Militant Research for Peace Education. The Case of Grupa Granica on the Polish-Belarusian Border
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| Title: | Militant Research for Peace Education. The Case of Grupa Granica on the Polish-Belarusian Border |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Piotr Kowzan (ORCID |
| Source: | Journal of Peace Education. 2023 20(3):339-360. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 22 |
| Publication Date: | 2023 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Descriptors: | Peace, Teaching Methods, Foreign Countries, Conflict, Social Change, Geographic Regions, Activism |
| Geographic Terms: | Poland, Belarus |
| DOI: | 10.1080/17400201.2023.2231362 |
| ISSN: | 1740-0201 1740-021X |
| Abstract: | Peace education prepares people to deal peacefully with conflicts of various scales. The authors want to enrich this education by paying attention to situations when international tension increases, and it is still possible to defuse it. Social movements sometimes highlight the hidden conflicts in society. They provoke the authorities to act and sometimes even force them to reveal their intentions. In this article, the authors look at the use of 'intervention' so-called militant research in the face of growing international conflicts and utilise the example of the humanitarian crisis for exiled people on the Polish-Belarusian border that has taken place since the summer of 2021. The possibility of using militant research is considered an inspiration to restore and preserve peace on the basis of the activism of 'Grupa Granica' [Border Group] in Poland. The case selection is based on the criteria adopted from the literature on militant research. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2023 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1403962 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwElHF47nQU1tYk0LTPcE5zNAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDBmDG5ym-rJtRD1L2wIBEICBm_txZ9Dbe9yiwTKkl7LgF531cXj89kb69RvguPPv8JzMzU9QNZUML2vWenCaMzA1IxCYiaAVZHMuRPgMHPbvmo27hP-KoT_R015ezgd05aanlRz22rFRIcRtDRMCR2dZwRCQ7KrOAH6mNWatjv9HkhR9fW1zQFwDRj7rZnWnkqECPC78Zqug1PACserWEWgSDR1ob0rL8JvTGqs- Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0173435336;rfp01dec.23;2023Nov07.05:38;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0173435336-1">Militant Research for Peace Education. The Case of Grupa Granica on the Polish-Belarusian Border </title> <p>Peace education prepares people to deal peacefully with conflicts of various scales. The authors want to enrich this education by paying attention to situations when international tension increases, and it is still possible to defuse it. Social movements sometimes highlight the hidden conflicts in society. They provoke the authorities to act and sometimes even force them to reveal their intentions. In this article, the authors look at the use of 'intervention' so-called militant research in the face of growing international conflicts and utilise the example of the humanitarian crisis for exiled people on the Polish-Belarusian border that has taken place since the summer of 2021. The possibility of using militant research is considered an inspiration to restore and preserve peace on the basis of the activism of 'Grupa Granica' [Border Group] in Poland. The case selection is based on the criteria adopted from the literature on militant research.</p> <p>Keywords: Militant research; peace education; social movements; humanitarian crisis; knowledge production; human rights</p> <hd id="AN0173435336-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Away from the horrors of WWII, peace education went through a crisis of legitimacy (Cremin [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref1">12</reflink>]), with its identity seemingly based on assumptions of its own harmlessness (Gur-Ze'ev [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref2">28</reflink>]). We noticed that when a border conflict begins, even if it is post-structurally hybrid, saving lives, violence, and war become terms with tangible and quantifiable meaning. Concurrently, thinking about peace in schools resolves into care for security. On the borderland 'everyday choices say about lived attitudes towards peace' (Cremin [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref3">12</reflink>], 2). But peace is not a matter of local dialogue and reflection, because political decision-makers are distant. In such situations, non-academic research called 'militant research' [MR] develops. The authorities consider asking questions suspicious and treacherous, but the role of MR is to initiate and sustain cultural conflict with decision-makers. Activists' direct efforts to save lives make it difficult for those who love war to establish a persistent, militarized 'culture of conflict' (Bar-Tal and Rosen [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>]). The legitimacy of this research stems not from methodology, but from the respect of other activists and is based on its effectiveness in forcing authorities to tell the truth. Other outcomes include the possibility of telling the stories of those who survived and are now safe, despite the fact that the gathering of information and reflection on them had to be kept secret.</p> <p>The need for peace and non-violent coexistence between different social groups becomes again evident in the face of armed conflict in the world, especially in Ukraine. The military context of the conflict on the Belarusian borders with Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia which has been going on since 2021 (see: Czarnota et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref5">14</reflink>]; Czyżewski and Snyder [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref6">15</reflink>]; Hyndle-Hussein [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref7">37</reflink>] Cruelty [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref8">13</reflink>]), prompted us to reflect on peace education [PE] and the 'methods' by which such education could be practiced. Belarus authorities engineered the refugee crisis which turned into a humanitarian crisis since EU countries pushed people back to Belarus. Trapped in between also in winter, individuals and families with young children were forced to hide in primal forests to avoid violence. The global context of the war in Ukraine and the hostile welcome for the so-called 'weaponized migration' (e.g. Greenhill [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref9">24</reflink>]; Hall, Fleming, and Shotter [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref10">30</reflink>]) force us to reflect on what society can do to achieve peace without being militarized. In such a situation, PE becomes one of both pre-emptive and responsive solutions – a work tool or even a civic duty (Snauwaert [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref11">55</reflink>]). Of course, each type of education understood as a social practice requires us to diagnose the existing situation and develop specific action methods. It is a kind of intervention into the existing world. Traditional PE seems to be understood primarily as non-violent, consensual, based on reason, not ideology, polite, and even utopian. We agree that one of the issues we strive for in PE is respect for human rights and dialogue. It seems, however, that political, social, and educational interventions are complex. That is why it would be necessary to rethink the methods of social and educational activities that bring people closer to peace and shield them from helplessness. We ask ourselves whether the traditional methods of PE are up-to-date and adequate. 'Militant research' used by social movements to achieve emancipation goals comes to mind. It seems to have similar goals as PE but uses different methods of achieving them. We see great potential in it to be used by PE practitioners. We wonder if it is possible and where are the contact points between MR and PE. Can PE draw from MR? And how?