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'Las Funciones De Los Padres Y Probabilidades de Éxito': Studying the Role Parents Play in the College Success of Socioeconomically and Educationally Disadvantaged First-Year Latin@S

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Title: 'Las Funciones De Los Padres Y Probabilidades de Éxito': Studying the Role Parents Play in the College Success of Socioeconomically and Educationally Disadvantaged First-Year Latin@S
Language: English
Authors: Strayhorn, Terrell (ORCID 0000-0002-9659-8160)
Source: Journal of Latinos and Education. 2023 22(5):2070-2084.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2023
Sponsoring Agency: National Science Foundation (NSF), Division of Human Resource Development (HRD)
Contract Number: 1132141
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: Parent Role, Academic Achievement, Socioeconomic Background, Educationally Disadvantaged, Hispanic American Students, Womens Education, Student Needs, Resilience (Psychology), College Freshmen, Public Colleges, Predominantly White Institutions, Parent Student Relationship, Student Motivation
DOI: 10.1080/15348431.2022.2086554
ISSN: 1534-8431
1532-771X
Abstract: Using semi-structured interviews with nine socioeconomically and educationally disadvantaged Latin@s at a predominantly White institution, this phenomenological study examined the role that parents played in their success in college. Three distinct themes were identified related to academic advice, motivation, needs; encouraging their resilience; and, unexpectedly, challenging their college success. Implications for future policy and practice are highlighted, as well as recommendations for extending this important line of inquiry on Latin@s in higher education.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2023
Accession Number: EJ1401429
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0173468657;hd001nov.23;2023Nov09.04:08;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0173468657-1">"Las Funciones de Los Padres Y Probabilidades de Éxito": Studying the Role Parents Play in the College Success of Socioeconomically and Educationally Disadvantaged First-Year Latin@s </title> <p>Using semi-structured interviews with nine socioeconomically and educationally disadvantaged Latin@s at a predominantly White institution, this phenomenological study examined the role that parents played in their success in college. Three distinct themes were identified related to academic advice, motivation, needs; encouraging their resilience; and, unexpectedly, challenging their college success. Implications for future policy and practice are highlighted, as well as recommendations for extending this important line of inquiry on Latin@s in higher education.</p> <p>Keywords: Hispanic; women; college students; parental influence</p> <p>Diversity is a defining feature of the American system of higher education, which is reflected in the variety of students enrolled in the country's 4,200 degree-granting institutions (Thelin, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref1">65</reflink>]). For instance, today, women outnumber men on most college campuses and the number of historically underrepresented minorities[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref2">1</reflink>] (URMs) in college has grown exponentially over the past 30 years. National trend statistics, provided by the U.S. Department of Education, indicate that 1.37 million URMs were enrolled in college in 1976. By 2016, nearly 7 million URMs were enrolled at the undergraduate level representing a 396% increase in over 3 decades (Colby & Ortman, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref3">12</reflink>]). Growth among specific subpopulations was even more pronounced. For instance, while only 352,900 Latino[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref4">2</reflink>] undergraduates were enrolled in college in 1976, over 3 million were enrolled by Fall 2019 (U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref5">73</reflink>]), showing a 608% increase in a relatively short period of time given what is usually required for significant change to occur in "non-productive enterprises" such as education (Surowiecki, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref6">62</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-2">Problem statement</hd> <p>Although there is compelling evidence that Latin@s have witnessed significant and sizable <emph>college enrollment</emph> gains in recent decades (U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref7">73</reflink>]), some reports fail to acknowledge that considerable challenges persist. Still today, some Latino students are disproportionately underprepared for the academic demands of college with only one-third of Latinos gaining access to college-track courses in high school (Auerbach, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref8">4</reflink>]; Warburton et al., [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref9">76</reflink>]). Latino students are disproportionately represented among low socioeconomic status (SES) families, due to systemic social inequities in the U.S., and consequently are more likely to face difficulties in paying for college and require significant financial aid to attend (Cuádraz, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref10">16</reflink>]). Latinos also are largely concentrated at 2-year community colleges, are less likely to transfer to 4-year colleges; and, consequently, earn less than 6% of all bachelor's degrees awarded in the United States (U.S. Department of Education). Additionally, only 23% of Latino postsecondary students earn their degree within 10 years of leaving high school and the rest either take longer or drop out before degree completion (Swail et al., [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref11">63</reflink>]; U.S. Department of Education).</p> <p>College degree attainment rates are even lower among Latino women, hereafter Latin@s (Ginorio & Huston, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref12">23</reflink>]), whose collegiate experiences can be qualitatively different from their same-race male peers. For instance, many Latin@s attending PWIs report feeling marginalized on campus as a result of overt racism, sexism, and the intersection of these two forms of social oppression (Alemán, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref13">2</reflink>]). Multiple forms of systemic and hierarchical oppression make Latinas arguably one of the most disenfranchised groups of students in the country (Núnez, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref14">51</reflink>]). Latin@s at PWIs can also feel socially isolated and unsupported by White peers, administrators, and faculty members who may hold low expectations for them (Bennett & Okinaka, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref15">6</reflink>]; Justiz & Rendón, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref16">37</reflink>]), especially in male-dominated, racially-homogenous fields such as STEM[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref17">3</reflink>] (Leyva, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref18">43</reflink>]); this can significantly compromise their sense of belonging in college (Strayhorn, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref19">61</reflink>]). Taken together, the weight of evidence makes clear that Latin@s face a confluence of barriers throughout the educational pipeline that, without intervention, may reduce their <emph>probabilidades de éxito</emph>, translated, "odds for success."