Breaking the Mold: The One Social Class Model and Saving Face among Undocumented and Mixed-Status Chinese Immigrant Families
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| Title: | Breaking the Mold: The One Social Class Model and Saving Face among Undocumented and Mixed-Status Chinese Immigrant Families |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Liu, Jia-Lin, Cherng, Hua-Yu Sebastian |
| Source: | American Journal of Education. 2023 130(1):89-117. |
| Availability: | University of Chicago Press. Journals Division, P.O. Box 37005, Chicago, IL 60637. Tel: 877-705-1878; Tel: 773-753-3347; Fax: 877-705-1879; Fax: 773-753-0811; e-mail: subscriptions@press.uchicago.edu; Web site: http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/journals/aje/about |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 29 |
| Publication Date: | 2023 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Descriptors: | Immigrants, Undocumented Immigrants, Acculturation, Social Class, Social Mobility, Cultural Capital, Persistence, Immigration, Socioeconomic Background, Chinese Americans |
| Geographic Terms: | New York (New York) |
| DOI: | 10.1086/727003 |
| ISSN: | 0195-6744 1549-6511 |
| Abstract: | Recent studies of immigrant families have called for a reconceptualizing of the influence of social class on education, articulated by the one social class model: White middle-class families possess the cultural capital to foster their social mobility. Focusing on three undocumented and mixed-status Chinese immigrant families in New York City for 3.5 years, we found those who arrived in the United States with the most social class resources fared the worst, whereas those who had less in China were able to persist better. We argue the mechanism underlying this reversal of expected social class patterns is the cultural practice of saving face, which reflects the intersection of social class status, documentation status, and intergenerational acculturation. From this article, we demonstrate understandings of social class among immigrants, especially those of precarious legal status, must expand and incorporate social status experiences prior to immigration, notions of belonging in the United States and being undocumented, and changes through acculturation influence practices that can directly affect mobility. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2023 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1403274 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFJJq238HWSiJfOlNKxjTlYAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDBPtbm10Kmk00UPUZQIBEICBmwlyMO3PQPjsMffIEjnN92R4Jk-g4Yu_k9d4OIU4jOpiHb8lt7L1ktxAU_q7qVoNzaZ1lo_ohb6SL7eAEV_zm6UCsh6HhAxoDIEjRSFKgkXIaIY7bGdmaAoo_2LY7_LiRBaw5JFj_XPKhH_HCO79jksYZwjVRk9y77Y4Rb56pU6lK4HGmVea-sJlsWgMSmTpSZMEPqWPi27B605I Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0174106619;jrd01nov.23;2023Dec12.07:33;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0174106619-1">Breaking the Mold: The One Social Class Model and Saving Face among Undocumented and Mixed-Status Chinese Immigrant Families </title> <p>Recent studies of immigrant families have called for a reconceptualizing of the influence of social class on education, articulated by the one social class model: White middle-class families possess the cultural capital to foster their social mobility. Focusing on three undocumented and mixed-status Chinese immigrant families in New York City for 3.5 years, we found those who arrived in the United States with the most social class resources fared the worst, whereas those who had less in China were able to persist better. We argue the mechanism underlying this reversal of expected social class patterns is the cultural practice of saving face, which reflects the intersection of social class status, documentation status, and intergenerational acculturation. From this article, we demonstrate understandings of social class among immigrants, especially those of precarious legal status, must expand and incorporate social status experiences prior to immigration, notions of belonging in the United States and being undocumented, and changes through acculturation influence practices that can directly affect mobility.</p> <p>Much, if not the majority, of research focusing on the educational successes of Chinese Americans centers on addressing questions of high achievement (Chung [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref1">17</reflink>]; Lee and Zhou [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref2">52</reflink>]; Louie [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref3">57</reflink>]). However, a growing population of Chinese Americans struggle to navigate the educational system.[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref4">2</reflink>] Many are unauthorized immigrants, who, in contrast to the declining number of undocumented Mexican immigrants in the United States, have risen in numbers over the past 2 decades (Passel and Cohn [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref5">69</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref6">3</reflink>] For example, in New York City, which is the context of this study, Chinese-origin immigrants were the only undocumented group to increase in numbers between 2008 and 2017 (New York City Mayor's Office for Economic Opportunity [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref7">65</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref8">4</reflink>] Like others, many undocumented Chinese Americans have come to the United States to pursue economic and social mobility through the push and pull effects of the local and global economy and US immigration laws (Liu and Cherng [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref9">56</reflink>]; Yoshikawa [<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref10">92</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although most scholars have used Bourdieu's framework to illustrate variations in parental involvement by social class and its implications on educational outcomes (Calarco [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref11">9</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref12">10</reflink>]; Lareau [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref13">51</reflink>]), less work has used this perspective to understand the lives of immigrant families in the United States. Recent literature has complicated the one social class model, which reflects the widely understood pattern that White parents of higher social class status have children who have better achievement because they are more able to meet institutional expectations (Louie [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref14">58</reflink>]; Luthra and Soehl [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref15">59</reflink>]). First, most literature has focused on social class status only in the United States, and scholars have argued the importance of recognizing resources and practices of immigrant parents prior to their immigration (Feliciano and Lanuza [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref16">26</reflink>]). Second, although social class reflects one's social standing and is often measured by income and education, documentation status—although not a traditional measure of social class—influences how one feels of their position in society. Third, social class and its influence on education are often conceived of as a static sociodemographic characteristic. Yet the lives of immigrant families have been theorized as fluid, as they undergo acculturation where they change, adapt, negotiate, and resist mainstream social norms.</p> <p>Focusing on how the intersections of social class, documentation status, and acculturation shape the lives of immigrant families, we demonstrate the importance of how deeply rooted cultural practices can intersect with how families navigate US institutions and society. Drawing upon 3.5 years of ethnographic work with three undocumented and mixed-status Chinese families in New York City, we illustrate how these families bring the cultural practice of "saving face" into their everyday lives in the United States, despite coming from different social class backgrounds in China. We investigate how the practice of saving face can be invisible to teachers and staff that operate within US schools and institutions. However, this mismatch is not always deleterious.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-2">Background Literature</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0174106619-3">The One Social Class Model and Education</hd> <p>Scholars have conceptualized the significant role social class backgrounds play in shaping families' attitudes and dispositions toward their education, which influences future outcomes. Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction has provided a useful theoretical framework for understanding how social and economic considerations are linked with parental involvement or engagement and how they ultimately shape the social mobility of their children. His theory has three elements: cultural capital, habitus, and field. Scholars have described cultural capital in the context of education as resources and skills children inherit from their parents and habitus as the dispositions and internalized behaviors and attitudes that enable them to navigate particular fields—for example, institutional standards of the local education system (Bourdieu and Passeron [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref17">8</reflink>]; Lareau [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref18">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>Research using Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction has found that children who come from social class backgrounds more similar to the dominant class of society—which is the White middle class in the United States—are more able to exchange their cultural capital for higher academic achievement and meet institutional expectations (Bourdieu and Passeron [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref19">8</reflink>]; MacLeod [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref20">60</reflink>]). This is defined as the one social class model, and it often emphasizes the importance of parenting—specifically, the parenting ways of the White middle class. For example, White middle-class parents are able to meet the standards of parental involvement, such as volunteering and participating in parent-teacher conferences/organizations (Robinson and Harris [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref21">76</reflink>]; Turney and Kao [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref22">83</reflink>]). Calarco ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref23">9</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref24">10</reflink>]) showed how middle-class parents would teach their children help-seeking strategies, allowing them to receive more help from teachers than students from working-class backgrounds. Because of interactions that stem from these forms of cultural capital, teachers then would look after these parents' children even more, and these children would often benefit academically. This bond between teachers and these students becomes a form of social capital (Bourdieu [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref25">7</reflink>]; Mishra [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref26">63</reflink>]) that ultimately translates into higher academic achievement and economic capital. In the end, the dominant White middle class can "maintain power because access is limited to acquiring and learning strategies to use these forms of capital for social mobility" (Yosso [<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref27">95</reflink>], 76).