious in western societies. While Spring ([<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref1">59</reflink>]) among others indicates that nationalism strongly influences national educational policies around the world, each society weighs out the demands of nationalism and patriotism in their own context against competing educational priorities and other distinctive local and global concerns (see also, Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref2">23</reflink>]). In relation, scholars have differentiated various types of patriotism (e.g., extreme, moderate, and ethical patriotism) to identify which potentially benign forms could be promoted and which malign ones should be criticised and discouraged within and across national contexts (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref3">21</reflink>]; Kodelja, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref4">29</reflink>]; Nussbaum, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref5">50</reflink>]; Primoratz &amp; Pavković, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref6">55</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the People's Republic of China (PRC), patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education (Bass, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref7">4</reflink>]; Tse, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref8">62</reflink>]). As a result, there is little space for more abstract or constructive political discussion or criticism related to nationalism, patriotism, and related concepts. Since the founding of the PRC in 1949, the government has promoted patriotism as an ideology with objectively correct and incorrect manifestations, which is essential for the ongoing development of the country and for being a good citizen (Bass, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref9">4</reflink>]; Li, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref10">30</reflink>]; Tse, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref11">62</reflink>]). In this sense, patriotism is a political requirement instead of a free choice, as it might be seen in liberal societies. Some characteristics of Chinese political culture contribute to this situation, including the one-party system and the inseparability of the country from the Communist Party of China. In relation, the government promotes patriotism in the school curriculum to serve political purposes, including strengthening unity, erasing diversity, and promoting a sense of Han-dominant Chineseness (Fairbrother, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref12">15</reflink>]; Vickers, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref13">63</reflink>]; Zhan &amp; Ning, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref14">68</reflink>]).</p> <p>However, contemporary research literature has rarely examined the moralisation of patriotism in China. Such moralisation includes the framing of patriotism as a virtue essential to being a good Chinese person, the downplaying of cases where patriotism becomes a vice and leads to harmful consequences, and the demonising of people who challenge or question patriotism. In the last few decades, this moralisation has become the focus of teaching for and about patriotism in China. Since Xi Jinping became president in 2012, he has accelerated this process through implementing a series of policies in schools that strengthen teaching for patriotism as part of moral education. These policies include unifying the textbook system, restructuring subjects, and revising textbook content.</p> <p>This paper adopts summative content analysis to demonstrate how patriotism is moralised and promoted in PRC moral education textbooks. The paper first provides a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defends a rational approach to patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism in schools and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in PRC education as a non-controversial virtue and a moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative in the PRC.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-3">Patriotism as a controversial topic in moral education</hd> <p>Patriotism has different definitions and manifestations across contexts, and whether it is valuable and should be taught in schools remains a controversial topic across societies (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref15">23</reflink>]). In the United States, extreme patriots insist on 'American First' and that their country is the greatest in the world. Yet defining what it means to be authentically and patriotically 'American' remains essentially contested (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref16">23</reflink>]). In particular, surveys indicate generational gaps in views of patriotism there. Millennials are less likely than their elders to express statements like 'the U.S. is the greatest country in the world', or view such attitudes as essential to civic engagement (Pew Research Center, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref17">52</reflink>]). Meanwhile deepening political divisions and increased attention to racial injustice in the United States make more people reluctant to say they are proud of their country and nationality, in place of more 'critically patriotic' views.</p> <p>Similar situations can be found in other western countries. Progressive politicians like the French President Emmanuel Macron and the United Kingdom Labour Party leader Keir Starmer suggest that patriotism is a moral value and can be an antidote to the rise of right-wing nationalism. However, conservative political parties, including the ultranationalist French party 'Les Patriotes' and the United Kingdom Conservative Party, promote more extreme, exclusionary versions of patriotism (e.g., 'One Britain One Nation'; Townshend, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref18">61</reflink>]). Accordingly, conservative politicians (e.g., Tom Hunt and Education Secretary Nadhim Zahawi) would like patriotism to be promoted in schools unashamedly so students see the United Kingdom as the greatest country on earth, while others challenge this view (Davis, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref19">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>Researchers of patriotism and patriotic education focus on such national-level arguments, situations, and debates, while also considering patriotism from theoretical perspectives. While discussing all theoretical arguments for and against patriotism is beyond the scope of this paper, some basic distinctions are important to keep in mind here. One argument among proponents of patriotism is that schools should teach for patriotism because a country deserves to be loved by its people due to its moral merits, especially when it sets a good example and keeps high moral standards in domestic and international affairs. This reason is given particularly by defenders of ethical patriotism, who state that a desirable patriotism should focus on the moral flourishing of a country, while patriots should also 'critically love' their country to ensure it lives up to moral standards and values, at home and abroad (Kleinig et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref20">28</reflink>]; Primoratz, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref21">53</reflink>]).</p> <p>A second argument is that citizens should love their country because of its achievements and power. In this understanding, citizens could alternatively be humiliated if their country is weak. In this approach, it is often seen as part of citizens' moral duty to place the interests of the country above their own so that the country can flourish. This reason is often put forward in countries that highlight a glorious past (e.g., China) or are powerful at the present (e.g., the United States; Gustafsson, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref22">18</reflink>]; Hail, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref23">19</reflink>]). When patriotism takes this form, it is often equivalent to nationalism, and its proponents are likely to be nationalists (Nussbaum &amp; Cohen, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref24">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>Third, patriotism may be considered a virtue because it provides motivation for citizens to engage in civic duty and work to sustain and enhance their society (Callan, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref25">9</reflink>]; White, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref26">66</reflink>]). For example, communitarians believe that patriotism should not be contrasted with morality, but should be understood as a central virtue or even the core and bedrock of morality, because morality is always the morality of a particular community, and patriotism thus motivates people to act morally (MacIntyre, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref27">33</reflink>]; Spencer, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref28">58</reflink>]). A similar idea is expressed by republicans, who argue that patriotism is valuable as it is essential for attaining the republican ideal of freedom, understood as non-domination (János Tóth, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref29">24</reflink>]; Viroli, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref30">65</reflink>]).