</p> <p>For them to be successful, challenges faced by Latinas in college environments must be countered by an appropriate balance of supportive systems (Ceja, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref20">11</reflink>]; Sanford, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref21">55</reflink>]; Sólorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref22">57</reflink>]). Family is an important support system for Latino students generally and Latin@s specifically; scholars have emphasized the critical roles that parents play in promoting Latina's educational success (Castellanos & Jones, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref23">9</reflink>]; Ceja, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref24">11</reflink>]; Torres, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref25">68</reflink>]; Trevino & DeFreitas, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref26">69</reflink>]). The literature about the influence of parents on the educational success of Latino collegians has advanced significantly in recent decades, suggesting several major conclusions. First, Latino parents' educational attainment is a key factor that influences the adjustment and subsequent success of Latino undergraduates in higher education (Gonzalez et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref27">29</reflink>]). Whereas first-generation Latinos are often considered "placed at risk" for academic failure since their parents, like others without college experience (Walpole, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref28">75</reflink>]), are unfamiliar with the requirements of college and, therefore, not well-positioned to assist their college-age children directly (Cavazos et al., [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref29">10</reflink>]; Strayhorn, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref30">59</reflink>]), college-educated parents of Latin@ college students tend to possess the academic "know-how" necessary to help their student navigate collegiate environments and access supportive resources on campus (Alemán, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref31">2</reflink>]).</p> <p>Aside from, although related to, parent's level of education, research has shown that social class or SES powerfully shapes Latino students' odds for success in college. Specifically, Latino students from low-income families tend to have fewer financial resources, which significantly limits their ability to pay tuition and fees, the availability of educational resources in one's home or school (e.g., counselors, technology), and elevates the level of stress about financial matters that Latin@ students and their families must shoulder (J. E. Sanchez et al., [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref32">53</reflink>]; Muñoz, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref33">50</reflink>]). Indeed, SES is a significant determinant of Latino students' college success, underscoring the importance of investigating the college experiences of <emph>socioeconomically and educationally disadvantaged</emph>[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref34">4</reflink>] (SED) Latin@ college students.</p> <p>Having other non-financial support from parents has also been associated with academic success for Latino collegians (Arellano & Padilla, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref35">3</reflink>]; Ceja, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref36">11</reflink>]; Gloria et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref37">27</reflink>]). For instance, Arellano and Padilla studied 30 academically successful Mexican American undergraduates and found that strong emotional support in the form of encouragement to succeed was a critical ingredient in students' success, especially among first-generation Latin@ students. On the other hand, parents with a high school diploma or college degree played a more active role (e.g., checking homework) than mere verbal support. Similar results were reported in prior research. For example, Sanchez et al. ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref38">54</reflink>]) interviewed 10 Mexican American college students, plus 12 "significant individuals" upon whom they relied for support. They found that parents were the most frequently cited sources of support and played a critical function in encouraging students to pursue their education, although Latino parents' low educational attainment limited the kind of academic support they could provide.</p> <p>It is important to note, however, that the weight of extant evidence about parental involvement in education focuses largely on "White, middle-class, [college-educated] parents, leaving very little knowledge about how parents from other social strata engage in the lives of their college-going children" (Wolf et al., [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref39">77</reflink>], p. 330). Existing research about the influence of parents on Latino collegians' success tends to treat Latino men and women (i.e., Latin@s) as a monolithic group whose experiences are more similar than different, despite emerging evidence suggesting their college experiences can be substantially different (e.g., Hernández, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref40">33</reflink>]). Ceja ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref41">11</reflink>]), for instance, interviewed 20 Chicana seniors at an inner-city high school in the greater Los Angeles area to explore the role of parents in development of their college aspirations. He found that parents nurtured Chicana students' aspirations by stressing the importance of a college education directly and indirectly. Whether the importance of college was signaled through direct messages or indirect messages such as making financial sacrifices for the student's education, these messages became powerful motivations for Chicanas to persist in college and see a college degree as attainable. In another study, Hernández, analyzed narratives from 17 high-achieving Latinas and found that their college experiences were powerfully shaped by family expectations (e.g., familismo) and parent's involvement, but social class mattered as finances limited SED Latinas' choice set. Though these findings affirm those presented elsewhere (B. Sanchez et al., [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref42">54</reflink>]; Sapp et al., [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref43">56</reflink>]), more information is needed about the specific roles parents play in the college experiences of SED first-year Latin@s at PWIs.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-3">Recap of the problem statement</hd> <p>Although national data provide important information about the changing complexion of higher education in America, specifically the seismic growth in college enrollment among women, URMs, and Latinos in the past 30 years (Colby & Ortman, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref44">12</reflink>]; U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref45">73</reflink>]), more information is needed about the specific roles that parents play in the academic success of SED first-year Latin@s at PWIs who, like many students, face serious challenges adjusting to the academic and social demands of college life during the first-year (Upcraft et al., [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref46">72</reflink>]). While most prior research focused on parental support of Latino collegians fails to disaggregate by gender, the present study explicitly examines SED first-year Latin@s' college experiences that may be further complicated by social class issues (e.g., being low-income, first-generation, limited funds) and at least three social and cultural, hereafter <emph>sociocultural</emph> (Strayhorn, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref47">59</reflink>]), factors. For instance, language barriers can obstruct Latino students' efforts to communicate effectively in class with peers and professors (Campos, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref48">8</reflink>]; Mulnix & Mulnix, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref49">49</reflink>]). Second, dominant gender-role stereotypes may reinforce the idea that Latinas "should be submissive, [married] and docile, and that their main purpose is to produce children" not attend college (Jones & Castellanos, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref50">36</reflink>], p. xvii). And, third, strong familial obligations may prevent Latinas from establishing a sense of belonging on campus as they limit or sever ties to college, whether purposefully or inadvertently, to remain closer and connected to their parents, younger siblings, and extended families (Hernandez, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref51">32</reflink>]; Hernández, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref52">33</reflink>]; Strayhorn, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref53">59</reflink>]), upon whom they may rely for various forms of support.</p> <p>While existing literature is helpful, more information is needed about SED Latina undergraduates' experiences at PWIs and the specific roles that parents play in their success during the first-year of college, which has been referred to by Tinto ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref54">67</reflink>]) as "an especially important year in the process of persistence ... [as] ... the character of one's experience in that year does much to shape subsequent persistence" (p. 14). Indeed, additional investigations of parents' influence on the academic success of such students is called for by researchers (Kiyama, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref55">38</reflink>]). This is the gap addressed by the present study.