</p> <p>In this paper, we describe the activist response to the violent actions of the authorities against exiled people who seek security and peace but lack them in their home country. These individuals are fleeing the undemocratic regime of Lukashenko, where their safety is at risk. Later on in the article, we will go into more detail about this circumstance. The activists and organizations resisting authorities operate under the umbrella name – Grupa Granica [GG] (Border Group). Although we are not GG members and have not been on the border, we appreciate their ethical actions. This case report is not the result of our empirical research. We analyze material found online – on various websites and Facebook pages, and observation during limited involvement in activities supporting the resistance. In other words, we rely on widely available texts of culture reflecting GG's activism to illustrate the theoretical approach we offer. GG, together with thousands of supporters at various levels and at different times, is, in our opinion, a perfect example of an alternative implementation of the idea of PE through MR. It is boldly practicing resistance and taking risks to save lives and human dignity.</p> <p>In the first part of the text, we conceptualize the form of militant research. We ask what MR is and what its goals can be. We also try to (and here we will sound a bit essentialist) characterize this kind of 'research'. It turns out that it is a phenomenon that combines both the theoretical and the practical in the context of knowledge production. MR has a great knowledge-shaping and emancipatory potential. In the next sections, we consider the relationships between MR and PE and describe a case that embodies and illustrates this relationship. When we consider combining MR with PE, we examine the controversy: what is the relationship between this war-sounding type of research and PE? What would make it feasible? In this text, we argue that such a relationship may take place. Moreover, knowledge and practices derived from MR can contribute to PE. We believe this can be helpful and inspiring for both PE theorists and practitioners.</p> <hd id="AN0173435336-3">Militant research – conceptualization</hd> <p>The term 'militant researcher' (Spanish: militante-investigador) appeared for the first time in the work of Benasayag and Sztulwark ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref12">7</reflink>]). Its goal was to present the principles of radical thinking concerning the changing context and politics. This radical thinking coincides with the time of rapid changes, and emancipation struggles of various social groups. New situations require new experiences and ways of researching reality (Benasayag and Sztulwark [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref13">7</reflink>]).</p> <p>MR was a response to the need for new connections between thoughts and new forms of political involvement. At that time, the traditional approach to knowledge (from the creators of 'objective' knowledge to the political activists operating within a chosen ideology) was negated. This approach was inadequate for the new situation that arose in Argentina as a result of the financial crisis in 2001 and the rebellion that broke out because of this crisis (Sitrin [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref14">53</reflink>]). According to Hardt and Negri, this South American perspective is the third path in social movements' searching for Foucaultian 'strategic knowledge' (Hardt and Negri [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref15">33</reflink>]). The first perspective was the efforts to create knowledge together with workers in factories in the 1960s ('conricerca' in Italy). The second was professors and students going outside the academy to increase the impact of knowledge on social life. And, the third option, 'developed essentially by [alter-] globalization movements in recent years, adopts the "co-research" method developed experimentally in factories and applies it to the entire area of biopolitical production' (Hardt and Negri [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref16">33</reflink>], 127).</p> <p>The tradition of MR is derived from Marxist thinking as it assumes the existence of (class) antagonism that permeates social relations and the methods of knowledge production. The idea that this research is 'militant' or revolutionary stems from the idea that the state is oppressive and from the social structures in which some groups are the dominant ones and others are the subordinate ones.</p> <p>Colectivo Situaciones points to MR as theoretical and practical work aimed at the co-production of knowledge and alternative forms of community, based on the potential (Spanish: potencia) inherent in individuals and groups defined as the subordinate (the Marxist trait). Militant researcher acts with the conviction of her ignorance (Rancière [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref17">50</reflink>]) and equality of entities involved in knowledge production. A militant researcher is one who distances herself from the institutional procedures of knowledge production. Therefore, she is not a university researcher who, in the understanding of the supporters of MR, evokes associations with violence, the system and raises distrust.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref18">1</reflink>]</p> <p>MR can be seen as a response to social movements' lack of trust in institutional forms of knowledge production and distribution. Marta Malo de Molina ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref19">44</reflink>]) points to social movements' mistrust of:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> knowledge capture mechanisms for social management, governmentality (French: gouvernementalité),</item> <p></p> <item> apparent revolutionary, as well as ideological transformations of knowledge that originally arose within social movements.</item> </ulist> <p>In this context, we see MR in two ways. Firstly, MR is an attempt to 'escape' from appropriating formerly radical content and methods of knowledge production by representatives of the official knowledge structures (academia, states). Secondly, MR is a way to recover and use it for intervention and emancipation purposes. This recovery, based on the example of Colectivo Situaciones, involves rejecting the common assumption that everything 'must be' communicable and at the same time only what is communicable exists. Such a shift in the communication paradigm is related to the rise of online activism and the subsequent decline in physical action and presence. Rejecting communicability leads to a focus on fostering non-discursive interpersonal ties. It means that when MR works to strengthen interpersonal ties, the focus is on acting, 'creating/doing things', rather than speaking, thinking, or being (Colectivo [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref20">10</reflink>], 80–81). We interpret 'the doing' as the act of resistance (e.g. Holloway [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref21">35</reflink>]). MR epistemology – following Hardt and Negri ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref22">33</reflink>]) - 'has to be grounded on the terrain of struggle – struggle that not only drives the critique of the present reality of domination but also animates the constitution of another reality' (<reflink idref="bib121" id="ref23">121</reflink>). 'Doing' as a part of MR is also overcoming the problem of common 'lack of time' and the resulting temptation to transfer interpersonal contacts into the virtual sphere (e.g. social media). Therefore, MR is about 'production and productivity of the common through collective social practices. Like the universal, the common lays claim to truth, but rather than descending from above, this truth is constructed from below' (Hardt and Negri [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref24">33</reflink>], 121).