</p> <p>Although there is not a large body of work that uses a Bourdieusian lens to unpack how social class matters in the lives of Chinese American immigrants, a few notable exceptions exist that center on the importance of habitus (if not its variation by social class). In Chao's [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref28">12</reflink>] ethnographic case study of two middle-class Chinese immigrant families in a southeastern US city, she found that despite having inadequate English proficiency, these families' class habitus enabled them "to facilitate their newcomer adolescents' transition to the English-speaking setting" with the help of cultural capital and socioeconomic resources—laptop, textbooks, summer trips overseas (<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref29">72</reflink>). Another interview study of Chinese immigrant parents found there was a deeply embedded understanding—a component of habitus—that constructed schools in the United States as more egalitarian than schools in China. Therefore, parents believed that parent-teacher relationships were less important than before and were less likely to interact with teachers (Wang [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref30">87</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-4">Beyond One Social Class Model: Prior Social Class Backgrounds and Practices</hd> <p>Whereas previous scholarship drawing from Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction has focused on social class variation among White and Black families, recent works on immigrant families have begun to challenge the one social class model when it comes to US schooling (Feliciano and Lanuza [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref31">26</reflink>]; Fernández-Kelly [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref32">27</reflink>]; Louie [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref33">57</reflink>]). These studies argue that the shared immigrant experience can supersede social class variations found among US-born populations. For example, one study using nationally representative data found that, unlike patterns for US-born White families, social class differences on a number of parenting practices are far smaller for immigrant families, and theorizing the act of immigration gave rise to an "immigrant habitus"—a shared sense of optimism toward children's educational outcomes and future—which changed the disposition of those who immigrate (Cherng and Ho [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref34">15</reflink>]). A qualitative study of 23 Black students from immigrant backgrounds who attended a large, public research university found that students' habitus—influenced by culture, prestige, and the value parents place on education—shaped their decision-making processes around college: "Parents who had completed doctoral degrees in the United States seemed equally likely to push their children and discuss the importance of education as those who were home care workers or struggling financially" (Griffin et al. [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref35">36</reflink>], 105).</p> <p>In addition, studies have found immigrant parents often interact with school actors in different ways than White middle-class parents across all social classes. For example, a study on Somali Bantu refugees in South Texas and Michigan found that schools often supported deficit notions of refugee parents and students (Roy and Roxas [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref36">79</reflink>]). For example, to comply with school uniform rules and observe religious practices, Somali Bantu mothers wanted their daughters to wear their skirts over their uniform pants. Yet schools mostly dismissed these efforts. Another study found, instead of directly approaching schoolteachers and staff, working-class Latinx parents, who experienced a poorer quality of schools in their home countries, would rather "consult myriad other sources of information regarding children's schooling, especially when questions can be construed as contentious" (Poza et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref37">73</reflink>], 134).</p> <p>Nevertheless, the social class backgrounds of immigrant parents and the cultural capital they possess prior to immigrating are not central to their analyses, and generally, they are described as having no variation in socioeconomic status. Yet these resources and practices directly shape lives after immigration. Feliciano and Lanuza ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref38">26</reflink>]), using national representative longitudinal survey data, found that cultural resources that are available to immigrant children are intricately connected with their parents' social class backgrounds in their countries of origin. Qualitative work also illustrates the importance of context. In Kelly and Lusis's [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref39">45</reflink>] interview study, both found that "economic, social, and cultural capital are accumulated, exchanged, converted, valued, and devalued in a transnational habitus" (<reflink idref="bib831" id="ref40">831</reflink>). For example, the authors shared that for Filipino immigrants in Toronto, the embodied cultural capital of "Filipino-ness"—being caring and nurturing—becomes "a set of dispositions that are devalued in a new 'Canadian' habitus; and this cultural devaluation translates into economic consequences" (<reflink idref="bib845" id="ref41">845</reflink>). Therefore, it is important for us to examine what these specific cultural resources and practices may be, how they may vary across class, and how they help or hinder the acculturation process of immigrant families in the United States.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-5">Socioeconomic Variation and Educational Achievement among Immigrant Families</hd> <p>Large-scale comparative studies drawing from quantitative work find that second-generation immigrants overall outperform, in terms of education, their US-born peers (Kao and Thompson [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref42">44</reflink>]; Portes et al. [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref43">70</reflink>]; Waters and Jiménez [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref44">88</reflink>]). Unlike first-generation immigrants "whose concerns and aspirations are commonly centered in their country of origin and who frequently return there," the second-generation immigrants feel a stronger affinity toward staying in the United States (Portes and Hao [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref45">71</reflink>], 11920). It is also important to note the influence of parents on the next generation's academic achievement. For example, analyzing a nationally representative sample of students who enrolled in college, Kirui and Kao ([<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref46">47</reflink>]) found that students who had at least one immigrant parent were more likely to complete college on time and have expectations to earn advanced degrees—in comparison with their counterparts with native-born parents.</p> <p>In the case of Chinese Americans, qualitative studies have focused on the mechanisms that help explain the success of the second-generation immigrants across differences in parents' socioeconomic status. Louie ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref47">57</reflink>]) found that both working- and middle-class Chinese American students in New York City had "parents [who] taught their children that higher education would be their route to mobility in the United States" (<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref48">55</reflink>). Moreover, students of low educational and socioeconomic backgrounds benefited from established co-ethnic networks and resources in helping them to experience educational mobility. Lee and Zhou ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref49">52</reflink>]) conducted a mixed-methods study of second-generation adult children of Chinese immigrants and Vietnamese refugees and found that both groups do similarly well in schools despite stark differences in the socioeconomic backgrounds of parents. To explain this phenomenon, Lee and Zhou argue that immigration laws, institutions, and culture manicure are a hyperselected Asian immigrant population. This group possesses a "success frame" that narrowly defines accomplishment as having an elite university education and a high-status job. The success frame is reinforced not only at home but also in local ethnic enclaves through the establishments of college preparation courses and tutoring services.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-6">Chinese Americans and the Cultural Practice of Saving Face</hd> <p>The purpose of this study is to unpack a particular practice among Chinese immigrants that cuts across different social classes before immigrating but may have different consequences in the US context. Using a Bourdieusian lens, we focus on the notion of face, both saving and not losing it, and how it motivates and explains parenting strategies of Chinese immigrants. Erving Goffman defines face as "the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself [<emph>sic</emph>] by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approval social attributes" ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref50">31</reflink>], 222). Whereas most scholarships on the notion of face among Chinese and Chinese immigrants have built their work-around Goffman's definition of face (Huang [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref51">41</reflink>]; Qi [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref52">74</reflink>]), our article focuses on the Chinese cultural adaptation.