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-4">Purpose</hd> <p>The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the role that parents play in the academic success of SED first-year Latin@s at a large, public research-extensive PWI. Specifically, the study was designed to elicit SED first-year Latinas' perceptions of the role their parents played in enabling or inhibiting their academic success at a PWI. Two research questions guided the study, as recommended by Agee ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref56">1</reflink>]): (a) How do SED first-year Latin@s describe the role their parents played in their academic success at a PWI? (b) And, in what ways did they positively or negatively influence their success? Consistent with the rhetoric of qualitative research, the operational definition of academic success was not rigid and set, but tentative and evolving throughout the study based on information from participants and their lived experiences (Kuh et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref57">41</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-5">Method</hd> <p>This study is part of a larger research program that focuses on the experiences of historically URMs at PWIs (Strayhorn, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref58">61</reflink>]). While the broader study engages questions that lie outside the present study's scope, and includes both quantitative and qualitative data, only <emph>qualitative data</emph> pertaining to SED Latinas' perceptions of their parents' influence on their college success were used for this article. The methodology sought to amplify and center voices of students who are often unheard or misunderstood, as well as turn attention to parents as critical influences on SED first-year Latin@s' success in college. Given the study's transformative objectives (Giroux, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref59">24</reflink>]) – that is, to improve institutions and campus environments for Latin@s by centering voices largely unheard in the research literature – a critical constructivist framework (Crotty, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref60">15</reflink>]) and a modified phenomenological approach (Moustakas, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref61">48</reflink>]) were deemed appropriate for this exploratory investigation.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-6">Study site</hd> <p>Data were collected at a PWI located in the southeastern region of the United States. The campus is best described as a large, public, research-extensive PWI that has a strong ethos of student involvement and interculturalism. The institution offers multiple venues for student involvement on campus ranging from, but not limited to, service learning to student government, learning communities to Latino student organizations (3 student organizations, 1 sorority, 1 fraternity). At the time of the study, the university enrolled approximately 30,000 students; 51% were women, just fewer than 3% were Hispanic/Latinx, according to the university's office for institutional research.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-7">Participants</hd> <p>To understand the role that parents played in the experiences of SED first-year Latin@s attending a PWI, "information rich" participants were selected using a purposeful sampling approach (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref62">52</reflink>]). Specifically, all participants shared several important characteristics. Only first-year Latinas were selected as participants to reduce, if not eliminate, any unforeseen variability in collegiate experiences due to year in school, race, and sex[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref63">5</reflink>] (Barajas & Pierce, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref64">5</reflink>]). Second, research has shown that socioeconomic and achievement disparities prior to college can color the experiences of Latino collegians (e.g., Ganderton & Santos, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref65">22</reflink>]; Kiyama, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref66">38</reflink>]); thus, the current study only included students who could be classified as socioeconomically (i.e., family income below $30,000) and educationally (i.e., ACT score below 20) disadvantaged, according to research (Walpole, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref67">75</reflink>]), at an institution where the average family income is $100,000 per year and the mean ACT score of first-time entering freshmen is 27. Restricting the sample to include first-generation college students only would have significantly limited the pool of Latin@s from which participants could be drawn; thus, study participants included first-generation and continuing-generation SED first-year Latinas.</p> <p>To recruit participants, the researcher/principal investigator worked with campus administrators to distribute an electronic announcement about the study to eligible participants. Specifically, administrators passed along the information to Latino student organizations via listservs, Latino student leaders via e-mail, and even personal contacts through word-of-mouth. The latter approach often involved a form of snowball sampling in which "cases of interest [were identified] from people who know people who know people who know what cases are information-rich, that is, good examples for study" (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref68">52</reflink>], p. 182). Those willing to participate were asked to contact the researcher or a member of the research team using contact information (e.g., e-mail, website, phone number) listed on the study's flyer. Willing participants were contacted via telephone or e-mail by the researchers to confirm their willingness to participate in the study, review the informed consent form, and schedule a group or one-on-one interview. All participants elected to attend a group interview session.</p> <p>This approach yielded nine participants who ranged in age from 18 to 20 years old. They represented approximately 24% of all Latinas in the first-year cohort. The sample included a range of academic majors (ranging from highly technical to humanities fields), hailed from diverse family environments (3 single-parent, 2 guardian-led, 4 both parents), 56% reported Spanish as their "first language" that was primarily spoken at home, and all were in-state students. All of the participants in the current study are referred to by their self-selected pseudonym to ensure confidentiality. Table 1 presents a description of the sample.</p> <p>Table 1. Description of participants.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Participant</td><td>Age</td><td>Academic major</td><td>Family structure</td><td>Primary language</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Alejandra</td><td>19</td><td>Spanish</td><td>Guardians</td><td>Spanish</td></tr><tr><td>Anna</td><td>18</td><td>History (aspiring)</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Spanish</td></tr><tr><td>Cecilia</td><td>18</td><td>Architecture</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Spanish</td></tr><tr><td>Citadel</td><td>18</td><td>Education</td><td>Single parent</td><td>English</td></tr><tr><td>Gloria</td><td>18</td><td>Psychology</td><td>Guardians</td><td>English</td></tr><tr><td>Laura</td><td>"18.5"</td><td>Undeclared (social work)</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Spanish</td></tr><tr><td>Maria</td><td>20</td><td>Finance</td><td>Both parents</td><td>English</td></tr><tr><td>Ramóna</td><td>18</td><td>Undeclared</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Spanish</td></tr><tr><td>Veronica</td><td>18</td><td>Undeclared</td><td>Single parent</td><td>English</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0173468657-8">Data collection</hd> <p>The primary method of data collection was semi-structured qualitative group interviews (Kvale, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref69">42</reflink>]). According to Kvale, "an interview is literally an <emph>inter view</emph>, an inter-change of views between two [or more] persons conversing about a theme of mutual interest" (p. 14). In-depth semi-structured interviews were deemed highly appropriate, given the current study's focus on