</p> <p>After rejecting the communication paradigm the problem of disseminating MR practices appears. Publications on MR 'emerge'. In the case of Colectivo Situaciones, this means a production-reception process inspired by the exchange of letters, answering the questions of other activists interested in the results of their (Colectivo Situaciones) work. When writing about MR, metatheory and the scientific search for universality are deliberately avoided. For militant researchers, the priority is to focus on the locality and events arising from involvement and participation. The purpose of such a precaution is to prevent MR from being used in population management (e.g. Bauman [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref25">5</reflink>]). The only thing that geographically distant social movements or groups of 'experienced' (suffering and resistance) activists (Spanish: experiencias) can rely on is resonance. The followers or allies have to check whether what the Colectivo Situaciones describe as their MR trajectory (never as a story because that would mean an ideological episode selection) resonates socially, emotionally, or spiritually, with them in their local settings.</p> <p>MR tools are deliberately undefined to be permanently associated only with specific situations. Colectivo Situaciones ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref26">11</reflink>]) indicates workshops and reading texts as some material manifestations of MR. The framework in which the tools of action are used includes: staying close to people's life and subordinating all work related to the creation of maps to the action, recognition of positions taken, and relations between entities (Malo de Molina [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref27">45</reflink>]). Of course, the codified methods would have a chance of being recognized by the academy, but this would be a prelude to their appropriation. Besides, when thorough instruction is created, the method itself dies. The practice of MR is more important than the recipe for it because questioning those in power and the risks associated with it changes with time and place.</p> <p>We perceive MR as an intervention into the existing world. This intervention consists in getting to know this world and creating knowledge about the practical impact on reality. MR is provocative, confrontational and disrupts the existing ideas about our world. MR offers knowledge that may be needed to overthrow injustice, suffering, and inequality. Therefore it has a negative aspect. MR also enhances the knowledge that fosters community-building, subjectivity, justice, and equality. These are issues that are important for peace. We see and appreciate a clear positive aspect and potential of the generated knowledge. From that perspective, we want to treat MR as a starting point for extending the repertoire of practices for caring for peace and supporting education that serves peace.</p> <hd id="AN0173435336-4">Militant research for peace education</hd> <p>We want to supplement PE with the MR component, which seems paradoxical until we touch the core – the definition of 'peace'. One of the classics of PE points to the understanding of peace as 'the absence of violence' (Galtung [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref28">20</reflink>]). Violence concerns the personal and structural level; it can be intentional or unintended; it can also be visible (manifested) or latent; finally, it refers to the psychological and physical levels. Action towards peace will therefore be action against violence. And, without opening education to the possibility of 'acting against', initiating research in the spirit of 'militancy' makes no sense. Galtung points out that peace is a broad term that 'should immediately steer one's attention towards problems that are on the political, intellectual, and scientific agenda of today, and tomorrow' (Galtung [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref29">20</reflink>], 36). As we have already mentioned, when defining peace, Galtung referred to violence. He made a distinction between personal and structural violence. He also reflected on how one type of violence can eliminate the other one and what are the relations between them. In this sense, peace is the absence of personal violence and the absence of structural violence. Therefore, we are dealing here with negative peace and positive peace. Positive peace is equated with social justice and, therefore, something that we can mainly relate to the structural level. We see certain freedom in shaping the relationship between PE aims and the means of achieving peace.</p> <p>Roads to peace are burdened by educators' bias toward particular scientific disciplines and the nature of challenges for peace that prevails in a given place and historical time. And so, referring to Galtung, we can say that PE is a response to various types of violence and conflicts. It is a result of learning. Apart from the diagnosis, it is also an attempt to create new forms of educational praxis globally (Bajaj [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref30">3</reflink>]). In terms of creation, Mónica Almanza lists six approaches to PE: psychosocial, human rights, humanitarian aid, security, development, and reconciliation (Almanza [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref31">1</reflink>]). These are special areas of activity for those who have taken part in PE. When we are looking for connections with MR, we value attitudes that are shaped by the distance and commitment of teachers. The fruit of the most emotionally distanced perspective is technological[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref32">2</reflink>] PE. By this, we understand education as the transmission of ready-made knowledge, skills, and behaviors that should bring people closer to peace when we stick to certain methods. Such education consists in informing learners about current conflicts and wars. It takes into account the history of conflicts and, on their basis, makes conclusions about necessary contemporary actions (see critical analysis: Skårås [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref33">54</reflink>]). Technological PE is carried out in educational institutions or other entities like non-governmental organizations. It is demonstrative and theoretical. It is a positivist attempt to instill in the next generations the ability to react to war (lack of negative peace) and the corrosions of peace (lack of positive peace). It is universal (cf. Wessells [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref34">58</reflink>]), building on what is familiar in the experiences of past conflicts. Such a technological approach can promote one type of narrative and serve the implementation of pre-defined, standardized educational content, regardless of the nature of contemporary challenges. Subjects or classes conducted in schools, such as workshops on expressing anger, and simulations of global peace processes (Kamberidou [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref35">38</reflink>]) are examples of this education.</p> <p>The second approach can be described as the humanistic variant of PE. Referring to Mieke Lopes Cardozo ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref36">42</reflink>]) we assume that:</p> <p>humanistic view of peace education developed, focusing on civil, domestic, cultural and ethnic forms of violence, and the need for a notion of peace accompanied by social justice. These contemporary peace education approaches are often based on a structural and holistic notion of 'positive peace', aiming at the development of a culture of peace and at the eradication of poverty and injustice. (Lopes Cardozo [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref37">42</reflink>], 20)</p> <p>Here, more emphasis is placed on the development of competencies and on encouraging learning, for which it is necessary to be rooted in a situation accessible to students. Hence in the humanistic model of education, the educators (teachers) focus on school life (e.g. counteracting school violence and meeting the needs of students' safety). Fortunately, there is not always a situation of locally felt non-peace to relate.</p> <p>The third perspective relates to critical PE, a model inspired by critical pedagogy and critical adult education. It can take two forms. The first type of education is formal (institutionalized) and non-formal, and the second is informal. Institutionalized critical PE also deals with the production of knowledge, skills, and the formation of peace attitudes, however, '[c]entral to critical peace education projects and research is a dynamic and relational understanding of the role of human agency in influencing structural and cultural forms of violence that limit the full realization of human rights by all people(s)' (Bajaj [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref38">3</reflink>], 156).