The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968-1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics
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| Title: | The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968-1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Michael Soldatenko (ORCID |
| Source: | Journal of Latinos and Education. 2024 23(2):474-491. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 18 |
| Publication Date: | 2024 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Education Level: | Higher Education Postsecondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Historical Interpretation, Politics of Education, Public Colleges, Activism, Minority Groups, Latin Americans, Community Cooperation, Strikes, Ethnic Studies, Civil Rights, Teacher Strikes |
| Geographic Terms: | California (San Francisco), California |
| DOI: | 10.1080/15348431.2022.2153845 |
| ISSN: | 1534-8431 1532-771X |
| Abstract: | The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968-1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics. This essay looks at the 1968-1969 Third World Strikes at San Francisco State and UC Berkeley through the lens of coalitional politics and activism. While the paper looks closely at Chicanx campus politics, the goal is to move away from a nationalist or Maoist reading of the two strikes. During these two events, Chicanx activism has to be read in conjunction with African American, Asian American, Native American, and white campus politics. This coalitional politics represented a temporary rupture of U.S. political behavior and manifested a utopic moment when an alternative political possibility was glimpsed. The essay ends exploring the limits of coalitional politics and activism, especially as nationalism and identity politics came to the fore. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2024 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1415357 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwENBUdRy3Y0RujXiQZzYeTIAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDBVRCviiGA7RnjnKsAIBEICBm3qc-ZNnfHVRfdByp3Ckxwns6c0aJkzFikVnYQdmo5EJ7l01YBouUUr8h9gqRXFDL4NKZZ6fnbi08uQHdowt8LegtMBqEkfm8hCbsH8oDiKKQ5PiZG1R9cA4oP9dMgpXfqonFC1-jPJnw45HHGwBjLPhpT0zCC2zfeQLMAaaZzNbRHO1TVI8Gmc9bZukpp1duNYrwVBwJ5cOPSOm Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0175795049;hd001apr.24;2024Mar06.05:55;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0175795049-1">The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968–1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics </title> <p>The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968–1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics. This essay looks at the 1968–1969 Third World Strikes at San Francisco State and UC Berkeley through the lens of coalitional politics and activism. While the paper looks closely at Chicanx campus politics, the goal is to move away from a nationalist or Maoist reading of the two strikes. During these two events, Chicanx activism has to be read in conjunction with African American, Asian American, Native American, and white campus politics. This coalitional politics represented a temporary rupture of U.S. political behavior and manifested a utopic moment when an alternative political possibility was glimpsed. The essay ends exploring the limits of coalitional politics and activism, especially as nationalism and identity politics came to the fore.</p> <p>Keywords: Activism; curriculum; Post-secondary education; Race/racialization; chicano(a) student movement; third world strike</p> <hd id="AN0175795049-2">Introduction 1</hd> <p>In 1968 and 1969 Bay Area Chicanx and Latinx students united with other students creating a movement that was different from the earlier UC Berkeley free speech movement,[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref1">2</reflink>] the growing anti-draft and war protests, as well as the nationalist politics within many campus communities. These Bay Area student activists sought a curricular revolution, driven by self-determination, which would transform U.S. higher education and subvert its role as an appendage of U.S. white supremacy, exceptionalism, and imperialism. They hoped that this epistemic insurrection would parallel a radical transformation of U.S. society and its capitalist political order. Furthermore, they realized that this transformation demanded cross-racial solidarity – "coalitional activism" (Angela Ryan, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref2">96</reflink>], p. 423).[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>] Their activity resulted in the Third World (TW) strikes at San Francisco State and University of California Berkeley.[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>] The protests provide examples of Chicanx working together with members of other ethnic, racial, and national groups to push their educational, social, and political agendas. Furthermore, TW criticism of U.S. foreign policies, flavored with a nationalist and Marxist language, helped to stimulate alliances among the groups.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref5">5</reflink>]</p> <p>This essay underscores that Bay Area campus politics in the 1960s and 1970s rested on a coalitional activism that brought together students of color and white allies.