students' perceptions, meanings, and interpretations of their experiences with parents. As Kvale aptly explained, in semi-structured interviewing, "there is an openness to changes of sequence and forms of questions to follow up the answers given and the stories told by the subjects" (p. 124). Indeed, a semi-structured interview protocol allowed the researcher to gather comparable and consistent data across two focus group sessions (i.e., asking mostly the same questions during each), as well as probe (a) perspectives that seemed inconsistent with views shared by others and/or (b) topics that, while important, were unclear or unanticipated on the protocol (e.g., how stories influenced them). Group interviews allowed participants to volley their experiences and perceptions back and forth, which gave the researcher a naturally-occurring opportunity to elicit shared understandings as well as individual views and perspectives (Krueger & Casey, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref70">40</reflink>]). As said elsewhere, focus groups also help participants because "they often feel that their problems are unique ones, but by comparing themselves with others in the group, they come to recognize the universality of the problems they face" (Forsyth, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref71">20</reflink>], p. 42).</p> <p>Interviews were conducted in a private room, centrally located on campus, by two of the three interviewers, while the third member focused on logistics (e.g., starting/stopping recorder). Each interviewer was trained at conducting focus group interviews, listening to undergraduate participants, and writing field notes during sessions. Each group interview lasted 90 to 120 minutes. All interviews were digitally recorded and subsequently transcribed by a professional.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-9">Data analysis</hd> <p>Prior to analysis, transcript data were organized and stored in NVivo®, a qualitative data analysis software. The analysis process began once all interviews had been transcribed and delivered to the researcher electronically. Additionally, field notes, marginal notes from observations, and demographic information were maintained and later added to the study's database.</p> <p>Data analysis proceeded in several stages using the constant comparison method originally posited by Glaser and Strauss ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref72">25</reflink>]), which was subsequently clarified by Grove ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref73">31</reflink>]) and later updated by Glaser and Strauss ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref74">26</reflink>]). First, a preliminary set of codes was identified using a form of open coding. Specifically, the author read and re-read each transcript making "marginal remarks" (Miles & Huberman, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref75">47</reflink>]) about participants' comments regarding their parent(s) influence and the ways in which their influence enabled or inhibited their success in college. Codes were compared within a single transcript and across participants. Then, data were reanalyzed using axial coding to determine whether different words or patterns of words could be combined (e.g., encouragement, motivation) or collapsed into similar categories (e.g., family obligations, guilt). This process resulted in the elimination of codes that did not prove significant across participants. Hence, ten reasonably distinct categories were inductively derived. In the final stage of analysis, categories and codes were then sorted and organized into themes. These themes are reported in the section that follows discussion of trustworthiness and accuracy of data.</p> <p>Trustworthiness is a critical aspect of quality in naturalistic inquiry (Lincoln & Guba, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref76">44</reflink>]). Consequently, issues of credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability were addressed throughout the study. For instance, several strategies were employed to establish credibility including prolonged engagement and member checking (Krefting, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref77">39</reflink>]). Member checking involves giving data and interpretations to participants to (a) confirm the reliability of information and (b) assess the overall adequacy of themes (Creswell, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref78">14</reflink>]). Offering rich, thick description of the site, sample, and findings enhanced transferability. Thick description, however, "goes beyond the mere or bare reporting of an act ... but describes and probes the intentions, motives, meanings, contexts, situation, and circumstances of action" (Denzin, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref79">17</reflink>], p. 39). Ultimately, transferability is primarily the responsibility of readers. Triangulation of data sources (e.g., demographic form, interviews) aided in ensuring dependability (Denzin & Lincoln, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref80">18</reflink>]; Mathison, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref81">45</reflink>]), while keeping precise records (audit trails) and positioning myself – as a Black male racial equity scholar committed to social change and student success who has taught dozens of Latinx students at PWIs – within the research process (reflexivity) improved confirmability. For instance, steps were taken to "bracket" my preconceived notions throughout the study (Creswell, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref82">13</reflink>], p. 32), such as journaling and talking with a disinterested peer who both challenged my interpretations and helped to keep the familiar, strange (Jakobson, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref83">34</reflink>]). These and other strategies such as using verbatim quotes from participants were intended to "work the hyphen" (Fine, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref84">19</reflink>]) between <emph>self</emph> and <emph>other</emph> to maintain the integrity of the research process.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-10">Findings</hd> <p>Three themes emerged from the analytic process described above. First, SED first-year Latin@s' parents positively influenced their academic success in college. Specifically, parents offered advice, served as motivation, and met basic needs, which enabled participants to succeed in college. Second, participants described how they derived support from their parents to persist in college or "bounce back" despite adverse situations. Third, while seemingly inconsistent with the first two themes that point to ways parents enabled SED first-year Latinas' success, almost half of the participants expressed frustrations that they faced with their parents due to culturally-defined gender-role stereotypes and cultural values such as <emph>familismo</emph> – a cultural value that prioritizes dedication and loyalty to one's family (Trevino & DeFreitas, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref85">69</reflink>]). In a number of ways, parents were actively engaged in supporting their student but, at times, inadvertently challenged Latinas' college success despite good intentions by minimizing school-related incidents, diminishing stress, and ensuring them that they could "come [back] home." While challenging Latin@s' college success such actions also challenge the system of higher education and point to ways it must improve or change to embrace cultural differences. These findings are discussed below, using verbatim quotes from participants to unpack the meaning and significance of each theme.