</p> <p>The fourth argument extends from the third one and states that patriotism is a virtue not just domestically, but also internationally. Taylor ([<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref31">60</reflink>]) defines patriotism as commitment to compatriots and indicates that such patriotism can reduce inequality in a society (e.g., the United States) because it encourages people to care more about their fellow citizens. This orientation, according to proponents of globally sensitive patriotism, is a foundation or prerequisite for people to embrace broader ideas of cosmopolitanism; without it, many contend that cosmopolitan ideas are rootless and unsustainable (Appiah, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref32">1</reflink>]; Callan, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref33">8</reflink>]; Nussbaum, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref34">50</reflink>]).</p> <p>Last but not least, proponents of liberal and moderate patriotism maintain that patriotism can be justified as a virtue as long as patriots can reflect on their particular commitments and attachments to their country from a universal and impartial point of view and criticise their country when necessary (Baron, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref35">3</reflink>]; Nathanson, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref36">46</reflink>]). According to critical liberal patriots, patriotism should leave space for concern for human beings in general, which can potentially override concern for one's country in particular circumstances. Again, this sort of patriotism is more consistent with cosmopolitanism and other universal values (Appiah, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref37">1</reflink>]; Nussbaum, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref38">50</reflink>]).</p> <p>Critics of patriotism question these justifications and point out how and why patriotism can be a vice in various cases. Critics question whether even under the best of circumstances countries as such have moral merits. Thus, many see the first justification for patriotism mentioned previously as unrealistic and incapable of justifying cases where a large number of patriots (are expected or encouraged to) love their country while it violates human rights or other moral standards (Keller, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref39">26</reflink>]). As the common saying 'my country, right or wrong' captures, some people love their country simply because they are part of it. Critics note that unjust wars and tragedies often happen in part because of the facilitation of this kind of blind patriotism (Ben-Porath, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref40">5</reflink>]; Brighouse, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref41">6</reflink>]).</p> <p>As to the second justification, given its close association with nationalism, opponents of patriotism question that all citizens want the country flourish in a particular way, and are willing to and should put national interests above their own. Making a national imaginary the basis for moral obligation disrespects citizens' diverse needs and interests and the rights of citizens who may disagree with particular state projects, who often have no say in the process in reality (Lin &amp; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref42">31</reflink>]). Additionally, this justification encourages a nationalistic idea that 'my' country is better than 'yours', which is likely to lead to unnecessary international conflicts. Another related critique comes from the perspective that love of one's country because of its achievements does not accord with the unconditional nature of love in general (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref43">21</reflink>]).</p> <p>Opponents of the third justification for patriotism see morality as universal and impartial. According to them, patriotism requires an irrational, partial attachment and loyalty to one's own country, which collides with requirements of universal morality (Kateb, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref44">25</reflink>]; Nussbaum, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref45">49</reflink>]). Keller ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref46">27</reflink>]) examined many attempts in bridging universalism and patriotism and concluded that those attempts are untenable because universalism and patriotism are fundamentally incompatible. Moreover, Hand ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref47">21</reflink>], p. 26) reminds that patriotism 'is not the only force capable of holding citizens to their civic duty'. In fact, in many cases patriotism becomes an impediment for citizens to fulfil their civic duty, because it hinders civic judgment through discouraging citizens from maintaining 'some critical distance from the actions of the state' (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref48">21</reflink>], p. 6).</p> <p>Regarding the fourth justification, opponents note that attachment to compatriots cannot be morally justified because it creates an us/them dichotomy that does not give sufficient attention to important questions regarding rights to citizenship and treatment of non-citizens (Canovan, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref49">10</reflink>]). In a world where mass migration and unjust, inequitable treatment toward 'second-class' citizens and non-citizens (e.g., would-be citizens and refugees) are common, patriotic approaches can be used to deprive people of rights and excuse unjust and exclusionary actions (Canovan, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref50">10</reflink>]). Worse, in contexts where the national polity is conceptualised in nativist terms, patriotism can amount to 'a form of unfair partiality akin to racism' because people rarely can choose their citizenship (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref51">23</reflink>], p. 39). As most people are forced to be a citizen of a country at birth and usually do not have other options available throughout their lives, expecting them to love and be loyal to compatriots and recognise patriotism as their duty is morally untenable (Canovan, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref52">10</reflink>]).