</p> <p>The famous contemporary Chinese writer, Lu Xun, stated that face is the "guiding principal of the Chinese mind" (Teon [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref53">82</reflink>]). An individual's face in Chinese cultural text is "not the accommodation of individual desires but the harmony of individual conduct within the views and judgements of the wider community" (Lindridge and Wang [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref54">55</reflink>], 499; see also Ji [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref55">43</reflink>]). More importantly, the Chinese notion of face is deeply connected to one's family: if an individual experiences face loss, they gravely affect their family as well (Fang [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref56">25</reflink>]; Yang et al. [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref57">90</reflink>]). As scholars have consistently found that saving face is a common practice among Chinese immigrants (Chen et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref58">14</reflink>]; Hsiao et al. [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref59">39</reflink>]), little attention is paid to how social class may shape this cultural practice, specifically among those who are severely marginalized.</p> <p>In addition, very few works have focused on how saving face is practiced in the field of education in the United States. This omission is important to address, as how families save face may directly influence how they seek help in educational contexts, which in turn shapes a myriad of future outcomes. One related work that mentions education is Chung's [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref60">17</reflink>] interview study of second-generation Asian American adult children of immigrants. In her study, Chung defined saving face as "maintaining one's dignity and reputation by hiding and avoiding humiliating or embarrassing situations, [and] involves not only molding one's behavior in front of others but also reigning in feelings of anger, shame, and disappointment that they fear may undermine their self-integrity" (15–16). Through interviews with US-born Korean, Chinese, and Taiwanese adults, she found that their immigrant parents had tensions resulting from the feelings of their own negative experiences and the successes of their children. For example, as parents boasted about the educational achievements of their children to their social circles, they were able to both garner face by highlighting their sacrifices and save face by suppressing feelings of doubt and regret with their own pursuit of the American Dream. What remains missing from literature are the actual voices of immigrant parents and how saving face shapes their perceptions and interactions with the US education system, which in turn may determine the help families gain from educational gatekeepers.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-7">Social Positioning and Being Undocumented</hd> <p>A large body of work has shed light on how documentation status intimately shapes how young people experience schooling (Abrego [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref61">1</reflink>]; Arbona et al. [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref62">4</reflink>]; Gonzales et al. [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref63">34</reflink>]). Undocumented status is correlated with poverty, low wages, and lower levels of education, and having a parent who is undocumented is associated with developmental and educational vulnerabilities, including children having lower high school graduation rates compared with children of legal immigrants, that can persist into later generations (Yoshikawa et al. [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref64">94</reflink>]). Moreover, "children become victims when their parents are targeted for deportation or when parents lose their livelihoods due to immigration raids and employers' fears of being fined for hiring an undocumented person" (Ee and Gándara [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref65">24</reflink>], 5). Using a national survey of undocumented college students, Suarez-Orozco et al. ([<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref66">81</reflink>]) found that undocumented undergraduates face a number of critical challenges—"family characteristics, time constraints, concerns regarding deportation and detention, and high levels of anxiety"—in their educational pursuits (<reflink idref="bib440" id="ref67">440</reflink>). Through his 12-year ethnography with undocumented young adults in the Los Angeles area, Gonzales ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref68">33</reflink>]) concluded that illegality was a "master status"—in which those who were able to go to college, "College-Goers," ended up in the same trajectories as their counterparts who never went to college, "Early Exiters"—because of the structural barriers that came with being undocumented.</p> <p>Scholarship has also pointed to schools as an important part of the local contexts of reception—which is defined by the social context that immigrants receive—for immigrant youth and their families, and many schools contain numerous educational gatekeepers (Golash-Boza and Valdez [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref69">32</reflink>]; Portes and Rumbaut [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref70">72</reflink>]). In her multiyear ethnography within two Title I public high schools in South Carolina attended by many Latinx students, Rodriguez ([<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref71">77</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref72">78</reflink>]) found that many factors contributed to highly restrictive and hostile learning environments. In addition to the racism that came at the micro-interactional level between students and their predominantly White teachers, students were ill served by the lack of language learning services and administrators' deficit thinking and assimilationist perspectives, which particularly marginalized undocumented students. Crawford and Valle ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref73">20</reflink>]) interviewed and observed counselors from two Texas school districts on the US-Mexico border and found that although administrators desired to be empowerment agents for their undocumented Latinx students and families, they often knew little about educational and immigration policies, which limited their ability to support their students.</p> <p>Among existing literature on undocumented immigrants, relatively few studies have focused on other non-Latinx groups in the United States. Although Asians have often been politicized to uphold the model minority stereotype, scholars have criticized the stereotype for being monolithic and inaccurate (Lee et al. [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref74">53</reflink>]). Within the Chinese American community, a vast spectrum of experiences exists. For example, whereas in 2018 Chinese immigrants had one of the highest median household incomes in comparison with other foreign-born groups, they were also more likely to live in families with annual incomes below the official poverty threshold compared with both other immigrant and US-born groups (Echeverria-Estrada and Batalova [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref75">23</reflink>]). This pattern highlights the stark income disparities among Chinese immigrants: that families inhabit both ends of the income distribution. Further challenging the stereotype, undocumented Chinese immigrants comprise the fourth-largest undocumented population in the United States, and rates of immigration are increasing faster than those from Mexico and other Latin American countries (Passel and Cohn [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref76">69</reflink>]; Zong and Batalova [<reflink idref="bib100" id="ref77">100</reflink>]).</p> <p>The pathways to the United States for undocumented Chinese also differ from other groups. Unlike many other sending countries, China has distinct political and social conditions, such as the former One Child Policy and religious persecution, which the United States designates as grounds for protection. As US asylum policies form a key pathway for Chinese to immigrate to the United States, China has consistently been the leading country of origin for individuals who are granted political asylum (Echeverria-Estrada and Batalova [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref78">23</reflink>]; Mossaad [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref79">64</reflink>]). It is important to note that, according to the Department of Homeland Security, one is considered undocumented even after applying and waiting for their asylum status decision.