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-11">Advice, motivation, and needs</hd> <p>Almost all SED first-year Latina participants described ways in which their parent's advice helped them to succeed in college. First, SED Latina college women indicated that general advice from their parents about the importance of education and their ability to achieve sustained them through the first semester. For instance, participants received counsel from their parents, ranging from "shoot for the moon because you'll land among the stars," "avoid procrastination," to "make us proud." With additional probing, every respondent explained that "us" (used in the prior statement) typically referred to her parent[s] but, at times, referred to the entire Hispanic ethnicity. And as the following quotes illustrate, Latinas in the present study often felt compelled to succeed in order to "make [them] proud," which helped fuel their academic persistence:</p> <p>My mom was ecstatic when I got in here. They're [referring to mom and dad who never married and live separately] really proud of me so it's good. I want to do well so they'll be happy. (Citadel, education major)</p> <p>I'm the oldest child and the only grandchild in my family who went to college. My mom keeps saying, 'make us proud.' She's really only talking about herself [shaking head] because my dad doesn't really want me to be here. I'm sure they're both hoping that I will do well so I want to get good grades to prove it to them. (Cecilia, architecture major)</p> <p>Parent's level of education seemed to be related to the type of advice offered, as those with college-educated parents reported that the advice was "very specific" or "totally practical," rather than general. Maria, a finance major, whose parents completed college, shared an example of the kinds of advice given:</p> <p>A lot of times when I was unsure or unclear, I would ask my parents because both of them went to college. Like during the first week, I had a couple of problems with my roommate using my stuff and eating my food without permission. I was so pissed but I didn't know what to do. My mom said for me to talk to the RA [resident assistant] or to make an appointment with the dean of students. I didn't really know who they were (laughing) ... neither did she, but she knew that I should do it.</p> <p>In another example, Ramóna, an undeclared major, shared how her college-educated parent advised her during the first semester:</p> <p>My mom is a know-it-all [laughing], especially when it comes down to college. She can't stand that I'm [an] undeclared [major] still. Just last week she sent me a package in the mail with information about different careers and jobs and stuff. She said I need to make a decision soon or else I might miss some of the scholarships that you can get in different majors. She told me to talk to an academic advisor or folks in the career center to get some help. It's kinda [sic] crazy she [sic] know all this.</p> <p>When discussing their parents (and extended family), participants often shared how a desire to assist the family and broader Latino community, financially, upon graduation served as the impetus for their entry into and the motivation for their persistence in college. Gloria, a psychology major, offered a poignant illustration that generally reflected sentiments shared by others:</p> <p>I just wasn't sure that I was going to do college and I didn't know what I could study if I came here. I only knew that I wanted to help my family, you know, like make a difference for my people, mi gente [Latinos], especially as the only one who went to college in my family. Helping them is really important to me 'cuz [sic] they help me ... they make me believe in myself.</p> <p>Lastly, interviewers asked participants to "describe a time when" their parents had encouraged or supported them while in college. Several participants offered vivid illustrations that capture the essence of what many others articulated. Generally speaking, parents met students' needs financially and by providing both monetary and non-monetary rewards and incentives. Maria shared how her parents sent a care package filled with fresh fruit, candy, vitamins, dry paella (i.e., Spanish rice), and a small container of detergent during the semester – "it was a small thing but it helped to just have basic stuff like that and some Spanish food that's hard to find here [at college] ... it showed me that they support me." Consider another example:</p> <p>It was challenging but my parents helped me by giving me money. Well actually they've done that a lot to help me pay my application fee, cover my books, plus I had to buy diction tapes for my major and they paid for that too. Maybe they ain't [sic] go to college, but they help me succeed so they come up too. (Alejandra, Spanish major)</p> <p>By offering academic advice, stressing the importance of education, serving as personal motivation, and meeting students' basic needs, parents enabled SED first-year Latinas' to succeed in college. While some parents offered SED first-year Latinas general advice, encouragement, and support, many provided college-specific advice (especially college-educated parents), culturally-relevant encouragement tying their daughter's success to familial mobility and racial uplift, and basic needs such as financial support and Spanish food that may be difficult to find at most PWIs.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-12">Encouraging their resilience</hd> <p>Participants also described how they derived support from their parents to persist despite the many challenges they faced as SED first-year Latinas who, at least according to five of them, felt "like [their] high school didn't really prepare [them] for college." The lack of preparation led to several academic adjustment issues including: learning to manage one's study time effectively, developing note-taking strategies for the first time, and adapting to college-level writing and reading assignments. Although many shared powerful examples of their academic challenges, Veronica (undeclared major) said it simply:</p> <p>I was kind of worried, like to see if I could keep my grades up. High school did not prepare me well. My high school was easy but this is college and they expect a lot from you, especially if you're a minority and a woman.</p> <p>Veronica's words, like so many others, reflect a keen awareness of the "double-minority status" and intersectional forms of oppression that women of color experience on predominantly White campuses (Nunez, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref86">51</reflink>]). Parents often helped SED first-year Latinas negotiate these intersectional challenges.</p> <p>When faced with such challenges, participants often consulted with their parent(s) who offered much needed encouragement and helpful rationalizations, oftentimes "en Español," that seemed to motivate students:</p> <p>My parents always tell me that I can do it. Even when I messed up on this [Math 101] exam real bad, they told me that it was just one test and that I could work harder and pull my grades up. After all, Martinez es mi apellido paterno [my father's last name] and they are all fighters, especially the women [laughing]. (Anna, aspiring history major)</p> <p>Yeah, my parents are like hers [pointing to Anna]. They always encourage me to keep doing my best and they never seem to get worried when I tell them stuff about me not doing good in school. It's not like I'm failing everything but I have had a few problems. I rushed to get an essay done for class and got like a 'C.' My dad said, 'Laura you have to work harder on your papers because some teachers may grade you harder since you speak Spanish. Take your time and show them that you're a good writer." (Laura, undeclared major considering social work)</p> <p>'No traigas malas notas a casa' [laughing] ... that's what my mom says all the time. It means don't bring bad grades home, I think almost literally. I know she only say [<emph>sic</emph>] it because she want [<emph>sic</emph>] me to do well in school. It's like a joke now because when I got a bad grade in calc [referring to calculus], my momma said 'No malas notas, Ramóna ... buenas notas, buenas notas ... you can do it.' (Ramóna)</p> <p>Not only did parents provide verbal support, oftentimes in Spanish, that encouraged participants to "hang in there" despite academic challenges, gender stereotypes, racialized encounters, and minor setbacks (e.g., failing a quiz), but over half of the respondents recounted moments when parents shared stories to encourage them academically, some of which were Spanish folktales. One is offered here as an illustration:</p> <p>My parents and grandparents tell this story about Jolomaku [participant is unsure of correct spelling], a village up on a hill that was attacked by invaders in the night. The men of the village band together and overcome the invaders. In the end, the small village wins. It's like the little-engine-that-could idea and it's kind of inspiring. They [her parents] always say that I can do it. (Maria)</p> <p>According to the information shared during focus groups, SED parents played a critically important role in encouraging their daughters to be resilient in the first semester of college despite academic difficulties, unfriendly campus environments, and temporary setbacks (e.g., failing a test, missing a class). Encouragement was often channeled through positive reinforcement oftentimes in Spanish, helpful rationalizations that empowered participants to "try again," reinterpretations of negative incidents that blame the system (not the student), and even stories in the form of Spanish folktales.