</p> <p>As for the last justification, opponents state that certain benign types of patriotism may be acceptable if applied in strict and ideal circumstances, but this does not entail seeing patriotism as a virtue (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref53">21</reflink>]). Additionally, critics argue that as there are very few (if any) benign cases of patriotism in reality, fantasies of benign patriotism are difficult to maintain in practice. As Brighouse ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref54">7</reflink>], p. 109) observes, patriotism almost inevitably falls into the trap of 'the distortion problem', in that any attempt to convince students to love their country often involves misrepresenting it. In this case, although patriotism could lead to global awareness and attachment to others worldwide, the reality is often the opposite: citizens favour their country (based on their citizenship at birth) over concern for broader communities and lose a critical stance (Canovan, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref55">10</reflink>]; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref56">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>In relation to moral education, Hand ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref57">22</reflink>]) identified 'three classes of moral standards' and suggested corresponding pedagogical approaches appropriate to each of them: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref58">1</reflink>) 'moral standards [that] are robustly justified', (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref59">2</reflink>) 'moral standards [that] are supported by justificatory arguments the soundness of which is a matter of reasonable disagreement among reasonable people', and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref60">3</reflink>) 'moral standards that are straightforwardly unjustified' (pp. 11–12). Given significant controversies surrounding patriotism, we agree with Hand ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref61">21</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref62">22</reflink>]) that patriotism belongs to the second category and therefore it is unjustifiable to teach for patriotism in schools. That is, one should not teach patriotism as part of 'moral formation' or in a directive way. By <emph>moral formation</emph>, Hand means</p> <p>the attempt to bring it about that children subscribe to certain moral standards: that they intend and incline to comply with those standards and desire and expect everyone else to comply with them too. It is a matter of shaping children's dispositions by means of praise and admonition, example and modelling, rule-enforcement and boundary-setting, habituation and training. Exerting influence on children's intentions, inclinations, desires and expectations is a different sort of enterprise from exerting influence on their beliefs: it is not fundamentally a matter of making them see things in a certain way, but of molding them into people of a certain kind. (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref63">22</reflink>], p. 7)</p> <p>In relation, <emph>directive</emph> means that an educator 'has the aim of persuading children that the moral standards under investigation are, or are not, justified' (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref64">22</reflink>], p. 7).</p> <p>However, this does not mean that schools should teach against patriotism or fail to mention it at all. Instead, Hand suggests a nondirective moral approach to controversial topics such as patriotism. Here, <emph>moral inquiry</emph> means 'the investigation of whether and which moral standards are justified', while <emph>nondirective</emph> indicates that 'teaching about moral standards is deliberately noncommital, [and] the teacher refrains from promoting or endorsing a view' (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref65">22</reflink>], p. 7). Concurring with Hand, we argue that a rational approach, which teaches about the possibilities and risks associated with patriotism and equips students to decide for themselves whether and how to love their country, is more appropriate. This approach assumes that (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref66">1</reflink>) whether and how patriotism is morally good is a matter of reasonable disagreement, (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref67">2</reflink>) patriotism should be discussed in education, and neither educators nor textbooks should attempt to guide students to subscribe to patriotism, or persuade them that patriotism is or is not a good thing, and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref68">3</reflink>) educators and textbooks should empower students to make independent decisions about how to deal with patriotism. We argue this is the case in the Chinese context, where negative features of patriotism can be seen in society and education.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-4">Patriotism and education in China</hd> <p>Nationalism, understood here as an identification with one's own nation and support for its interests, is one of many educational ideologies that impact national educational policies (Spring, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref69">59</reflink>]). As many features of schooling are designed and managed by the nation-state, schooling often serves the government's political interests in part (Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref70">23</reflink>]). One common expectation that many governments have for education is cultivating patriotic citizens. This is clearly the case in China. Along with the development of nationalism in China, teaching for patriotism has been a guiding principle of designing and censoring the curriculum in China since the Communist Party of China (CPC) took over in 1949 (Vickers &amp; Zeng, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref71">64</reflink>]). Indeed, the rise of nationalism in China over the past several decades undergirds the strengthening of teaching for patriotism. This is because China has been experiencing political turmoil (e.g., the Tiananmen Square protests), significant transitions (e.g., from a planned economy to a socialist market economy), and related crises (e.g., a crisis of belief in socialism and Marxism, and a crisis of the CPC's legitimacy; Yan &amp; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref72">67</reflink>]; Zhao, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref73">69</reflink>]). In this context, patriotic citizens become crucial for the government in serving national purposes.</p> <p>However, patriotism is by no means non-controversial in China. In fact, although the government promotes its view of patriotism in education as authoritative and correct and supervises and evaluates teaching for patriotism, the public does not always share this view. Fairbrother ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref74">15</reflink>]) demonstrates that Chinese students' attitudes toward patriotism have often diverged from those of the government. The public discourse of patriotism expressed in many recent social movements and online protests is also different than the government's understanding (Han, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref75">20</reflink>]).</p> <p>In relation, Chinese patriotism has led to negative effects within and beyond China. The government tends to define patriotism as a benign love of country, which should be distinguished from a malign nationalism that promotes the superiority of China over other countries (Gries et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref76">17</reflink>]). However, studies show that Chinese people who are more patriotic are more likely to be nationalistic and not tolerate dissent (regardless of whether dissent comes from compatriots or foreigners; Gries et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref77">17</reflink>]). Barme ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref78">2</reflink>]) describes these patriots as possessing 'aggrieved nationalism', which connects with state-sponsored mythologies of dynastic greatness and victimisation at the hands of western colonialism. Numerous protests in China over the last few decades, including the 2012 anti-Japanese protests and boycotts of western brands, have demonstrated that patriots are more likely to show zero-tolerance toward expressions and actions which they consider to be 'hurting Chinese people's feelings', and to react with extreme anger (Gustafsson, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref79">18</reflink>]).</p> <p>Meanwhile, research shows that overseas Chinese students who are patriots tend to overreact when encountering criticisms of China, regardless of their merit or reasonableness (Hail, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref80">19</reflink>]: Yan &amp; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref81">67</reflink>]). Moreover, the close linkage between patriotism and nationalism influences China's foreign policies and Chinese students' attitudes. In particular, it leads to students' more easily perceiving actions of western countries as insulting Chinese people and threatening Chinese national self-esteem, and preferring protectionist policies over international cooperation (Deng, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref82">14</reflink>]; Sinkkonen, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref83">57</reflink>]).