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref80">5</reflink>]</p> <p>While asylum cases are pending, the US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) issues Employment Authorization Documents (EAD) to applicants, which grant work authorization and temporary residency status in the United States (Chin [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref81">16</reflink>]). Asylum-seeking immigrants with an EAD need to renew their EAD annually until a final decision is made on their asylum case (USCIS [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref82">84</reflink>]). Those who are able to obtain asylum are then offered permanent residency in the United States, whereas those who fail to obtain asylum will no longer be able to receive an EAD or any other legal documentation. Nevertheless, many Chinese immigrants know that seeking asylum guarantees them a level of protection from detention and deportation until their applications are reviewed (Chin [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref83">16</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-8">Fluidity through Acculturation</hd> <p>Adding nuance to our understanding of social class among immigrants is important, as it also contributes to the sociological inquiry that focuses on how social class and mobility affect immigrants' acculturation and adaptation to the United States (Berry et al. [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref84">6</reflink>]; Gordon [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref85">35</reflink>]). Articulations of the one social class model construct the influence of social class on education as largely static. However, the theorizing of immigrant families has always included the notion of acculturation: Yeh et al. ([<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref86">91</reflink>]) have further defined acculturation as "the manner in which individuals negotiate two or more cultures with the underlying assumption that one culture is dominant, and the other is perceived as having less cultural value" (<reflink idref="bib777" id="ref87">777</reflink>). And although much research has critically unpacked the negotiation of multiple cultures, it is generally shown that individuals who are able to navigate different social contexts fare better, particularly in educational settings (Carter [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref88">11</reflink>]).</p> <p>In contrast, research has largely argued that differences in acculturation levels within immigrant families can negatively affect children both inside and outside the home (Costigan and Dokis [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref89">19</reflink>]; Portes and Rumbaut [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref90">72</reflink>]). For example, a study of Chinese immigrant parents showed discrepancies in parent-child acculturation, such as parenting practices children perceived as being unsupportive, which increased the sense of alienation between parents and children and led to higher levels of child depression and lower academic achievement (Kim et al. [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref91">46</reflink>]). In addition, Chinese immigrant children have a harder time acculturating to school norms and are less likely to seek help from guidance counselors and teachers (Kuo and Roysircar [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref92">49</reflink>]).</p> <p>Our article aims to address the intersection of Chinese immigration, unauthorization, sources of capital and practices prior to immigration, and the US immigrant experience—specifically using Chinese immigrant families with precarious legal status as the case example. Common understandings of the one social class model of education, based on Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction, may inadequately describe immigrant families. Most literature on social class, educational mobility, and immigrants has only focused on their lives postarrival to the United States, overlooking the important practices—practices that may (or may not) comprise forms of cultural capital—which they bring from their home countries. This study focuses on saving face, a practice common to Chinese and Chinese immigrants that manicures one's public image, and how it may influence interactions between Chinese immigrant families and social institutions, such as schools, and how they ask for help in times of vulnerability. Moreover, little work on social class incorporates how being undocumented may directly shape how one feels about their social position and navigates society and how the influence of social class—often conceptualized as being static within families—may change during the acculturation process. To address these points, we ask the following questions: How is saving face practiced among undocumented Chinese who have varied social class backgrounds? What are the implications of practicing, or not, saving face as family members acculturate and navigate US institutions and systems?</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-9">Research Methods</hd> <p>For this article, we used a 3.5-year ethnographic case study of undocumented and mixed-status Chinese immigrant families in New York City to address our broader inquiries on the importance of social class variations among immigrant populations and US schooling.[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref93">6</reflink>] Clifford ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref94">18</reflink>]) describes ethnography as "a form of culture-collecting in which diverse everyday life experiences and facts are gathered, detached from their original temporal occasions, and given enduring value in a new arrangement" (<reflink idref="bib231" id="ref95">231</reflink>). Ethnographic research methods help connect both the researcher and audience to the world that people live in every day (Becker [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref96">5</reflink>]). Moreover, they are often used to engage with hard-to-access populations (Foner [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref97">28</reflink>]; Gonzales [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref98">33</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-10">Case Selection</hd> <p>Most Chinese asylum seekers and other undocumented Chinese immigrants who do not seek or have failed to gain asylum in the United States come from the Fuzhou area of Fujian province (Guest [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref99">37</reflink>]; US Department of State [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref100">85</reflink>]; Zhou and Li [<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref101">98</reflink>]). Many Fuzhounese immigrants first arrive to New York City, where an ethnic enclave has long been established (Zhao [<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref102">97</reflink>]; Zhou and Li [<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref103">98</reflink>]). New York City is home to the largest number of undocumented immigrants, where more than half a million individuals live with at least one family member who is undocumented (American Immigration Council [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref104">2</reflink>]). In New York City and State, undocumented Chinese immigrants are the second-largest undocumented group (Hsin and Aptekar [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref105">40</reflink>]; Migration Policy Institute [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref106">62</reflink>]). Moreover, New York City's declaration of being a "sanctuary city"—defined as a city that "forbids city officials or police departments from inquiring into an individual's immigration status" (O'Brien et al. [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref107">66</reflink>], 3)—which offers some protection to unauthorized individuals, has continued to reinforce the image of New York City as a safe haven for undocumented immigrants (Robbins [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref108">75</reflink>]). And being a sanctuary city matters, as studies have found linkages between this designation and fewer deportations (Hausman [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref109">38</reflink>]), most robust local economies (Park et al. [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref110">68</reflink>]), and no change or decreases in crime rates (Martínez et al. [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref111">61</reflink>]), which is an argument evoked by conservatives against protection of unauthorized populations.</p> <p>There are no precise recent estimates of the number of Fuzhounese in the United States—as Zhou and Li ([<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref112">98</reflink>]) stated, "The accurate number of Fuzhounese in the US is hard to obtain because of the high disproportion of undocumented immigrants" (<reflink idref="bib166" id="ref113">166</reflink>). Estimates are somewhat inconsistent as well—an older figure by a major Fuzhounese association approximated about half a million Fuzhounese were in New York City (Zhuang [<reflink idref="bib99" id="ref114">99</reflink>]), whereas in 2016, the Migration Policy Institute estimated the number of undocumented Chinese immigrants in the United States to be 362,000 (Echeverria-Estrada and Batalova [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref115">23</reflink>]). It is important to mention that it is unknown whether most of the undocumented Chinese immigrants accounted for in previous scholarship had failed to seek asylum or had pending cases. However, connecting various literature (Echeverria-Estrada and Batalova [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref116">23</reflink>]; Zhang [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref117">96</reflink>]), we assume most undocumented Chinese immigrants have applied for political asylum at some point since arriving to the United States, as have the participants in this study, and they likely comprise much of the overall undocumented Chinese immigrant population.</p> <p>Due to the first author's previous social work connections, we were able to recruit three families to partake in this study. The data in this study were not gathered within the context of the social work relationship, but one that was established years later. We obtained institutional review board approval from New York University and New York University Shanghai. We were able to obtain verbal consent from all three families, as verbal consent was preferred over written consent to ensure the confidentiality of the families: no written records would be linked to names or addresses. All three families lived in an area in New York City that was populated by other low-income Chinese immigrants. The three families consisted of the Zhu family, the Li family, and the Feng family. Please see table 1.