</p> <p>This education problematizes social and political conditions and conducts dialogue with various perspectives of perceiving the world. Thus, it questions the knowledge and identities of students coming to class. Importantly, it is education 'more flexible, responsive, and relevant in discussions of educational policy, teacher education, and grounded practice within and beyond schools' (Bajaj [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref39">3</reflink>], 157). This type of critical PE recognizes the local nature of generated knowledge. It tries to be sensitive to the colonizing impulses of institutions. It does not avoid cooperation with social movements and local communities, which significantly broadens the horizon of looking at problems. In turn, we refer to informal critical PE as the educational praxis of social movements and local communities that operate directly in the social and political space (Evans, Kurantowicz, and Lucio-Villegas [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref40">16</reflink>]). These entities often treat their informal character and lack of institutional affiliation (e.g. political party affiliation) as part of identity. Thus, they generate alternative knowledge to school or academic knowledge (this does not mean, of course, that they do not use them!). In our opinion, this distance evokes associations with the nature of knowledge derived from MR.</p> <p>The link between critical PE and MR is crucial for us in this text. It maintains the view of knowledge as theoretical and practical postulated by activist circles. MR, as opposed to top-down projected knowledge, is bottom-up, referring to specific experiences of people and communities. It brings the class theme to education (and also reveals the problem of locally manifesting structural violence) and mutual care for each other.</p> <p>The critical approach is the starting point for Militant Researchers. By inciting an open rebellion, they 'force' people to reflect on their place in the conflict. MR distances itself from the academic knowledge that is always ready to explain the state of affairs, pointing to its overwhelming nature. Instead, MR 'works' to nurture the ability of people, social groups, and wider communities to act. Starting from a specific violent situation, reacting to it, and experiencing the consequences of this reaction become a source of embodied knowledge, which is sometimes easier for participants to express in a poem than in a scientific article. MR uses conflicts to build a road to change. It emphasizes the sense of agency and starts by 'unpacking' specific situations. Thus, MR can develop significant skills and competencies of PE understood as acquiring sensitivity to individual and local issues and counteracting violence on a global scale.</p> <hd id="AN0173435336-5">Activist illustrations</hd> <p>For this article, we describe the case of the activities of Grupa Granica [GG]. We identify them as representative of the MR trend. GG neither calls its activities like that nor is it able to take responsibility for some of them, as it is only an umbrella term for an alliance of NGOs. Social resistance to the actions of states in the Polish-Belarusian borderland has the features of a social movement for which we have not found a better term than GG.</p> <p>The context of the activities of GG is related to the attempt to cross the Polish-Belarusian border by exiled people from the Middle East (including Kurds, Yezidis, and Afghans as war survivors) and Africa (from DRC, Senegal, Cameroon, and Guinea, predominantly). It has been taking place since August 2021. People are transferred by Lukashenko's regime to the territory of the European Union.</p> <p>The Polish right-wing government insists on the protection of the border between Poland and Belarus at all costs. It is essentially part of the tension between the European Union, and the Union State of Russia and Belarus. In this context, the term 'hybrid war' developed, alluding to Belarusian secret services inciting tensions in neighbouring countries that supported the democratic opposition, in order to divert their attention away from the war in Ukraine. On the Polish government webpage, we read:</p> <p>We are witnessing unprecedented Belarus' aggression against Poland and the European Union. With the support and approval of the Kremlin, the regime of Alexander Lukashenko created a migration route intended to destabilize the situation in the European Union countries. It is revenge for the sanctions imposed on Minsk and the support given to the Belarusian opposition. It is revenge for the sanctions imposed on Minsk and the support given to the Belarusian opposition. In this hybrid war, the Belarusian state apparatus cynically exploits migrants, organizes dangerous provocations against Polish officers and soldiers, and conducts a series of aggressive informational activities. (Hybrydowa [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref41">36</reflink>])</p> <p>Exiled people are led or chased by the Belarusian military to specific places on the border, and the only way to save them from violence is to cross it. Sometimes it means crossing the river, wading through swamps and barbed wire (Czarnota et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref42">14</reflink>]). According to the activists of GG, people entering the territory of Poland are prevented by officers of the Polish Border Guard. The authorities strengthen the border by sending various uniformed services and building a wall along the border. They framed their narrative into the rhetoric of the war. GG fan page documents that the services made it impossible to cross the border and also transferred people, who managed to find themselves in Poland, back to the Belarusian side. Intimidation was used to blame them and discourage them from crossing the border again. Also, a state of emergency was introduced in this area. It was justified by the threat to the security of citizens and public order (Komunikat [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref43">39</reflink>]). A state of emergency is a ban on persons staying in the indicated area. It includes activists, humanitarian aid, and the media monitoring the events (Czarnota et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref44">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>According to the Amnesty International report (Cruelty... [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref45">13</reflink>]) exiled people arrived to Poland in poor health (suffered from hypothermia, dehydration, and poisoning from drinking swamp water) and were subjected to personal searches, including forced nudity in unhygienic and overcrowded detention centers. Some were forcibly sedated and tasered, and all were mistreated and denied contact with the outside world in detention. Polish border guards caught and brutally pushed people back to Belarus without registration, sometimes using threats and weapons. The routine use of detention without assessing individual situations suggests authorities' indifference. Some of them were deported forcibly to their countries of origin.</p> <p>GG activists raised awareness about the human rights violations and border situation, shedding light on the mistreatment of border crossers. From December 2022 to January 2023, there were numerous human rights violations reported, including 544 push-backs without proper administrative procedures, obstruction of access to protection procedures, damage to people's phones, failure to officially register personal data, and more. GG also reported an increasing number of missing persons (<reflink idref="bib317" id="ref46">317</reflink>) and deaths (<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref47">37</reflink>) since the crisis began. The Polish state endeavors to maintain the appearance of legality in the border zone by implementing a state of emergency and pushback regulations. The Polish Constitution guarantees the right to seek refugee status in Poland, which cannot be restricted by laws or state actions. Numerous cases have been brought against Poland at the European Court of Human Rights, exposing violations of foreigners' rights, such as inhumane conditions and unlawful deportations. Court rulings have unequivocally deemed pushbacks at the border as illegal. Nevertheless, despite these rulings, the effective implementation of the principle of non-refoulement has yet to be achieved (HFHR [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref48">34</reflink>]).