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-13">Unanticipated finding: challenging their college success</hd> <p>Unlike the first two themes, this theme alludes to one way in which parents unknowingly challenged Latin@s' success in college, despite good intentions. Specifically, four participants expressed frustration with their parents, particularly their fathers, for sometimes prioritizing family responsibilities over academic achievement or telling them they can always "come [back] home," presumably when college-level work was stressful and demanding. Parent's responses to SED first-year Latinas' academic challenges seemed to either facilitate their resiliency or reinforce that they could alleviate stressors by "coming [back] home ... where [they're] loved." Enabling behaviors like these are typically defined as actions or responses that allow or encourage individuals to do things that are personally detrimental or contrary to their goals (Soukup, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref87">58</reflink>]), even if/when the action is <emph>intended</emph> to be supportive. Indeed, prior studies have shown that when first-generation parents offer emotional support students have less school-related stress (Sy et al., [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref88">64</reflink>]). Specific examples in the present study range from making excuses, minimizing stress-inducing events, and encouraging departure; it's important to note that <emph>enabling</emph> behaviors are not necessarily intentionally harmful, nor do they require negative intent (Soukup). For instance, Cecilia, an architecture major, offered an elaborate illustration of this point while holding back tears:</p> <p>My parents, well dad, wanted me to stay home so I could take care of my siblings and stuff because they don't speak much English. He really didn't want me leaving [hometown] because like Alejandra said [about her parents] he was afraid that I would take advantage of the freedom. And it's crazy because like they see you in high school and know you're not like a bad person who parties and drinks and stuff. He really wanted me to stay home with family. And he kept saying when you come back home it will be all of us again. He kind of made me feel bad, you know, like don't leave. I feel really bad because this is the first time I've ever gone against what my dad wanted me to do and that's not good in Spanish culture.</p> <p>Cecilia went on to talk about how gender-role stereotypes also influenced how her father reacted to her decision to attend college:</p> <p>When I told him that I wanted to go to college he said 'what for' ... you don't have to do that because you don't have to work. And he kept pointing out how my mother didn't have to go to college ... like it was a bad thing. At first, he was very angry when I told him that I applied to college, like his emotions were taking over. It took me forever to tell him because I was so scared. Even now, he says if you ever don't feel like being there or it gets too hard, you can always quit and come back home so our family will be together again. He always makes it sound so easy for me to just quit ... I didn't come all the way here to quit, you know.</p> <p>While participants were persuaded that their parents had good intentions when offering advice about "coming [back] home," diminishing the importance of "failing a single quiz or test," or minimizing the tremendous loss that they might experience if their daughter left college prematurely (e.g., "it's no big deal, you can leave anytime"), they all affirmed the importance of their parent's involvement and explained that <emph>enabling behaviors</emph> challenged their ultimate goal of earning a college degree. Sometimes enabling behaviors like those described herein inspired participants to "stick it out," study with peers, or seek help to improve and persist.</p> <p>In summary, by offering both general and specific advice, stressing the importance of education, serving as a motivation for attending college, providing basic needs, encouraging their daughter's resiliency through verbal support and motivational stories (oftentimes in Spanish), parents of SED first-year Latinas enabled their academic success in college. Still, gender-role stereotypes, presuming a woman's role is rigidly-constrained to family- and homelife, and deep concerns about Latin@s' mental and physical health, led some parents, especially Hispanic fathers, to stress family responsibilities over academics and well-being over work, which inadvertently challenged Latin@s' success in college when facing obstacles, emphasizing the need for more support(s).</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-14">Discussion</hd> <p>The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the role that parents play in enabling or inhibiting the academic success of SED first-year Latinas at a large, public research-extensive PWI. Three themes were identified and explained above. Several important conclusions can be drawn based on the study's findings.</p> <p>First, findings support a long line of research that shows parents play a critical role in the educational experiences of Latino students (Arellano & Padilla, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref89">3</reflink>]; Ceja, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref90">11</reflink>]; Hernandez, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref91">32</reflink>]), but the present study extends that work to demonstrate that the same is true for SED first-year Latinas. Emotional support in the form of advice, motivation, and encouragement was critically important to the success of SED first-year Latinas at PWIs in this study. Motivational stories, often told in Spanish, fueled their drive to succeed in college despite challenges, also known as resilience (Gordon, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref92">30</reflink>]), and Spanish folktales served as a point of connection with one's culture of origin while she negotiated the unfamiliar culture of a PWI. While similar conclusions were drawn by Gándara ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref93">21</reflink>]) who studied 17 high-achieving Latinas; Arellano and Padilla ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref94">3</reflink>]) who studied 30 Mexican American undergraduates; and Sanchez et al. ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref95">54</reflink>]) who studied 10 Latino students; results from the present study augment and shift our current knowledge by illuminating specific ways in which parents/guardians positively influence their SED first-year Latino daughter's success in college. Parental messages about the importance of a college education and their encouragement for their daughters to persist, despite setbacks, were important drivers in the development of participants' college aspirations. Parental advice and encouragement also helped SED first-year Latinas develop a sense of resiliency that sustained them when "academic times" got rough.</p> <p>Educational attainment seemed to be a factor in the kinds of advice offered by parents. Whereas parents who did not attend college offered general advice such as "avoid procrastination," college-educated parents made specific recommendations regarding their daughter's major choice, encouraged them to talk with campus administrators about problems, and even advised students about campus policies based on their own experience (e.g., "need to declare major to access scholarships") rather than actual knowledge of policies in place at the institution their daughter attended. Like others (Sanchez et al., [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref96">54</reflink>]; Strayhorn, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref97">59</reflink>]), results presented here provide evidence that parent's educational attainment influences the extent to which parents can assist their child in college, although previous studies did not focus on Latinas specifically. Parents of SED first-year Latinas without a college education tend to be unfamiliar with the academic requirements of college and, therefore, less able to assist students directly. This may suggest the need for "knowledgeable guides" such as advisors, mentors, and faculty members (Mertz, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref98">46</reflink>]), upon whom first-generation Latina collegians can rely for support and advice. Mentors and faculty might serve as surrogate parents or cultural navigators (Strayhorn, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref99">60</reflink>]) for SED first-year Latinas who rely on them solely for advice about college. Since Latina participants in this study revealed the ways in which their experiences are shaped by cultural factors such as language, gender stereotypes, and <emph>machismo</emph>, mentors and guides must be knowledgeable about these topics and how they affect Latina collegians odds for success. It may be particularly important to identify other Latina women who have successfully earned a college degree as they can draw from their own experience and share promising strategies with similarly situated young women. Parent outreach programs and services might also be established to engage parents of first-generation Latina collegians who will likely benefit from learning more about basic college requirements, expectations, and resources available to students and their families (Kuh et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref100">41</reflink>]).