</p> <p>We selected the three families for this study mainly because of the variation in social class backgrounds prior to immigration and the lack of difference after immigrating. In China, one of the strongest distinctions is <emph>hukou</emph> status: an individual's household registration status that is based on one's geographic location—either rural or urban—and can greatly influence one's opportunities and life trajectories (Knight et al. [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref118">48</reflink>]; Xian and Reynolds [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref119">89</reflink>]). After immigration, the direct influence of <emph>hukou</emph> becomes largely obsolete, and as a result, social class, as experienced by our participants, becomes more defined by their job, income, living situation, and, notably, their documentation status. For example, Mrs. Zhu was an accountant with an urban <emph>hukou</emph> in a major Chinese city before coming to the United States. Her vocational college degree only solidified her above-average social position in China. Prior to the United States, Mrs. Feng came from a lower-class, wage-working background, and Ms. Li came from a working-class background, where her status was in between Mrs. Zhu and Mrs. Feng. It is important to note that, although all our participant families possess different legal statuses, our interest is not to test the effect of documentation status but to understand how our participants made sense of being undocumented and how it shaped the ways they navigated the United States. All three families did not know each other, which further brought trustworthiness to the data when similar themes emerged from their experiences (Smith [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref120">80</reflink>]).</p> <p>All children from the families we observed attended local public schools, where many other Chinese immigrant children who have similar backgrounds also attended: the schools were approximately 30% Asian American, with the majority of Asian Americans also being Chinese Americans (and living in similar neighborhoods). Like many other schools in New York City, most students were poor according to official measures. Most students attending the school came from immigrant households, and the same is true of many schools in New York City. Moreover, most teachers were not Asian American.[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref121">7</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-11">Data Collection</hd> <p>We conducted participant observations biweekly for 3 years—December 2015 till December 2018—through home visits, hospital visits, school visits, and other institutional visits. Most visits would last between 2 and 5 hours long. All conversations and statements made by our participants were in Mandarin Chinese, as we (researchers) are both ethnically Chinese and fluent speakers of both Mandarin Chinese and English. We would make jottings, along with observations, in both Chinese and English. Afterward, we would write out the memos and field notes mainly in English. In addition to field notes, we audio-recorded several targeted conversations with some of our participants during fieldwork. We transcribed these nonformal interviews into Chinese, and parts were later translated into English. Because of the crucial importance of confidentiality, we used pseudonyms for all participants in the field notes presented here.</p> <p>The data collected on these parents and children covered different developmental stages and grades across different timelines—reinforcing the rich and diverse experiences that came from these families. Given the young ages of Mr. and Mrs. Feng's children, our field notes described interactions between parents and children but did not include direct conversations with the children. For our analyses of intergenerational transmission of culture, we focused our findings on our observations and conversations with the adolescents of the families, Ah-San, Da-Ming, and Da-Lin: Ah-San's refusal to attend his local public high school during fieldwork, along with Da-Ming's and Da-Lin's recollections of their experiences as middle and high school students in New York City's public school system.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-12">Data Analysis</hd> <p>To conduct analysis on our field notes and interview transcripts, we drew upon a constructivist grounded theory approach. Data were produced by the researchers using participant families' prior knowledge of the social phenomenon (Charmaz [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref122">13</reflink>]). We were broadly interested in the lives of these families and, particularly, how facets of their identities shaped their experiences. We did not approach our fieldwork with hypotheses to test, and the findings presented in this study were grounded by our participants' words and experiences that emerged after analyzing the coded data. We drew from Anderson's ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref123">3</reflink>]) perspective on qualitative work: "The orienting questions should emerge from the local knowledge the researcher gains from the field setting, not just from his or her intellectual preconceptions" (1536). The theme "saving face" emerged from the participants themselves, as many of them often mentioned or enacted saving face, directly and indirectly. We coded for the following keywords and phrases (translated from Mandarin Chinese): "saving face (面子)," "giving face (給面子)," "losing face (丟臉)," and other indirectly related codes: "honor (光宗耀祖)" and "embarrassment (不好意思)." While reviewing our codes, it became clear that saving face was a significant theme to explore among this group.</p> <p>All field notes and interview transcripts, after being translated into English, were coded using Dedoose, a qualitative software analysis program. Our data analysis followed an iterative and systematic process, which included initial line-by-line coding of transcribed data, memo writing, focused coding, summarizing themes, and, at the end, theoretical coding (Charmaz [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref124">13</reflink>]; Jemal et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref125">42</reflink>]). Because it is important to promote rigorous and credible qualitative findings, we consistently engaged in self-reflexibility, sought feedback from each other, refined codes when necessary, and reflexively drafted memos throughout the article writing process (Charmaz [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref126">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>Reflexivity and triangulation played significant parts in this study. As a former social worker in the community, the first author served as a translator, advocate, counselor, and caseworker and focused on helping families with their social needs. The second author had not engaged directly with the Chinese community in New York City prior to this study but had worked with similar populations in other cities. Moreover, we used two types of triangulations (Denzin [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref127">21</reflink>])—(<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref128">1</reflink>) within-method triangulation through interviews and participant observations and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref129">2</reflink>) investigator triangulation—as we worked together to explore and understand the data that were generated from fieldwork. Both types of triangulations helped to ensure further reliability and trustworthiness of our findings.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-13">Findings</hd> <p>Focusing on how the intersections of social class, documentation status, and acculturation shape the lives of immigrant families, we demonstrate the importance of how deeply rooted cultural practices can intersect with how families navigate US institutions and society. Specifically, we focus on how participants perceive and interact with the institution of school. We have differentiated our findings into three case examples: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref130">1</reflink>) the Zhu family, (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref131">2</reflink>) the Li family, and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref132">3</reflink>) the Feng family—who came from various social class backgrounds in China—and present the diverse ways in which the families enacted saving face as they grappled with their new social positions in the United States.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-14">The Zhu Family</hd> <p>Ah-San went to a middle school that had a good reputation in his home city in China, where they offered tutoring services and summer courses. His grades were below the average for his class. Because they feared for Ah-San's future in China, Mrs. and Mr. Zhu decided to immigrate to the United States with Ah-San, in hopes of a better future. When describing her decision to immigrate, Mrs. Zhu said that relatives and friends who lived in New York City kept informing her that "any child can come to the US for school, and US education is free for all."</p> <p>In New York City, Ah-San attended a local public high school for a week and afterward missed nearly every day of class, although he kept this largely hidden from his family. Mrs. Zhu decided to see a school guidance counselor to check on Ah-San's progress. Mrs. Zhu asked one of us to accompany her—to serve as a translator and advocate.</p> <p>After entering the school, Mrs. Zhu approached the security guard, who seemed to be racially white and close to middle-age, and asked in a quiet voice "Pong?" in English—for Ms. Pong, the school's Chinese attendance teacher. The security guard rolled her eyes, grabbed the phone on the desk next to her, and dialed for Ms. Pong. After a few minutes, a small East Asian woman who seemed a bit older than Mrs. Zhu came out and greeted Mrs. Zhu. Ms. Pong spoke Chinese Mandarin with an accent that implied she was not raised in Mainland China. Mrs. Zhu had previously shared that Ms. Pong was raised in another Asian country. When Ms. Pong arrived, Mrs. Zhu smiled—like seeing an old friend. Although there were times where Mrs. Zhu struggled to understand Ms. Pong's Mandarin, I could tell Mrs. Zhu would still smile and nod.</p> <p>Ms. Pong brought us (Mrs. Zhu and researcher) to her office, a tight space that she shared with two other administrators. We crowded around Ms. Pong's desk. "While Ms. Pong was checking Ah-San's attendance on her computer, Mrs. Zhu was quiet and seemed nervous, as she did not want to chit chat. Ms. Pong directed us to the screen and showed us that Ah-San had not been coming to school. Mrs. Zhu's mouth opened in shock and quickly said that Ah-San told her that he was in school. Mrs. Zhu fell silent, as she stared at the screen." When confronted with her son's truancy, Mrs. Zhu was embarrassed.