</p> <p>In this context, an effective way of teaching patriotism should recognise diverse views regarding patriotism, and ensure that the curriculum presents them evenly, instead of only presenting views preferred by the government while categorising all alternatives as wrong (Lin &amp; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref84">32</reflink>]). Furthermore, given the fact that patriotism can be a vice in some cases, the curriculum should acknowledge that patriotism is controversial and not always good. This acknowledgement is the first step toward initiating more rational discussions about patriotism. Furthermore, the curriculum should allow students to explore cases where patriotism leads to bad influences on individuals and society and facilitate other activities where students can discuss, reflect, and make decisions related to patriotic commitment for themselves.</p> <p>However, despite challenges and criticisms, the Chinese government has recently issued a series of policies further promoting patriotism in the curriculum. The government argues that this is necessary because patriotism is vital to the country. First, patriotism is held as essential to national security and societal unification and stability. The <emph>Guiding Outline for National Security Education in Colleges and Secondary and Primary Schools</emph> indicates that cultivating students' patriotic feelings is central to national security (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref85">43</reflink>]). Another document, the <emph>Guiding Outline for the Revolutionary Tradition into the Primary and Secondary School Curriculum</emph>, highlights that</p> <p>School curriculum should help students achieve a high degree of unity in their minds and actions on loving the party, the country, and socialism, and help them possess firm faith about the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Curriculum should focus on fostering students' patriotic feelings, especially regarding the following aspects: patriotism is the most appealing banner that unites the Chinese nation and a powerful spiritual force for Chinese people and the nation to safeguard national independence and dignity. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref86">44</reflink>])</p> <p>Second, patriotism is seen as important for the rejuvenation of the nation. As the <emph>Guiding Outline for Xi Jinping's Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era into Curricula</emph> says, 'education in China should cultivate students' patriotic feelings and guide students to consciously integrate patriotic feelings into the strive for building a great modern socialist country and realising the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation' (National Textbook Committee, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref87">47</reflink>]). The <emph>Guidelines for Integrating 'the Leadership of the Part' into Teaching Materials for Primary and Secondary Schools and Universities</emph> also states that</p> <p>education should cultivate students' deep feelings of loving the Party, the country, and socialism, and guide them to integrate these feelings into the great practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era, and into the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. (National Textbook Committee, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref88">48</reflink>])</p> <p>These documents set up concrete tasks at different stages of education to attain these goals. The primary stage should focus on sowing the seeds of loving the country in young children's hearts through guiding them to feel patriotic feelings. The junior secondary stage should cultivate patriotic feelings through history. The senior secondary stage should strengthen students' striving for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref89">44</reflink>]; National Textbook Committee, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref90">47</reflink>]). Moreover, documents stipulate that <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law, Moral and Political Education</emph>, and <emph>History</emph> are responsible for cultivating patriotic feelings, though other subjects also have obligations to do so indirectly (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref91">44</reflink>]). In the government's design of the three subjects, although they have different focal points, they are similar in terms of patriotism-related content to 'consistently', 'systematically', and 'comprehensively' promote the endorsed version of patriotism (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref92">44</reflink>]). Following this logic, the three subjects should not significantly differ in promoting patriotism, though small differences of quantity and emphasis are allowed.</p> <p>In addition, the <emph>Outline for the Implementation of Patriotism Education in the New Era</emph> issued in 2019 requires school textbooks to increase the proportion of patriotic education content and add various other elements to show the greatness of the country in every aspect (Central Committee of the Communist Party of China &amp; State Council, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref93">11</reflink>]). In particular, the document highlights: clearly presenting the rules and laws of the country and emphasising the consequences of being unpatriotic; emphasising different local and ethnic cultural traditions and symbols and ensuring they are presented in a united-China lens; adding patriotic music, art, calligraphy, dance, and dramatic works; including more recent national heroes and role models and famous local figures who are patriotic; removing content (e.g., cultural works and historical figures) that are considered unpatriotic; and further summarising and illustrating what great economic, social, political, and technological achievements have been made under the leadership of the CPC in past decades (Central Committee of the Communist Party of China &amp; State Council, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref94">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-5">Methodology</hd> <p>This paper applies summative content analysis to examine how the latest moral education-related textbooks in China frame patriotism as a moral issue (Franzosi, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref95">16</reflink>]; Richards &amp; Morse, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref96">56</reflink>]). The data sources are the unified textbooks compiled and published by the Ministry of Education for <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law</emph> (at primary and junior secondary stages), <emph>History</emph> (at the secondary stage), and <emph>Moral and Political Education</emph> (at the senior secondary stage). <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law</emph> and <emph>Moral and Political Education</emph> are expected to help students emotionally and ideologically become patriots and identify with China. <emph>History</emph>, a compulsory subject, focuses on students becoming patriots from a historical perspective. These textbooks were published between 2017 to 2019, and since 2021 the government has required all primary and secondary schools to use these textbooks. Previous versions of textbooks have been abolished. In this sense, these textbooks reflect the most recent government view on patriotism.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref97">1</reflink>]</p> <p>We first read all textbooks page by page to select content relevant to the discussion of the following topics: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref98">1</reflink>) patriotism as moral, (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref99">2</reflink>) patriotism as controversial, (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref100">3</reflink>) whether and how patriotism is good, and (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref101">4</reflink>) if patriotism could ever be a vice or cause harmful effects. Relevant keywords include 爱国主义 (patriotism), 爱国情怀 (patriotic feeling), 家国情怀 (emotion of family-country), 爱国 (loving the country), and 爱祖国 (loving the motherland). In total, we identified 29 pages of textbooks (out of a total of 4327 pages): 14 pages in <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law</emph>, 8 pages in <emph>History</emph>, and 7 pages in <emph>Moral and Political Education</emph>. Relevant pages were transcribed and translated from Chinese to English for analysis. We developed five themes from the review and present them in the next section. As one page can contain multiple themes at the same time, in the next section we also show the proportion of different themes in the relevant pages.