</p> <p>Latinas in the present study reported feeling unprepared for the academic demands of college, including 5 of the nine who took at least one advanced, honors, or advanced placement course in high school, adding to conclusions reported elsewhere on different student samples (Warburton et al., [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref101">76</reflink>]). To succeed through the first semester, respondents had to learn how to manage their study time effectively, develop a note-taking strategy quickly, and enhance their writing skills significantly, oftentimes without assistance or advice from their parents. While findings of this study present potent evidence to support the idea that SED students of color tend to feel inadequately prepared for the academic demands of college at PWIs, far less is revealed about the causal mechanism underlying this phenomenon. Drawing on information available in extant sources, it seems reasonable to assume that inequities in schools that enroll large numbers of minorities, like those attended by 6 of the 9 respondents, may account for this effect (Gold, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref102">28</reflink>]). Thus, future policy should focus on both increasing, if not leveling, the funding streams that flow to low-resource, high-minority public high schools, as well as establishing new or refining existing compensatory programs (e.g., Upward Bound) that supplement school-based learning via rigorous, high-quality courseworkand aim to improve college readiness among URMs.</p> <p>Unexpectedly, four respondents expressed frustration with their parents, particularly their fathers, for enabling behaviors that challenged their college success, despite good intentions. Comments seemed to indicate that some fathers subscribed to rigid gender-role stereotypes about Latinas' place "in the home" and their obligation to help raise young siblings, take care of their parents, and, ultimately, bear children of their own. These findings may generally reflect Latino cultural values, as well as conclusions drawn elsewhere (e.g., Jones & Castellanos, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref103">36</reflink>]). Although previous work has provided <emph>general</emph> guidance to educators and policymakers about the various ways in which cultural values may influence students' experiences, results from the present study provide compelling examples of just why this is the case. <emph>Familism(o)</emph> – that is, strong familial obligations – whether expected or assumed, affected Latinas' sense of belonging in college as they struggled to adjust academically knowing that their parents needed (or wanted) them to return home to take care of younger siblings, maintain the family structure (e.g., "everyone in one place"), and even help some family members who speak little to no English. This finding may underscore the need for outreach to parents of SED first-year Latinas, affirming their needs and finding ways to support their student. It's also important to note that first-generation parents may not be able to support their student with information about college like choosing a major or studying habits (Trevino & DeFreitas, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref104">69</reflink>]), but they can offer emotional support, especially in the form of verbal and symbolic encouragement like that described herein.</p> <p>College educators would do well to work with SED first-year Latinas, helping her to manage tugs back home with her commitment to college. For instance, college advisors might supply SED first-year Latinas with language to talk with parents (especially fathers) about the decision to attend college, the need for some autonomy to "experience" college, or to correct misconceptions about the commonality of experiencing academic adversity. It is wholly reasonable for first-generation parents to worry about their student failing a test and fearing that a single incident can compromise the entire plan. It's the job of educators to demonstrate otherwise. Teachers, counselors, and leaders of parent-teacher associations also might consider this study when working with Latinas who aspire to attend college by talking with her parents directly about the short-term and long-term benefits of earning a college degree, ways they can be supportive as she pursues college entry, and specific forms of support that hold promise for enabling her academic success in college, despite any delays or difficulties, such as general advice, financial support, culturally-relevant motivation, and basic needs from detergent to Spanish food, to name a few.</p> <p>The study also has implications for parents as it provides concrete examples of ways to support a child through college. Encouraging them to "try again," sharing motivational stories, and even sending care packages with basic supplies (e.g., fruit, candy, detergent, Spanish food) can be helpful. However, since it is unlikely that this empirically-based manuscript, like many others, will find its way into the hands of parents, it is incumbent upon campus administrators, faculty members, and policymakers to share this information with parents. First-year orientation programs, parent outreach sessions, pre-college preparation programs, social media communication campaigns, and even summer "mailers" may be appropriate venues for distributing such tips to parents of Latinas, if not all students.</p> <p>That Latinas in the present study relied on parents for financial support may have implications for policymakers. Recall that the sample consisted of low-income (families earn less than $30,000 per year) Latinas who would have been eligible for federal grants (e.g., Pell grants) and other forms of need-based aid. Still, respondents needed money to cover the cost of books, class supplies, and application fees that are not typically covered by grant programs. Federal policymakers and academic administrators might consider these results when making future decisions about how much aid is enough and what counts as legislatively allowable costs.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-15">Limitations</hd> <p>Findings from this study should be interpreted with several limitations in mind. First, the sample consisted of only 9 Latinas. While this may be considered a fairly modest sample size by some readers, participants represent a significant portion (24%) of all first-year Latinas at the institution where the study was conducted. Secondly, "because the focus of qualitative research is on depth, the emphasis is rarely on sheer number of participants" (Jones, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref105">35</reflink>], p. 465). Rather, sample size depends on the research question(s), the study's purpose, and what is needed to know what was asked. As information-rich participants with the lived-experience of being SED first-year Latinas at a PWI, the sample was deemed sufficient for the given study.