</p> <p>In such conditions, GG as an alliance of organizations was established to combat the humanitarian crisis that exiled people were facing. In our interpretation, the activities of GG outreach the borderland, and they are also an example of organized social resistance for peace, and more specifically – against non-peace. Through:</p> <olist> <item> the presence of activists and the coordination of aid, GG opposes the ill-treatment of asylum seekers. Although these actions are rooted in fundamental human rights, the positive objection turned out provocative for the authorities. It highlighted the institutional brutality on the borderland.</item> <item> documentation and legal actions, Activists try to stop the violence experienced by exiled people on many levels by the Polish and Belarusian authorities.</item> <item> social activities and conversations with the region's residents, GG activists help people peer beyond the militaristic state propaganda. They implement the idea of peace, following the model of critical PE in the non-formal and informal dimensions.</item> </olist> <p>People involved in GG describe themselves as:</p> <p>a social movement that opposes how authorities have responded to the events on the Polish-Belarusian border. We assist forced migrants who find themselves on the Polish territory and monitor human rights violations. The movement includes activists from all over Poland, including residents of border areas, and a growing group of NGOs.</p> <p>(Czarnota et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref49">14</reflink>])</p> <p>In practice, GG consists of a dozen organizations that decided to operate in the borderland to help exiled people. Around these organizations, several collectives specialize in specific activities: from cooking to legal assistance (Palęcka [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref50">48</reflink>]). There are groups of people on social media interested and outraged by the state's policy towards these particular migrants. They are ready to support GG activities occasionally or regularly, personally or financially, in various ways. They organize resources and provide skills for people living and operating in forests on the Polish-Belarusian borderland. The essence of the problem is the change in the state's policy towards these particular people. The activities of GG have included, first and foremost, opposing pushback practices through actions and the creation of an alternative narrative. A meaningful aspect of GG's activities is educational work and changing the way of thinking about exiled people and asylum seekers, as well as deconstructing the government's narrative on this topic (see: Rydzewski [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref51">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>GG searches share many common characteristics with MR. Similarities start from the confrontationality of their actions, though unintended, but unavoidable in the militarized zone when activists carry:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> physical searches for people in forests based on reports of their location,</item> <p></p> <item> humanitarian aid for people before soldiers of one of the formations captured them,</item> <p></p> <item> claims for particular people and search for their traces. Activists asked in institutions, through inquiries under legal procedures, by organizing media coverage for each story, during street protests, and by asking other people who managed to get out of the forests.</item> </ulist> <p>The activities of GG can be seen as a collaborative, tedious in-depth search for an answer to the provocative question Where is the human? Literally, because they were conducted in forests, swamps (Boczek [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref52">8</reflink>]), and under various dangerous conditions that 'have motivated civil society and volunteer initiatives to run aid operations in the restricted zone and in its vicinity' (Fajfer [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref53">17</reflink>], 86). This question could be found on protesters' banners. And which, in various ways, were asked of the representatives of the authorities. During the protest campaigns, they were asked by name for specific missing children, e.g. 'Where is Ayten?'. And during the field intervention, soldiers were asked about the fate of those who had just been captured: 'Where are you taking these people?' The question became metaphorical in the version 'Where is the human in the soldier?'. The cause for such a deep concern was that the soldiers defended themselves against responsibility for their actions at the border, claiming that their only role was to obey orders. In the spirit of MR, these questions arise from repetition in the practice of helping, but they grow into general questions asked of the public. The fact that people can ask questions under difficult conditions demonstrates the emancipatory power of these inquiries. Answering the questions reveals their critical nature because it leads to an examination of what was previously taken for granted.</p> <p>GG initiatives are a type of activity that generates alternative knowledge about state structures and the activities of disposable groups, in addition to practical effects for exiled people. Knowledge of GG activists and methods of distribution is possible thanks to the collective and anonymous effort, and in this regard, it is an alternative knowledge to academic knowledge. GG activists observe the actions of people representing power from various points and perspectives, overcome language and technological barriers, as well as the fear of the aggrieved, in order to speak with them and their families. The information that GG activists are sharing with the 'outside' world during a series of protests called 'Stop Torture at the Border' is difficult for citizens who trust the political representatives. These are details about torture, beatings, humiliation, intimidation, and breaking the law, all of which run counter to popular perceptions of how uniformed services operate. In social media, their alternative knowledge often meets hatred directed at activists. Activists are discouraged from taking action because they are accused of organizing illegal border crossings, for which they face up to 8 years in prison (Sękowski [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref54">52</reflink>]). Furthermore, outraged citizens are discouraged from speaking out through lawsuits and comments that their posts are being investigated by military lawyers (cf. Grupa Zadaniowa Honor [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref55">26</reflink>]).</p> <p>The distinction between alternative knowledge generated by MR and academic knowledge began to blur in the case of GG when the group 'Badaczki i Badacze na Granicy' [BBG] [Researchers at the Frontiers] was formed, bringing together researchers affiliated with institutions. The research group's goal is to 'collect as much data as possible related to the humanitarian crisis on the European Union's north-eastern border and to conduct civic education activities' (BBG [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref56">6</reflink>]). Their research is dedicated to activists in the sense that it supports field research (Garbolińska [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref57">21</reflink>]), gives activists and migrants a voice (Fiałkowska [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref58">18</reflink>]), and shows the crisis in a broader context (Graban [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref59">23</reflink>]; Traba [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref60">57</reflink>]) in order to find solutions. BBG seek solutions, particularly legal ones (Grześkowiak [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref61">27</reflink>]), and analyze discourse (Pietrusińska [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref62">49</reflink>]), seeking a starting point for the discursive transformation of the authorities' dominant narrative. Thus, two types of knowledge interact with each other – activist (concrete, close to the body) and academic (abstract and distanced), which complement each other in seeking the truth and revealing complexity, hoping that it will help to overcome the humanitarian crisis.