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-6">Moralising patriotism in textbooks</hd> <p>Chinese textbooks promote patriotism as morally good in all contexts and as having no negative effects, failing to treat it as a controversial moral issue to rationally examine or discuss. Particularly, textbooks carry out the moralisation of patriotism through describing patriotism as (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref102">1</reflink>) a traditional virtue and the spirit of the nation (8 pages, around 28%), (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref103">2</reflink>) a socialist core value and public virtue (11 pages, 38%), (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref104">3</reflink>) an extension of loving the family (11 pages, 38%), and (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref105">4</reflink>) owed by Chinese people to the country (3 pages, 10%). Only one text mentions the potential misuse of patriotism. All references in this section come from the textbooks.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-7">A traditional virtue and the spirit of the nation</hd> <p>Textbooks define patriotism as 'loyalty and love for the country' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref106">41</reflink>], p. 89), and note that</p> <p>the content of patriotism is very extensive. Loving the mountains and rivers of the motherland, loving the history of the nation, safeguarding the dignity of the country, defending the interests of the country, fighting heroically in times of danger, and abiding by the law in times of stability are all manifestations of patriotism. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref107">41</reflink>], p. 90)</p> <p>This patriotism, which is based on the idea that 'everyone is responsible for the rise and fall of their country' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref108">41</reflink>], p. 89), is indicated in another text as 'a traditional virtue of the Chinese nation' which dates back to ancient China (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref109">37</reflink>], p. 5).</p> <p>According to textbooks, this traditional virtue is also the core of the national spirit. For example, one text highlights that</p> <p>In the course of more than 5,000 years of development, the Chinese nation has formed a great national spirit with patriotism as its core. Patriotism runs through all aspects of the national spirit. At any time, patriotism is a banner for motivating and encouraging Chinese people to unite and strive, and is the spiritual pillar for the people of all nationalities to be in the same boat and to make unremitting efforts to improve themselves ... The spirit of the Chinese nation embodies the common value orientation of the Chinese nation. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref110">40</reflink>], p. 98)</p> <p>Another text echoes this by saying that</p> <p>Throughout Chinese history, many Chinese people with lofty ideals strongly worried about the country, took the country as their own responsibility, defended the motherland, and cared for compatriots. This precious sprit and virtue was the main reason that the nation endured hardships without fail. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref111">41</reflink>], p. 89)</p> <p>The text continues to say that people should not forget this traditional virtue and spirit. Instead, they should inherit it by 'caring for the future and destiny of the motherland and unremittingly pursuing building an ideal country' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref112">41</reflink>], p. 90). This action, according to the text, is a moral duty of Chinese people who should memorise how their ancestors fought and built a strong China and work to create a better China for later generations. Most references to this theme are in <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law</emph> (6 pages), while it is also mentioned on 1 page of texts for <emph>History</emph> and <emph>Moral and Political Education</emph>.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-8">A socialist core value and public virtue</hd> <p>Texts also highlight that patriotism is a socialist core value and public virtue of Chinese people. Most references to this theme are in <emph>Moral and Political Education</emph> (7 pages), while there were also a few discussions of it in <emph>History</emph> (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref113">4</reflink>). Textbooks first make clear that Chinese patriotism reflects the inseparability of loving the country, the Communist Party of China, and socialism. A typical example here is a quotation from Xi Jinping, which is referenced in a textbook:</p> <p>In the new era, Chinese youth must love the great motherland. For them, loving the motherland is the foundation of their own lives and careers. In contemporary China, the essence of patriotism is having unified love for the country, the Communist Party of China, and socialism. Young Chinese of the new era must listen to and follow the party, dedicate their whole lives to the country and the people, and let the great banner of patriotism always fly high in their hearts! (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref114">38</reflink>], p. 53)</p> <p>This conflation of Party, country, and socialism differentiates patriotism in China from other types of patriotism.</p> <p>In relation, textbooks emphasise that this Chinese patriotism as a socialist core value and public virtue is in the Constitution:</p> <p>The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China proposed: 'patriotism is a socialist core value, and we should actively cultivate and practice the socialist core values.' On 11 March 2018, the First Session of the 13th National People's Congress adopted the amendment to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, which amended the phrase 'the state advocates the public virtue of loving the country' in the second paragraph of Article 24 of the Constitution to 'the state advocates the socialist core values and the public virtue of loving the country' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref115">39</reflink>], p. 26).</p> <p>Then texts explain to what extent this core value and virtue is vital in contemporary China. According to one text,</p> <p>Patriotism is the concentrated embodiment of the spirit of contemporary China, representing the common value orientation of all Chinese people ... Patriotism is the value principle for citizens at the individual level, which answers the fundamental question of what kind of citizens China wants to nurture. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref116">40</reflink>], p. 73)</p> <p>As a core value, patriotism is also 'crucial in building a common moral foundation for the whole society' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref117">36</reflink>], p. 196). One text emphasises that, 'In the new era, Chinese youth should temper their moral characters. No one can stand without virtues, and virtues are the foundation of humanity. To do so, Chinese youth should consciously establish and practice patriotism' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref118">38</reflink>], p. 54).</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-9">The country is an extension of the family</hd> <p>That the country is an extension of the family is discussed across texts in <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law</emph> (6 pages), <emph>History</emph> (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref119">4</reflink>), and <emph>Moral and Political Education</emph> (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref120">1</reflink>). Textbooks use the emotion of family-country (家国情怀) to promote the idea that patriotism is a natural virtue that every member of the 'big' Chinese family should have and perform towards the country and its people, while on the other hand it is cast as unnatural and immoral for people to not love their family (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref121">42</reflink>]). As one text explains,</p> <p>The emotion of family-country is one of the basic connotations of China's excellent traditional culture. Our Confucian classics link the relationship between the individual, family, and state. A family is the foundation of a country, and a country is an extension of a family. The country and family are inextricably linked. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref122">36</reflink>], p. 200)</p> <p>According to textbooks, this emotion can be found throughout Chinese history: 'In different eras, the emotion motivated our ancestors to not count gains and losses for the country and nation, to sacrifice their lives, and to dedicate themselves to the country' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref123">42</reflink>], p. 18). This emotion flourished when China went through a dark page in the past century. As one text states,</p> <p>China has experienced the suffering and pain of the invasion of western countries, the country was defeated, and numerous families lost. The emotion of family-country has been reborn during this process, and 'patriotism' has given the emotion a new meaning. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref124">36</reflink>], p. 200)</p> <p>The purpose in promoting the emotion of family-country is to guide students to apply the morality of the family to that of the country. Unlike in western contexts where family members are often seen as different individuals who are encouraged to pursue their own lives and interests, in the Chinese context the family is more often recognised as the primary social unit, and family members are expected to bond closely in almost every aspect and support each other no matter what. Accordingly, if a family member does not take care or sacrifice for their family, for any reason (e.g., pursuing their own interests and life), they will be seen as betraying their family and immoral. Following this logic, the emotion of family-country suggests that this understanding of morality in the family (i.e., always do what is the best for the family) should be applied to the country, as the country is an extension of the family, and all citizens are members of this family. One text makes this point clear,</p> <p>As children, it is our moral responsibility to honour our parents. ... As sons and daughters of the Chinese nation, we should be 'whatever my status, I will never lay aside my concern for the nation' and care about the future and destiny of our country. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref125">35</reflink>], p. 68)</p> <p>The ultimate purpose of promoting this emotion is to convince students that 'In any period of time, the outstanding sons and daughters of Chinese ethnicities must regard patriotism as their own responsibility and push the emotion to a new height' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref126">36</reflink>], p. 200), to 'know how to inherit the emotion and carry forward, to understand their responsibilities and moral duties, to firmly establish the feeling of solidarity with the country and nation' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref127">36</reflink>], p. 201), and 'shoulder the glorious mission of realising the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref128">35</reflink>], p. 103).</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-10">We owe our country</hd> <p>This theme suggests that Chinese people are indebted to the country and that patriotism is their moral duty for all the country has given them. Three pages discuss this topic in <emph>Moral and Political Education</emph>. As one text clearly states,</p> <p>The motherland is the cradle of our growth, and she has nurtured generations of Chinese sons and daughters with its vast land and brilliant thoughts and culture. For the great motherland, each of us should have the deepest, purest, noblest, and most sacred feelings, and should never allow her honour and interests to be blasphemed or damaged in any way. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref129">35</reflink>], p. 86)</p> <p>The text then references a quotation from a patriot in 1979 that, 'It was the motherland that raised me, so what does it matter if I dedicate my life to her? Even if one day I die on my own sentry, I ask my heart and it will say it is worth it' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref130">35</reflink>], p. 91). On the same page, the text draws the conclusion: 'We must have patriotic feelings and firmly establish the idea that national interest is all that matters. We must be proud of loving the country and be ashamed of endangering the country' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref131">35</reflink>], p. 91). A similar argument can be found on another page of the same textbook, that 'We must always put the national interest first. For the national interest, it is necessary not only to give up personal interests, but even to give up one's life' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref132">35</reflink>], p. 94).</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-11">A misuse of patriotism</hd> <p>In contrast to the many discussions of the merits and contexts for patriotism in China, one text in <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law</emph> mentions the misuse of patriotism:</p> <p>In life, some people use patriotism as an excuse to pull banners to besiege foreign-funded enterprises, smash a certain national brand of cars or even injure the owner of the cars, and jointly boycott the goods of a certain country on the Internet. (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref133">35</reflink>], p. 92)</p> <p>This text is included in an activity under the theme 'safeguarding national interests,' which encourages students to discuss their opinions about the following three comments:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> 'The patriotic feelings of these people deserve to be affirmed, but given today's increasingly close connection between China's economy and the global economy, simple resistance is not a good idea',</item> <p></p> <item> 'Acts of containment and smashing disrupt social order and harm others and societal interests, thus shall be punished by law', and</item> <p></p> <item> 'Patriotism is not about throwing a fist at our own compatriots, but about striving to make our country better in every way' (Ministry of Education, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref134">35</reflink>], p. 92).</item> </ulist> <p>However, the text states that the aim of this activity is to 'encourage students to know how to rightly express their patriotic feelings so that the national interests can be better safeguarded'. Thus, no substantive critiques about the limitations of patriotism or the merits of alternative views of patriotism are included. In this way, the text discourages students to think critically about patriotism, while it guides them to believe that just a small group of people who misuse patriotism cause negative results. Following this view that patriotic feelings should be affirmed no matter what, neither reflection on patriotism itself nor further guidance on how to rightly express patriotism is provided.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-12">Towards a rational approach</hd> <p>Textbooks in China adopt an irrational approach to teaching patriotism, promoting it as a non-controversial virtue that every person should possess in abundance. This moralisation of patriotism does not reflect controversies surrounding patriotism. Instead, based on the perspective that everyone is responsible for the rise and fall of the country, textbooks emphasise patriotism as a traditional virtue and spirit and a moral duty for Chinese people. This portrayal connects to the second, third, and fourth arguments regarding patriotism mentioned in the second section, that citizens should love their country because of its great achievements and power, that patriotism motivates citizens to engage in civic duty and improve their society, and that patriotism is a foundation for people to embrace broader ideas. Yet the limitations previously identified related to these views remain salient in the Chinese context. In China, citizens do not choose to be part of their country. Although citizens are expected to place the interests of the country above their own, it is unjustifiable to demand them to so the country can flourish. In relation, citizens often disagree about the direction of the country and are reluctant to see their interests sacrificed for alleged common goods (Lin &amp; Jackson, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref135">31</reflink>]). Portraying this sacrifice as a moral duty leaves no space for people to discuss (let alone disagree) and disrespects citizens' diverse needs and interests (Bass, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref136">4</reflink>]; Tse, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref137">62</reflink>]). It is also unfair to suggest that people who are not patriots in the above senses are immoral.