</p> <p>Another limitation is the researcher's positionality as an African American male professor in higher education who, though relatively young, is neither Latino nor female. As an outsider, participants (all insiders) may have been less or un-willing to share complete information with the research and members of the research team; race has been shown to make a difference for respondents depending on the content of questions (Bradburn & Sudman, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref106">7</reflink>]). To reduce, if not eliminate, this bias, the researcher spent time, in advance of the study, attending meetings of the student groups that would become venues through which potential participants were contacted. Learning about the students, their activities and concerns; developing relationships with Latino student leaders, and talking with students informally about their pre-college experiences may have quelled participants' concerns or reservations. Still, social markers such as the researchers' race, gender, and class may have influenced what was shared during the interviews in unknown ways. While certainly useful, the limits mentioned above do not necessarily reduce the potential of this study to contribute to our understanding of the role that parents play in the success of SED first-year Latina collegians. Indeed, more work is needed to canvass this largely uncharted territory.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-16">Conclusion</hd> <p>This study provides information that might prove useful to educators, policymakers, researchers, and parents alike. In several ways, the analysis responds to the challenge that "researchers need to move beyond meta-statements about the importance of family engagement and offer more fine-grained analyses of specific activities that are successful and implementable" with low-SES students of color (Tierney & Auerbach, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref107">66</reflink>], p. 47). Using information provided through "las voces" [the voices] of these nine Latin@s, we may understand <emph>las funciones de los padres</emph> (i.e., the role of parents) and effectively alter the <emph>probabilidades de éxito</emph> (i.e., the odds of success) for many others in the future.</p> <hd id="AN0173468657-17">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0173468657-18"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref2" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> URM refers to African Americans, Latinos, and American Indians/Alaskan Native.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref4" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> "Latino" and "Hispanic" are used interchangeably throughout this manuscript to refer to persons of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central America, South America, or some other Spanish origin in consonance with Treviño ([70]) and federal guidelines (U. S. Bureau of Census, [71]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref17" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> STEM = science, technology, engineering, and math.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref8" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> For more about this term, see, Walpole ([75]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref63" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Throughout this manuscript, the term "sex" is used to refer to one's biological assignment at birth as male or female to avoid conflation with gender, gender construction, gender performance, among others.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref15" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> "Latin@" is a gender-neutral reference for Latino/a, which intentionally incorporates both the -a and -o endings in the @ sign (Wallerstein, [74]), as a way of adopting inclusive language consistent with the author and participants' epistemologies.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0173468657-19"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Agee, J. 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  Group: Ti
  Data: 'Las Funciones De Los Padres Y Probabilidades de Éxito': Studying the Role Parents Play in the College Success of Socioeconomically and Educationally Disadvantaged First-Year Latin@S
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  Data: English
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Strayhorn%2C+Terrell%22">Strayhorn, Terrell</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9659-8160">0000-0002-9659-8160</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Latinos+and+Education%22"><i>Journal of Latinos and Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 22(5):2070-2084.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
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  Data: 15
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2023
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  Data: National Science Foundation (NSF), Division of Human Resource Development (HRD)
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  Data: 1132141
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Label: Education Level
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Role%22">Parent Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Academic+Achievement%22">Academic Achievement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Socioeconomic+Background%22">Socioeconomic Background</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educationally+Disadvantaged%22">Educationally Disadvantaged</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Hispanic+American+Students%22">Hispanic American Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Womens+Education%22">Womens Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Needs%22">Student Needs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Resilience+%28Psychology%29%22">Resilience (Psychology)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Freshmen%22">College Freshmen</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Public+Colleges%22">Public Colleges</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Predominantly+White+Institutions%22">Predominantly White Institutions</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Student+Relationship%22">Parent Student Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Motivation%22">Student Motivation</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/15348431.2022.2086554
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1534-8431<br />1532-771X
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Using semi-structured interviews with nine socioeconomically and educationally disadvantaged Latin@s at a predominantly White institution, this phenomenological study examined the role that parents played in their success in college. Three distinct themes were identified related to academic advice, motivation, needs; encouraging their resilience; and, unexpectedly, challenging their college success. Implications for future policy and practice are highlighted, as well as recommendations for extending this important line of inquiry on Latin@s in higher education.
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  Data: 2023
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  Data: EJ1401429
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        Value: 10.1080/15348431.2022.2086554
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      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 15
        StartPage: 2070
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Parent Role
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Academic Achievement
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Socioeconomic Background
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educationally Disadvantaged
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Hispanic American Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Womens Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Student Needs
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Resilience (Psychology)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: College Freshmen
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Public Colleges
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Predominantly White Institutions
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Student Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Student Motivation
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: 'Las Funciones De Los Padres Y Probabilidades de Éxito': Studying the Role Parents Play in the College Success of Socioeconomically and Educationally Disadvantaged First-Year Latin@S
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Strayhorn, Terrell
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2023
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 1534-8431
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1532-771X
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 22
            – Type: issue
              Value: 5
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Journal of Latinos and Education
              Type: main
ResultId 1