</p> <p>Mrs. Zhu's smile quickly disappeared, and she did not speak for the rest of the meeting. Mrs. Zhu looked toward the ground and wrung her hands in her lap, as Ms. Pong tried to comfort Mrs. Zhu. Ms. Pong mentioned that Mrs. Zhu should try to set up a meeting with Ah-San's guidance counselor, who was out that day. Ms. Pong touched Mrs. Zhu's arm and gave her a smile before saying goodbye. Mrs. Zhu nodded and briefly smiled back at Ms. Pong. Mrs. Zhu then turned around and started to walk, with me following slightly behind her. Mrs. Zhu remained mostly silent, as we walked out of the school.</p> <p>A month later, while walking from Ah-San's therapist's office to the subway station, Mrs. Zhu shared about how things were going with Ah-San.</p> <p>Mrs. Zhu shrugged her shoulders and shared that Ah-San has not been going to school. After a few seconds of silence, Mrs. Zhu then leaned toward me and shared that Ah-San had a meeting with his Chinese American guidance counselor. Mrs. Zhu asked Ah-San about the meeting, but Ah-San refused to share anything. Mrs. Zhu then took a long pause. I encouraged Mrs. Zhu that maybe she should go to the school to try to engage with the teachers and staff there. Mrs. Zhu immediately cut me off by emphasizing that her extremely limited English and lack of knowledge of the US education system was not helpful. Mrs. Zhu continued to walk quietly all the way into the subway station.</p> <p>Both Ah-San and Mrs. Zhu never went back to the school to talk to any teacher or guidance counselor. In some ways, the family gave up on Ah-San's educational pursuit.</p> <p>As the family's savings from China started to run out, Mrs. Zhu began to work as a manicurist through community connections. Whenever asked about her new job, Mrs. Zhu would "scrunch her face with disgust and say that she did not like to handle other people's feet." During one of the last home visits, which occurred 10 months after the conversation described above, Mrs. Zhu seemed exhausted and distracted. The family resided in a cozy two-bedroom apartment that was a bit far from the subway station. It had become harder to find time to visit the family since Mrs. Zhu started working. Unlike times before, Mrs. Zhu provided shorter answers and cooler attitudes when we asked questions. When asked about Ah-San's education, Mrs. Zhu became even less expressive.</p> <p>Mrs. Zhu mentioned that Ah-San did not want to return to school. Mrs. Zhu then shrugged and immediately added that she told Ah-San that he will have to learn a skill and go to work then. After a five second pause, she then shared that she did not expect that Ah-San would stop going to school altogether. Mrs. Zhu shared that she felt responsible for Ah-San's truancy, as she had been afraid to go into Ah-San's school. I asked Mrs. Zhu why. Mrs. Zhu expressed in a snappier tone that her English was not good. The usual energy that she possessed seemed completely drained from her, as she sat hunched in her chair. She said that if she was so afraid to go to his school, she could only imagine how Ah-San felt.</p> <p>The last we heard from Mrs. Zhu was through a text, in which she informed us that she was not physically in New York City and that she would be back in contact once she was back in the city.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-15">The Li Family</hd> <p>We found that saving face was not only practiced by parents but also children like Da-Ming. Yet it is important to note that Da-Ming, as a student, had fewer opportunities to interact with institutional representatives. His practice of saving face, which we describe here, was with his teachers, and how the cultural (mis)match between the practice of saving face and the norms and expectations of US teachers shaped Da-Ming's education future.</p> <p>As a middle school student, Da-Ming had grades above average. However, after entering a large public high school in New York City, Da-Ming started to chronically skip school and ended up being truant for 3 years. After receiving free individual and family counseling services from local community centers, he eventually returned to high school and graduated. During fieldwork, Da-Ming remembered his time as a high school student:</p> <p>Da-Ming calmly and quietly started to share, "When I decided to go back to school after a few months of not going, some of the teachers would call my name, laugh, and make remarks like 'Oh! You came today,' like they were really surprised, 'Oh, you really came!' and then they would tell the whole class, 'Oh! Today this person (Da-Ming) came!! Long time no see!'" Da-Ming said that these were usually white teachers and that if they really cared about him, they would never have given him "mianzi" (face) in front of so many people. I asked him how he felt after the teacher did that to him. Da-Ming laughed and said that he felt defeated and did not want to go back to school. Da-Ming added that it was not even about the other students laughing at him, but it was about the teacher laughing at him in front of everyone.</p> <p>From this example, we can see a difference in cultural expectations between the student and the teacher. Da-Ming's White teachers used sarcasm to welcome him back to school; in contrast, Da-Ming interpreted the sarcasm as intense public shaming and not face-giving. His respect for the role of his teachers only intensified his embarrassment. As a result of this mismatch of saving face and the norms of US education and teachers, Da-Ming withdrew further from school for a time to avoid being humiliated again.</p> <p>In contrast, when Da-Ming talked about his guidance counselor, Mr. Wong, who was a second-generation Chinese American, Da-Ming recalled more positive interactions. As a student who struggled with attendance, Da-Ming had many meetings with Mr. Wong. Da-Ming remembered Mr. Wong's attitude was quite aggressive toward students like him. "I asked if Mr. Wong ever screamed and shamed Da-Ming in public. Da-Ming laughed and said that Mr. Wong was better and more aware, 'it was just too bad that his room was small, and the walls were thin, so the other guidance counselors were used to him shouting at students ... even if Mr. Wong had a rough attitude towards us, I never felt discriminated against. He is Chinese! So, if he heard that an Asian student was bullied, he would be the first to stand up for the student.'"</p> <p>As a child of Chinese immigrants, Mr. Wong likely understood the notion of face. Therefore, despite having harsh interactions, Da-Ming trusted Mr. Wong more.</p> <p>Whereas Da-Ming had very few friends and was isolated in high school, his sister Da-Lin had a very different experience. Even though she decided to also drop out of university to work, Da-Lin did eventually choose to return to university to earn her bachelor's degree in accounting. Da-Lin was more outgoing than Da-Ming and often credited her friends for her academic success. One time when talking about documentation status, Da-Lin loudly differentiated herself from her mother in a public space. "When talking with her about her friends, I nodded multiple times when I asked if her friends knew about her legal status. I was surprised and asked if she ever thought of hiding this information from them. Da-Lin leaned forward, and her eyes widened. She then said in a louder tone while shaking her head, 'I don't feel ashamed. Because this is not my decision, it is my mother's decision.' She chuckled a little bit and then leaned back in her seat." Even when Da-Lin indirectly disclosed her status to friends, she never felt as if she lost face. On the contrary, she even garnered more support from them. Da-Lin's pushback against saving face complicates the notion of a direct transmission of cultural practice intergenerationally. "When her friends would talk about traveling abroad, Da-Lin would say she can't go. When they asked why, she would disclose her legal status. Her friends were sympathetic and would think of ways that could be helpful for Da-Lin to get status: 'They help me ... even with my high school applications, I followed my best friend in middle school in picking schools.'" Whereas saving face in US schools contributed to Da-Ming's long-term truancy, Da-Lin placed much less emphasis on it, which helped her form supportive relationships with her peers.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-16">The Feng Family</hd> <p>Yet, when interacting with US institutions, sometimes enacting saving face for our participants brought positive outcomes to their children—especially when one's social status from being undocumented is similar to their social positions in China. In comparison with Mrs. Zhu, Mrs. Feng, who came from a lower social class background in China, had less fear of face loss when interacting with school personnel: when her children struggled in school, Mrs. Feng often went to the school to tell teachers it was her fault.</p> <p>One day during a visit to the family's home, Mrs. Feng shared around her kitchen table that she found out from the parent-teacher conference that Joy, Mrs. Feng's eldest daughter, who was 10 years old, was falling behind in school. "Mrs. Feng seemed eager to tell me that she went to Joy's school and begged Joy's teacher to understand their home environment. With a translator's help, she told them she was not able to provide Joy with a quiet space to do her work. 'I told the teacher, as a mother, I am really sorry because the kids at home are too noisy.' Mrs. Feng repeated, but quieter in tone, 'I told her about the poor conditions we have. I am sorry to the teacher, and even more sorry to Joy.'" Mrs. Feng was worried that the teachers would question Joy's academic abilities. To Mrs. Feng, Joy could lose face in the eyes of her teachers, and to prevent this, she visited the schools to sacrifice her own face, rather than Joy's. "Mrs. Feng, with a gentle smile, shared that after she explained everything honestly with the teacher, the teacher understood and said that Joy is a good child and the teacher seemed to soften her demeanor and attitude. Mrs. Feng was grinning from left to right and seemed to be very proud of what happened." Motivated to save Joy's face, Mrs. Feng intentionally engaged with Joy's teacher. Notably, although her actions did not stem from the same habitus as US White, middle-class parents, Mrs. Feng was able to get Joy the help that she needed by unknowingly mirroring the actions of many White, middle-class parents.