</p> <p>The conflict with institutional science arose only after the authorities of the region's largest university requested that the General of the Border Guard deliver the inaugural lecture of the academic year. The topic of the lecture was 'Contemporary Migrations as a Challenge' (Fiałkowska [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref63">19</reflink>]). The activists then delivered the standard lecture intervention (cf. Kowzan, Zielińska and Prusinowska [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref64">41</reflink>]). The intervention consisted in affixing the general's words to banners held by activists, along with comments. Their content was about border guards breaking the law, including the use of illegal push-backs against exiled people. The intervention gave the impression that the general was lecturing off-topic because he did not refer to the content of the banners. As a result, the military perspective on the humanitarian crisis, which they prefer to frame as migration, has lost the legitimacy granted to it by a civil university.</p> <p>A similarity between GG activities and MR effects is the bottom-up development of a community (networks of mutual aid). Only a few activists, such as scientists, are able to speak publicly about the crisis. People formed support groups based on the similarities they saw in exiled people, such as Families without Borders [Polish: Rodziny bez granic] or Mothers to the border [Polish: Matki na granicę]. And also around the profession: Medics on the border [Polish: Medycy na granicy], and finally, borderland locations: The Bialowieza Humanitarian Action [Polish: Białowieska Akcja Humanitarna]. The scope of the aid network, as well as the dedication of the activists, left an impression on the helpers. The activists' pride and indignation stemmed from the creation of something resembling an 'underground state'[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref65">3</reflink>] (Boczek [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref66">8</reflink>]). This analogy was prompted by a large number of groups and organizations that became involved in rescuing people at the Belarusian border in secret due to the magnitude of potential state repressions. We are unable to estimate how many people have volunteered in these organizations. However, at least 10,000 people supported these activities financially (the number of payments in the most popular online fundraiser). In addition, GG has at least 33,000 Facebook followers. The magnitude of their acts is reflected by the fact that, since August 2021, they have been able to assist almost 13,000 people in need of humanitarian assistance.</p> <p>Now, let us examine GG's activities through the eyes of PE. We recognize that PE can be understood as both the elimination of violence (peace as lack of violence) and the construction of peace (peace as social justice). The goal of GG activists was to prevent dispositional groups from: a) hurting people crossing the border, and b) exposing exiled people to death by transporting them deep into the forest. In practice activists:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> followed specific people's cases after obtaining permission to represent them; they drove behind Border Guard cars to ensure that detainees were taken to the places they declared, rather than back to Belarusian territory;</item> <p></p> <item> confronted commanders of field groups and commanders of Border Guard structures who made decisions on asylum applications,</item> <p></p> <item> compelled the search for the missing and the preservation of evidence in cases of crimes they reported;</item> <p></p> <item> monitored the situation of people imprisoned in closed centres (prison-like facilities on military training grounds where refugees awaited decisions in their cases while listening to gunshots!) (New Evidence [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref67">47</reflink>]).</item> </ulist> <p>People had to learn, dare to change, and gradually get into practice so that these activities would happen. When we write about activists, we also mean the residents who became activists responding to calls for help. Therefore, when GG talks about education, they refer to what has preceded the actions we mentioned. These were 'conversations, listening to the residents of border areas, relieving tensions and explaining legal and factual issues related to migration and refugees' (Czarnota et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref68">14</reflink>], 25). These were activities with people who were stressed out because of their situation and how it was portrayed on television. Before declaring a state of emergency, these activities consisted in 'visiting households and talking to residents' (Czarnota et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref69">14</reflink>], 25). Keeping in touch as well as the quality of meetings and discussions were important to the cause. The success of this education was demonstrated by the fact that, upon seeing the newcomers, the residents reduced the number of phone calls to the Border Guard. They began to help, knowing how to do so, and were encouraged by the fact that helping people is not illegal:</p> <p>Attitudes to helping have changed over time, and an actual meeting with the people in need of help was often the turning point. These encounters made it clear to our interlocutors that there was a gap between official media coverage, the presence of troops and militarisation and the actual situation they observed in their immediate neighbourhood. (Czarnota et al. [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref70">14</reflink>], 26)</p> <p>PE understood as building peace (emphasizing its positive aspects), is reflected in activists' actions such as:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> calling for medical help, bringing exiled people to hospitals, keeping them there until their health improves; building public interest in exiled people' cases (collecting their history and data), and preparing legal services,</item> <p></p> <item> describing cases and encounters with people in forests along with descriptions of the helpers' emotions,</item> <p></p> <item> creating international bonds based on contacts via websites (reporting to each other who and where they are, with whom there is no contact with [the family], or giving thanks after reaching a safe place),</item> <p></p> <item> identification of people who died at the border, making their histories public.</item> </ulist> <p>We contend that MR supplements PE with methods of achieving peace, which, in the case of GG, meant: confrontation and directness of action, courage and exposure to injury, and thus being and looking for answers in the midst of events. When it comes to the component of the aforementioned limited communicativeness, typically educational is looking for ways to reach people. Unfortunately, open communication outside of the protester community is not always possible. They are threatened with hate and repression in the form of lawsuits for being too direct. That is why symbols like the flag made from a first-aid blanket raised during street protests had such a strong social resonance because the heat-reflective material reminded people of families trapped in the primeval forest. Activists took a risk to direct action while also delving into the roots of culture in search of the key to broader mobilization to build a culture of peace. It is a critical educational work that raises awareness and radically transforms social beliefs about the nature of violence (Kowzan and Szczygieł [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref71">40</reflink>]) at the border. GG activists collected evidence and accounts proving that it is also sadistic violence for the pleasure of exercising power over someone's life. They exposed incidents such as throwing people through barbed wire, hunting them in the woods wearing skull masks, pouring out fresh water so exiled people can see the waste while they have nothing to drink, and separating families. Activists educated themselves and others about the consequences of declaring a state of emergency. They also confirmed the suspension of rights, the destruction of medical equipment, the intimidation of journalists, and the bullying of local residents.