</p> <p>Moreover, when patriotism takes the form that is equivalent to nationalism, its proponents are also likely to be nationalists, which can impede citizens in fulfilling civic duty through clouding judgment (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref138">21</reflink>]; Nussbaum &amp; Cohen, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref139">51</reflink>]). The first justification for patriotism that textbooks provide focuses on making the country strong so citizens can share its glory. This justification encourages a nationalistic idea that 'my' country is better than 'yours' and sees other countries as enemies (Tse, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref140">62</reflink>]). In this sense, it impedes international cooperation and discourages citizens from developing any broader stance like cosmopolitanism.</p> <p>The justification for patriotism as a socialist core value and public virtue also reflects many of the arguments for patriotism analysed earlier in this paper: the first (i.e., patriotism should focus on the moral flourishing of a country), the third (patriotism motivates citizens to engage in civic duty and improve their society), the fourth (patriotism is a foundation for people to embrace broader ideas), and the fifth (patriots should be critical of their country). In the case of China, textbooks encourage students to lose critical distance and view the actions of the Party and country always in a favourable light. In this case, '[b]ecause patriots delight in their country and want it to flourish, they have a tendency to lose sight of its flaws and failures in their eagerness to celebrate its merits and achievements' (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref141">21</reflink>], p. 29). The most likely outcome of this 'unrestrained patriotism' is impeding citizens from better fulfilling their duties to the moral flourishing of the country (Primoratz &amp; Pavkovic, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref142">54</reflink>], p. 2). These duties include criticising the country when it violates human rights and moral standards, disobeying laws when they are not right, identifying and protesting against domestic injustice, and being well-informed to rationally participate in political affairs. Instead, it encourages citizens to favour their country over others, especially when the actions of the Party conflict with cosmopolitan or other more universal orientations (Tse, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref143">62</reflink>]).</p> <p>Meanwhile, studies have shown that these core values and virtues are defined by people in power to reflect a Han-dominant view (Miao, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref144">34</reflink>]). Put differently, the core values and public virtues neglect the views of dissenters and non-Han people (Bass, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref145">4</reflink>]). If patriotism is a virtue that can motivate citizens to engage in civic duty and work to sustain and enhance their society, it should encourage citizens to challenge biased, exclusive, and unjust values and virtues. Moreover, given that many disagree about patriotism as a socialist core value and public virtue, it is morally problematic to presume that this is common ground shared by all. Dissenters are also Chinese compatriots and should have a say in (re)defining core values and virtues. For patriotism to be a good thing that can lead to embracing broader ideas, it should encourage citizens to recognise and listen to dissenters, rather than demanding them to obey and judging them as immoral if they do not.</p> <p>Textbooks use the emotion of family-country to promote the idea that loving the country is an extension of loving the family and allege that it is unnatural and immoral for people to not love their family or country. This idea is problematic as discussed previously. It neglects how some family members do not deserve to be loved for various reasons, such as being irresponsible parents, abusing children, and depriving family members of the right to pursue their lives. Similarly, people have many sound reasons to not love their countries, such as that they do not want to love a nationalistic or racist country or are treated unjustly or expelled because of expressing disagreement about state projects.</p> <p>Moreover, the family and country are different entities and their significance in people's lives are different. In many cases, people love their family because of the unconditional love they receive (Hand, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref146">21</reflink>]). A country does not do the same (Primoratz, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref147">53</reflink>]). In many cases, a country requires citizens to prove their value to have access to resources and punishes citizens who question state activities. In this sense, confusing the feelings people have towards their family with their country does not provide a sound justification for patriotism. Promoting the idea that it is unnatural and immoral to not love one's family and country is also harmful, as it risks affirming 'my family/country, right or wrong' (Keller, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref148">26</reflink>]; Primoratz &amp; Pavkovic, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref149">54</reflink>]). In this case, this discourages people from focusing on moral flourishing or fulling their civic duty, such as by being critical when the country fails to keep moral standards or violates universal values (Keller, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref150">26</reflink>]).</p> <p>Conflating country with family is also connected to the fourth theme, that Chinese people are indebted to their country through all the benefits they have received from it; thus, if they fail to show patriotism, they are immoral. This theme links to the third argument mentioned, that patriotism motivates citizens to engage in civic duty and enhance their society. However, as Primoratz ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref151">53</reflink>], p. 218) points out, 'We owe a moral debt only to those who confer benefits on us deliberately and for the right reason: out of concern for our own good'. In China, citizens pay for benefits through taxation. China does not give benefits to citizens as free gifts, but as returns for citizens' law-biding behaviours, for keeping China working. Seeing patriotism as a moral obligation is misplaced here (Dagger, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref152">12</reflink>]; Primoratz, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref153">53</reflink>]). For example, say that the government issues a policy that benefits some. It is unjustifiable to suggest that these people are indebted to the government, because the government does its work regardless of its reasons, while people also return benefits through other channels (e.g., taxation and obeying laws; Callan, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref154">9</reflink>]; Kleinig et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref155">28</reflink>]). Therefore, this is not an excuse for promoting irrational and partial loyalty to one's country, clouding citizens' civic judgment, and discouraging a more critical stance.</p> <p>Instead of a blindly patriotic approach, we argue for a rational approach to patriotism, which aims to recognise diverse understandings of patriotism, more even-handedly teach about benign and malign aspects of patriotism, and empower students to make decisions for themselves regarding whether and how to love their country. In the school setting, this approach encourages students to realise that patriotism is understood and practiced differently across contexts, within and beyond China. In relation, textbooks should present different views evenly and create opportunities for students to connect the abstract idea of patriotism with their lives. During this process, textbooks should avoid showing preferences for certain understandings of patriotism or judging them as wrong, while educators should encourage students to present and consider different views about patriotism, so that an inclusive environment for rational discussion can be fostered. With the free exploration of diverse understandings, this approach empowers students to explore patriotism more openly.