</p> <p>In addition, because of the numerous meetings that were required for her three special needs children, Mrs. Feng was a frequent visitor to the schools, where she would make sure to communicate, sometimes overcommunicate, with the teachers. As Mrs. Feng came from a similar status background in China, she was able to adapt and make sense of how things worked in the United States more so than Mrs. Zhu when it came to interactions with schools. After a while, Mrs. Feng realized that communicating and supporting teachers was "right" in the eyes of US schooling. Here, Mrs. Feng shared about her interaction with Ray's teacher: "Ray's kindergarten teacher had discrimination towards him. But later, I would go into school and communicate, and slowly it became better. She didn't seem to discriminate that much anymore at the end. When the teacher is busy giving students' things to do, other parents just sit there. Me, Chinese, who has the lowest social status, right? I go and help the teacher. If you discriminate against us Chinese, we will go and help you. So, they are thankful to me. From that time, they started treating me better."</p> <p>Nevertheless, Mr. and Mrs. Feng still struggled immensely with their undocumented status when interacting with other institutional representatives. We witnessed this in the home setting. We saw this from Mr. and Mrs. Feng's interactions with their home health aides. Even though Mr. and Mrs. Feng were both undocumented, two of their children qualified for home health aides, who helped bathe, dress, prepare meals for, feed, and monitor the children at home.</p> <p>While sitting by the round table in their small kitchen, Mr. and Mrs. Feng both shared how they were being mistreated by their children's home health aides, who were both Chinese immigrants from Guangdong, a province near Fujian. As Mr. and Mrs. Feng always ended up doing the home health aides' tasks, they were left with less time and energy to support their children's schoolwork and other needs. Both Mr. and Mrs. Feng had a prior interaction with the child welfare system, specifically New York City's Administration for Children's Services, where once an anonymous report was filed against them for neglecting to address one of their children's ongoing fever (when a caseworker visited the family, the child was healthy). Both parents were traumatized by the experience.</p> <p>Mrs. Feng said that the home health aides told them that if they ever tried to get rid of them, the aides would tell their management company that the Fengs were difficult to work with. Mrs. Feng said, "The home health aides told me that if you tell the company, the company will think you guys have problems. ... This made me dare not say anything because it will give me a bad reputation and that I have problems as a mother. This would indicate that I have emotional problems. I don't dare! But we are actually oppressing our true feelings." Mrs. Feng sat at the table with her shaking hands clenched and pressed against her thighs. There were tears that were starting to well up in her eyes. Mrs. Feng looked down at her hands as the shaking became more intense. Mr. Feng, who sat next to Mrs. Feng by the table, looked at his wife with worry. He then turned and said, "It really is because of our [lack of] status. We must oppress [our feelings] and hold it in."</p> <p>In addition to not wanting to lose face and be known as bad parents, their undocumented status brought additional stress that forced Mr. and Mrs. Feng to further withhold their words and feelings. Many times, they both would hide their disappointment and frustration with institutional representatives and try to appear agreeable.</p> <hd id="AN0174106619-17">Discussion/Implications</hd> <p>The broad purpose of this study was to unpack common conceptions of social class and education—to understand more fully the lives of undocumented Chinese immigrant families and the ways they navigate the US education system. Coming to the United States with different social class resources, our participant families' pathways converged after immigration, and we found the family that possessed the most economic and educational resources before immigrating fared the worst, in terms of both the educational outcomes of the child and the overall welfare of the family. This is in contrast with the overall understanding that having more social class resources always leads to better educational and mobility outcome.</p> <p>The original definition of social class centers on one's social location within a society, which includes one's belief about one's position in social hierarchies. This is important to note, as much of the US-focused work on education theorizes social class with metrics of education, occupation, and income and often ignores how individuals feel about "their place." Lareau defined working-class parents to be "high school graduates or dropouts, employed in skilled or semiskilled occupations, paid an hourly wage, and periodically unemployed," whereas the middle-class parents were "college graduates and professionals who had strong career opportunities and who were less vulnerable to changes in the economy" ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref133">50</reflink>], 75). This narrow definition precludes our families, as a high school education in China is still considered a higher level of education. This dynamic can be found in arguments of the one social class model, which is a static description that those belonging to higher social classes—those closer to the White middle-class norms—will always do better in society.</p> <p>In our findings, we saw how the practice of saving face was intricately linked to our participant families' definitions of social status—both before and after immigrating to the United States—and shaped how they sought help in schools and other institutions. Our study revealed three main findings. First, we saw how saving face could result in negative consequences: for example, Mrs. Zhu felt tremendous shame when confronted with her son's absenteeism, and both she and Ah-San never returned to school again. This, along with other examples, showed how the practice of saving face often resulted in families not getting the help they needed. Second, we found that choosing not to practice saving face sometimes had positive effects in getting the help one needed: even though Mrs. Feng experienced many levels of face loss, she never withdrew from her children's schools. Instead, she intentionally engaged with her children's teacher, although this was also motivated by saving the faces of her children. Notably, Mrs. Feng was able to get her children the help that they needed by unknowingly mirroring the actions of many White, middle-class parents. Third, when school personnel were aware of the practice of saving face, they were able to better support families: a culturally aware guidance counselor was able to encourage Da-Ming to return to high school.</p> <p>Our families' awareness of their place in society, particularly in reference to their lives before immigration, hugely influenced how they enacted saving face. In China, Mrs. Zhu's respectable social status—which was based on her urban <emph>hukou</emph>, vocational college degree, and stable accounting job—served as a reference point for her when she was unable to secure legal status and was deeply unsatisfied with her employment in a nail salon. This contrast shaped how Mrs. Zhu enacted face-saving practices, as she and her family interpreted many interactions and exchanges as face-losing after moving to the United States. Using a similar logic, Mrs. Feng stated many times that she was on the bottom rungs of society in China, and after immigration, she felt she was still at the bottom. Nevertheless, she felt she needed to save face less because she simply did not lose much of it.</p> <p>One of the most distinctive differences is the inclusion of documentation status in our definition of social class, as all our families struggled with their identities as being undocumented, which echoes work by other scholars (Dreby [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref134">22</reflink>]; Suarez-Orozco et al. [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref135">81</reflink>]; Yoshikawa and Kalil [<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref136">93</reflink>]). This builds on Gonzales's ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref137">33</reflink>]) argument that illegality shapes all aspects of life—a "master status." As rural <emph>hukou</emph> households, both Ms. Li and Mrs. Feng were able to cope better with their new legal status in the United States than Mrs. Zhu, who not only had more education and money on arrival but also was an urbanite in China. For Mrs. Zhu, the contrast between her life in China and the United States was starker than for Ms. Li and Mrs. Feng, as she and her son struggled with their newfound social position as being undocumented in the United States. This resulted in greater face loss for the family. Moreover, instead of making and sending money back to families in China, Mrs. Zhu was not able to fulfill the "American Dream"—a better life for her family, especially for Ah-San—which brought further face loss and ultimately drove her to withdraw from Ah-San's schooling process. It is also important to point out that although saving face in the United States is similar to how it has always been enacted in China, the scenarios and opportunities to save face are different in the two countries: when the act of immigration is disrupted, being undocumented brings shame and complicates how one feels comfortable in society. This emerging circumstance creates more diverse occasions for one to save face.</p> <p>We also found that, in contrast to the one social class model's static description of the influence of social class (specifically the White middle class) on education, there was not one story of intergenerational transmission of saving face. Acculturation theory focuses on the importance of time in the United States: our findings support this. Ah-San, who had been in the United States for the shortest amount of time, saved face the most, whereas Da-Lin, who had immigrated in elementary school, often rejected the practice of saving face. Yet time itself was not the mechanism, as it only allowed for more opportunities for social interactions with individuals from different walks of life. For example, Ah-San had no social ties in the United States beyond his parents, and his only network remained his online friends in China. Da-Lin, on the other hand, had a diverse set of friends iand was exposed to different cultural practices, including White mainstream norms. Therefore, acculturation was never about time itself, but about meaningful exposure and how comfortable one feels in society.