</p> <p>We perceive the actions of GG as PE in its rudimentary form. It is a broadly understood education in which learning is intertwined with teaching others but operates on the witnesses' embodied experience. Peacebuilding occurs both in the real world, where the materiality of life-saving objects has a measurable value in kilograms carried on the backpack, and in various local communities (Chołodowski [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref72">9</reflink>]). It also occurs in the virtual world, via social media, the arts, and the sharing of stories with support networks. In this context, GG recommendations and incentives available on their website are critical:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> 'Talk about the humanitarian crisis with family, neighbors, friends, and colleagues. Try to reach people who are indifferent to this topic',</item> <p></p> <item> 'Support refugees and migrants who are already in Poland',</item> <p></p> <item> 'Get involved or organize aid and solidarity actions, pickets, demonstrations, and marches in your town. Put pressure on the authorities, and write letters to deputies and senators'.</item> </ulist> <p>In our opinion, persuading people to engage in the protection of human rights, educating themselves and encouraging others to grow their moral backbone, organizing protests, and helping people who have suffered from armed conflicts are manifestations of PE. Such interventions can inspire institutional education, as Maria Hantzopoulos pointed out ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref73">32</reflink>]). She argues that the implementation of such critical PE: 'should embrace dialogical, problem-posing, and participatory/praxis methods; multiple, varied, and alternative viewpoints and content; and flattened organizational structures that foster collaboration and connection rather than hierarchy and compartmentalization' ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref74">32</reflink>], 225).</p> <p>To sum up, we perceive the activities of GG as an example of MR. Through concrete activities, they generate 'resistance knowledge' against the authorities and state officials in the Polish-Belarusian borderland, acting against exiled people trying to cross the border. This 'resistance knowledge' aims to help exiled people who are transferred from one country to another. Activists organize themselves, learn about the existing situation, and try to react as quickly as possible.</p> <p>Their activities are whistleblowing (revealing improprieties in the actions of the authorities), provocative and confrontational (asking questions about exiled people who suddenly disappear), defensive (organizing legal assistance for exiled people), and caring (providing dry clothing, food, water, and amateur medical assistance for exiled people). These activities are characterized by courage and involve the risk of repression. We see signs of critical PE in these activities. This education is contextual, values specific people's experiences, and does not dissolve in abstraction. It involves a number of people from various social backgrounds. They send a message to the public about the situation at the border. PE, practiced by GG, exposes violence and injustice while also proposing specific aid measures for exiled people. The grassroots and non-institutional nature of GG's education provides us with a great opportunity to reintroduce PE for institutional education in Poland. We are aware of the challenges of implementing it. Our ambition is not to propose solutions but rather to initiate a discussion on this issue.</p> <hd id="AN0173435336-6">Discussion and conclusions</hd> <p>By using the activities of GG activists along the Polish-Belarusian border as an example, we attempted to capture the points of contact between MR and PE in this article. Our analyses demonstrate that MR as a particular method of producing knowledge and social practices may play a significant role in PE. We demonstrated how to apply MR to the fight for people and groups that are victims of violence, for the respect of human rights that are precarious, even in Europe, for the notion of peace as a period devoid of war, and for social justice as a potential building block of peace in society. Beyond the subtle governmentality practices experienced by those who seem familiar, questions posed within the framework of MR make society aware of the mechanisms of excluding the Other and the oppressive action of institutional power. The activism of GG in their informal education, which takes place right in the field, is an embodiment of these issues, which are typical of critical PE (Bajaj [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref75">3</reflink>]).</p> <p>GG goes beyond the ideological perception of PE as a safe, harmless, and non-violent practice carried out with the approval of an enlightened authority, which was already pointed out as PE's fundamental presumptions (Gur-Ze'ev [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref76">28</reflink>]). When we write about MR, we do not advocate violence. We acknowledge that social movements have no control over how the authorities will view their inquiries. And nobody can ensure that a non-violent strategy of dynamic social resistance will remain in place. Therefore, assuming 'militancy', we recognize that preventing non-peace exposes activists to danger, including the risk of criminalizing their actions.</p> <p>The benefit of risk exposure is that endorsing MR paves the way for specific methods of operation that help to respond to a humanitarian crisis at a specific place and time. MR enables us a quick reaction in conditions of limited access to information. In our opinion, it is important that the methods of GG operation described in the text do not take the form of predetermined instructions for action. It makes them less prone to surveillance or to be appropriated by inappropriate groups (Colectivo Situaciones [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref77">11</reflink>]). MR demonstrates how PE objectives can be fulfilled through fieldwork, direct assistance, protesting, and exercising bravery in provocative 'Where is the human?' questions. Provocation and the skill of dialogue in conflict situations may be part of the repertoire of a polite, institutionalized PE. Asking about the covert identity of educators in crisis situations should also help people understand the limitations of MR. PE can train the following generations to carry out grassroots interventions.</p> <p>GG's initiatives can also serve as an inspiration for the development of PE within the confines of educational institutions, including higher education. This capability does not develop in a vacuum. The Polish government made an effort to keep activists away from children and teenagers. In response to criticism of the actions of uniformed services, state media, and offices hastily organized the campaign 'Wall behind the Polish uniform' and promoted it in schools across the nation, particularly in the area under the state of emergency (Halemba [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref78">29</reflink>]). As part of the campaign, kindergarteners and schoolchildren were urged to create cards of gratitude for the soldiers who protect the borders. The laurels were handed over to soldiers operating in a state of emergency. In this situation, a strong alternative is needed. We believe that, in line with Hantzopoulos ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref79">32</reflink>]), investigating GG counter-actions case and drawing on the expertise of militant researchers can be used in the long run to institutionalize critical PE in public schools. For instance, programs 'can both work towards the emancipatory goals of the field and pursue meaningful societal change' (Hantzopoulos [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref80">32</reflink>], 225) after an update made in response to activist engaged contributions (Gould [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref81">22</reflink>]). The use of social movement actions and justifications enables us to practice crucial contemporary competencies like reflexivity and the capacity for critical thought, transforming formal education into a space that is not disassociated from reality. It is presumable to have emancipatory potential and, as a result, be able to effectively respond to events occurring outside of the school or university (see, e.g. Bajaj [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref82">2</reflink>]). This would be an example of what Haavelsrud (1996) refers to as politicization – the proactive promotion of peace outside of formal institutions.