</p> <p>Moreover, a rational approach supports students to consider gaps between the benign aims of promoting patriotism and the devastating effects of patriotism in relation to the flourishing of societies, social justice, and international cooperation. As discussed, patriotism has caused negative effects in China. Textbooks should acknowledge and cover cases where patriotism becomes a vice and design activities for students to examine reasons why and situations where patriotism is morally untenable. This approach can enable students to reflect on the moral merits of patriotism and become aware of problematic expressions and actions in the name of 'patriotism' around them.</p> <p>The central tenet of a rational approach is reflection on the extent to which patriotism can be morally good. Students are free to be patriotic if they choose to be after careful reflection, but it is morally unjustifiable for textbooks and educators to deprive students of their capacities to experience this process, making value judgements for them. An effective approach to teaching patriotism as a controversial moral issue does not force students to believe and practice particular substantive views on patriotism, but instead shows students the complexities of patriotism and empowers them with abilities to make independent judgements and become responsible.</p> <p>This paper contributes to the field through adding Chinese perspectives within the global dialogue on patriotism and moral education. It engages with the theoretical discussion about patriotism and how to better teach about it. As shown previously, although patriotism and its related theoretical issues (should schools teach for patriotism) have been widely discussed and debated in the western world, Asian (especially Chinese) perspectives remain insufficiently explored in the current international research literature. In this sense, this paper adds a missing piece. Moreover, the features of the Chinese case, especially in terms of the moralisation of patriotism and the close connection between the Party and the country, are less obvious, but nonetheless worth considering, in many other contexts, Asian, western, and elsewhere around the globe. Thus, this paper provides fresh perspectives to help better understand the commonalities and complexities of the intersection of patriotism and moral education across different societies.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-13">Conclusion</hd> <p>There is no unconditionally good or bad patriotism. What matters is how it is understood and implemented in a specific situation. This paper explored the Chinese case, demonstrating how moral education-related textbooks portray patriotism as a non-controversial aspect of morality that every person is required to accept and practice. We argue that this portrayal neglects diverse views regarding patriotism and its negative possible effects. Based on the understanding that the purpose of teaching about patriotism is to introduce the benefits and shortcomings of different variants of loving one's country and equip students to make decisions about how to reflect upon and express patriotic commitment in their lives, we propose a rational approach to help students understand the controversies associated with patriotism and be responsible for their decisions.</p> <hd id="AN0169833748-14">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0169833748-15"> <title> Note </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref32" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Curriculum guidelines and standards for these subjects are regularly updated to accord with the most recent government view. For example, the latest curriculum standards of <emph>Morality and the Rule of Law</emph> and <emph>History</emph> in compulsory education were released in March 2022 (Ministry of Education, [45]). 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Chinese nationalism and its international orientations. Political Science Quarterly, 115 (1), 1 – 33. https://doi.org/10.2307/2658031</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Jason Cong Lin and Liz Jackson</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Jason Cong Lin is Assistant Professor and Director of Philosophy of Education Division in the Department of Education at Zhejiang University. He holds a PhD from the Faculty of Education at the University of Hong Kong. He was also a Fulbright Scholar at Harvard University. His research interests include philosophy of education, civic/moral/multicultural education, and identity. His research has been published in well-regarded journals, such as Globalisations, Societies and Education, Asia Pacific Journal of Education , and Educational Philosophy and Theory.</p> <p>Liz Jackson is Professor and Acting Head of the Department of International Education at the Education University of Hong Kong. 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Patriotism in Moral Education: Toward a Rational Approach in China – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lin%2C+Jason+Cong%22">Lin, Jason Cong</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6971-0375">0000-0001-6971-0375</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jackson%2C+Liz%22">Jackson, Liz</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5626-596X">0000-0002-5626-596X</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Moral+Education%22"><i>Journal of Moral Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 52(3):343-361. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 19 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Information Analyses – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Patriotism%22">Patriotism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Moral+Values%22">Moral Values</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Moral+Development%22">Moral Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+Methods%22">Teaching Methods</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Political+Attitudes%22">Political Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Political+Influences%22">Political Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethics%22">Ethics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Textbooks%22">Textbooks</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Theories%22">Educational Theories</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Nationalism%22">Nationalism</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22China%22">China</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/03057240.2022.2136148 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0305-7240<br />1465-3877 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1396675 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/03057240.2022.2136148 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 19 StartPage: 343 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Patriotism Type: general – SubjectFull: Moral Values Type: general – SubjectFull: Moral Development Type: general – SubjectFull: Teaching Methods Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Political Attitudes Type: general – SubjectFull: Political Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Ethics Type: general – SubjectFull: Textbooks Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Theories Type: general – SubjectFull: Nationalism Type: general – SubjectFull: China Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Patriotism in Moral Education: Toward a Rational Approach in China Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Lin, Jason Cong – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Jackson, Liz IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2023 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0305-7240 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1465-3877 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 52 – Type: issue Value: 3 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Moral Education Type: main |
| ResultId | 1 |