</p> <p>One clear lesson learned from this study is how our findings can inform recent events in the United States and the recent rise of anti-Asian discrimination. Although our observations took place before the pandemic and we did not document any physical violence toward our participants, our findings do contribute to the larger dialogue on the invisibility of Asian Americans, which can be found in one of the most unexpected places—the US education system. The schools that our participants went to were largely unaware of saving face, which focuses on the careful presentation of family. This practice also likely feeds into the stereotype that Asian Americans, as the model minority, are generally "doing fine" in education and need less support and attention. This racialized belief erases the experiences of Asian Americans who fall outside the stereotype. In the case of Chinese Americans, they are not a monolith (Echeverria-Estrada and Batalova [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref138">23</reflink>]; Lee et al. [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref139">53</reflink>]): whether one is an undocumented Chinese immigrant student or a second-generation Chinese American guidance counselor, there are incredible nuances that need to be acknowledged.</p> <p>From our findings, we have three recommendations related to practice. First, teachers should continue to further their understanding and practice of culturally responsive and sustaining pedagogies that adequately incorporate the lives and experiences of nonmainstream families and youth in US schools (Gay [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref140">30</reflink>]; Paris and Alim [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref141">67</reflink>]). For example, because schools are often dominated by White middle-class teachers, schools should "provide teachers with proper training and self-reflection opportunities" to "increase cultural continuity in the learning environment" (Garcia and Chun [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref142">29</reflink>], 174). Second, schools should shift their norms of parental engagement to center around the voices of immigrant families: "proactively forg[ed] relationships with families, cultivating alliances with community partners, and mediating within families to benefit the communities they serve" (Villavicencio et al. [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref143">86</reflink>], 293). Third, educational scholars should be critical and cautious when conducting research on social class variations among immigrants and schooling, as academia often upholds models that may not adequately describe non-White, middle-class families. For example, Yosso ([<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref144">95</reflink>]) expanded Bourdieu and other scholars' definition of cultural capital through the concept of community cultural wealth, which draws from a more strengths-based view on what students of color embody and carry into school. With such efforts of reframing norms and understandings, immigrant parents and students will feel more supported by teachers, administrators, and academia over time.</p> <ref id="AN0174106619-18"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref61" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Jia-Lin Liu is an assistant professor in higher education and social work at California State University, Los Angeles. Her research aims to bring further understanding to undocumented and mixed-status Chinese immigrant families—their negotiations, perceptions, marginalities, and experiences of contemporary US immigration and education. Specifically, her research centers on understanding how social class origins and cultural practices prior to US arrival shape acculturation and educational outcomes among this population. Hua-Yu Sebastian Cherng is a sociologist whose scholarly and community-based work focuses on the social lives of marginalized youth. He is vice dean for diversity, equity, and belonging and associate professor of international education at New York University Steinhardt. His interests include comparative perspectives on race/ethnicity (with a focus on China and the United States), immigrant adaptation, and social capital within the school and educational context. As such, his research examines the social relationships in the lives of minority and immigrant adolescents in the United States, gender and ethnic differences in education in China, and cultural and social capital transfers between adolescents in the United States.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref4" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> In our article, we broadly define Chinese Americans as all people of Chinese ethnic descent in the United States, from immigrants with or without documentation to those who have had US citizenship and been in the United States for many generations.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref6" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> According to Cornell University's Legal Information Institute ([54]), undocumented immigrants are defined as "individuals who have either illegally entered the United States without inspection, or legally entered the United States with valid nonimmigrant visas but those visas have expired."</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref8" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Just to provide context, there were 10.5 million undocumented immigrants in the United States in 2017 (Passel and Cohn [69]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref80" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Similarly, one can also apply for asylum status while documented (e.g., with an F-1 student visa). 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| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1403274 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Breaking the Mold: The One Social Class Model and Saving Face among Undocumented and Mixed-Status Chinese Immigrant Families – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Liu%2C+Jia-Lin%22">Liu, Jia-Lin</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cherng%2C+Hua-Yu+Sebastian%22">Cherng, Hua-Yu Sebastian</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22American+Journal+of+Education%22"><i>American Journal of Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 130(1):89-117. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: University of Chicago Press. Journals Division, P.O. Box 37005, Chicago, IL 60637. Tel: 877-705-1878; Tel: 773-753-3347; Fax: 877-705-1879; Fax: 773-753-0811; e-mail: subscriptions@press.uchicago.edu; Web site: http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/journals/aje/about – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 29 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigrants%22">Immigrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Undocumented+Immigrants%22">Undocumented Immigrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Acculturation%22">Acculturation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Class%22">Social Class</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Mobility%22">Social Mobility</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Capital%22">Cultural Capital</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Persistence%22">Persistence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigration%22">Immigration</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Socioeconomic+Background%22">Socioeconomic Background</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Chinese+Americans%22">Chinese Americans</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22New+York+%28New+York%29%22">New York (New York)</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1086/727003 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0195-6744<br />1549-6511 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Recent studies of immigrant families have called for a reconceptualizing of the influence of social class on education, articulated by the one social class model: White middle-class families possess the cultural capital to foster their social mobility. Focusing on three undocumented and mixed-status Chinese immigrant families in New York City for 3.5 years, we found those who arrived in the United States with the most social class resources fared the worst, whereas those who had less in China were able to persist better. We argue the mechanism underlying this reversal of expected social class patterns is the cultural practice of saving face, which reflects the intersection of social class status, documentation status, and intergenerational acculturation. From this article, we demonstrate understandings of social class among immigrants, especially those of precarious legal status, must expand and incorporate social status experiences prior to immigration, notions of belonging in the United States and being undocumented, and changes through acculturation influence practices that can directly affect mobility. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1403274 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1086/727003 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 29 StartPage: 89 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Immigrants Type: general – SubjectFull: Undocumented Immigrants Type: general – SubjectFull: Acculturation Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Class Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Mobility Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Capital Type: general – SubjectFull: Persistence Type: general – SubjectFull: Immigration Type: general – SubjectFull: Socioeconomic Background Type: general – SubjectFull: Chinese Americans Type: general – SubjectFull: New York (New York) Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Breaking the Mold: The One Social Class Model and Saving Face among Undocumented and Mixed-Status Chinese Immigrant Families Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Liu, Jia-Lin – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Cherng, Hua-Yu Sebastian IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2023 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0195-6744 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1549-6511 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 130 – Type: issue Value: 1 Titles: – TitleFull: American Journal of Education Type: main |
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