</p> <p>It is clear that the goal of this text was not to provide instructions on how to apply specific practical solutions to formal education. Collaboration between various educational actors, including students, parents, the school, the municipality, and locally active social movements, would be necessary for this. A dialogical approach and reflection on what has happened on the borderland could prevent the appropriation of educational practices by the strongest entities (Czyżewski and Snyder [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref83">15</reflink>]; Mendel [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref84">46</reflink>]). These educational practices are common to pedagogy and adult education. Because all people, regardless of age, are harmed by conflicts and lack of peace, PE has the potential to benefit all generations. Since it deals with promoting world peace, it also tends to be universal (Wessells [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref85">58</reflink>]). But in PE, there is a definite shift from locality to globality. Even though PE is crucial for societies that are edging closer to authoritarianism, we express concern that local MR practices might not scale well.</p> <hd id="AN0173435336-7">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>We would like to express our gratitude to Magdalena Prusinowska and Krystian Szadkowski for their valuable contributions to our discussions on militant research. Their insightful perspectives have greatly enhanced the overall quality of this work.</p> <hd id="AN0173435336-8">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0173435336-9"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref18" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> There are, of course, examples that deviate from this classic understanding of MR. For example, Sam Halvorsen (2015) describes research carried out at the junction of the social movement (Occupy London) and the university (University College London) as the institution that largely supported this process. According to the researcher, such coexistence is possible when the person acts as an academic researcher and activist. Of course, this connection is not without its problems. Halvorsen refers to conflicts between institutional actors and militant researchers who are part of the activist milieu. Then, the different understanding of research ethics by research ethics committees and militant researchers may be the problem. Tensions between institutions, social movements, and the individuals involved are inevitable and require constant reflection. Halvorsen, therefore, postulates that combat research should be 'vigilant' and self-critical, no matter what form it takes.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref32" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> The differentiation of types of adult education proposed by Malewski (2010) inspired us to describe three approaches to PE. 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He uses a biographical approach that recognizes the role of the individual experiences of adults.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib121" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref40"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib317" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref67"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref71"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref78"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref81"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref84"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Militant Research for Peace Education. The Case of Grupa Granica on the Polish-Belarusian Border – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Piotr+Kowzan%22">Piotr Kowzan</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6506-8327">0000-0002-6506-8327</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Przemyslaw+Szczygiel%22">Przemyslaw Szczygiel</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5353-7870">0000-0001-5353-7870</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Peace+Education%22"><i>Journal of Peace Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 20(3):339-360. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 22 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Peace%22">Peace</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+Methods%22">Teaching Methods</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Conflict%22">Conflict</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Change%22">Social Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Geographic+Regions%22">Geographic Regions</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Activism%22">Activism</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Poland%22">Poland</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Belarus%22">Belarus</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/17400201.2023.2231362 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1740-0201<br />1740-021X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Peace education prepares people to deal peacefully with conflicts of various scales. The authors want to enrich this education by paying attention to situations when international tension increases, and it is still possible to defuse it. Social movements sometimes highlight the hidden conflicts in society. They provoke the authorities to act and sometimes even force them to reveal their intentions. In this article, the authors look at the use of 'intervention' so-called militant research in the face of growing international conflicts and utilise the example of the humanitarian crisis for exiled people on the Polish-Belarusian border that has taken place since the summer of 2021. The possibility of using militant research is considered an inspiration to restore and preserve peace on the basis of the activism of 'Grupa Granica' [Border Group] in Poland. The case selection is based on the criteria adopted from the literature on militant research. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2023 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1403962 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/17400201.2023.2231362 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 22 StartPage: 339 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Peace Type: general – SubjectFull: Teaching Methods Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Conflict Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Change Type: general – SubjectFull: Geographic Regions Type: general – SubjectFull: Activism Type: general – SubjectFull: Poland Type: general – SubjectFull: Belarus Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Militant Research for Peace Education. The Case of Grupa Granica on the Polish-Belarusian Border Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Piotr Kowzan – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Przemyslaw Szczygiel IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2023 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1740-0201 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1740-021X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 20 – Type: issue Value: 3 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Peace Education Type: main |
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