[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref6">6</reflink>] To achieve success, a political strategy was necessary that linked together activists of diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds. This was not a new strategy since communities of color recognize that to achieve political and social change it was necessary to educate white activists on how to cooperate. At the same time, U.S. white supremacy fostered an identity politics that divided communities of color from whites as well as distrust among racial and ethnic groups. What occurred during the TW strikes was a temporary and uneven coalition between radical whites and activists of color as well as among local communities of color. This coalitional politics represented a temporary rupture of U.S. political behavior and manifested a utopic moment when an alternative political possibility was glimpsed. As Byungjoo Bae argues, we need to reconsider sixties radicalism through the lens of "genealogies of alliance" – a political practice when "radicals were more cooperative and collaborative ... [who] valued the potential for broad-based organizing that united numerous activists toward a common goal" ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref7">46</reflink>], p. 694).</p> <p>This did not mean that the campus activists put aside life experiences in their coalition building. Rather they had to take into account differences in location (the Bay Area was not a homogeneous community but divided by race, class, and place), gender (while men were the majority of students, women were active on campus and the local community), nationality (the impact of settler colonialism, white supremacy, and imperialism) and ethnic constituency together with activists' ideological positions, political aims, and personal experiences. Therefore, Bay Area activists used anti-racism and nationalism as a political tool to build political organizations among disenfranchised minorities (Pulido, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref8">91</reflink>], p. 33) with an eye on differences. What TW activists tried to corral were the disruptive tendencies in these differences, especially nationalism. Given the U.S. history of white supremacy and white identity politics, nationalism is a constant contrivance separating communities of colors. Andrew Barlow develops this point about "the racial segmentation of student movements" (p. 1) and how race influenced students as they became active (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref9">4</reflink>).[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref10">7</reflink>]</p> <p>For this reason, the essay considers coalitional politics through the lens of Chicanx and Latinx campus activists. The literature on the protests typically centers on Black and white activists. The role of Chicanx, Latinx, and Asian Americans are placed in the background. I hope to bring attention to these groups and show the developing interaction among students of color as they looked beyond their groups imaginary.</p> <p>It is important to recognize that the TW strikers did not have a fully formed ideology and political practice. So for a working definition, I borrow from Harvey C. Dong ([<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref11">62</reflink>]) who explains that these activists blended their understanding of the international situation with local reality. He argues, first, that some strikers borrowed from the People's Republic of China's "Three Worlds" analysis that placed the U.S. and the Soviet Union within the First World, Europe, Japan, and the Soviet satellite countries in the Second World, and underdeveloped countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America within the Third World. Following on this point, Colleen Lye ([<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref12">81</reflink>]) adds that "Third Worldism" took the form of a political defense of national sovereignty and economic self-reliance as reflected at the Bandung Conference of African and Asian nations.[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref13">8</reflink>] Second, Dong continues, local anti-racist struggles had to be understood through the internal colonial model. In an essay from the Third World Orientation Committee, the authors call for unity "among the 'colorful' people of the world" (p. 17). This unity, the article continues, results from people coming together to resist exploitation and oppression – here and abroad.</p> <p>Together, TW movement activists began to develop a position that included a critique of U.S. democracy, an explanation for U.S. imperialism and capitalism, an emphasis on the importance of supporting the struggles of nonaligned countries against the U.S. and USSR, and advocating solidarity in the struggles against racial oppression. For Jason Ferreira "[t]hey understood racism to be rooted in the structures of colonialism (both materially and discursively), serving as a fundamental pillar in a capitalist world-system that stretched from the ghettoes/barrios of Watts and East Los Angeles to South Africa and Vietnam" ([<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref14">67</reflink>], p. 14). As Ryan points out, "I define [their ideology] as an anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist critique that united all subjugated people of color around the world" ([<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref15">95</reflink>], p. 8) and I believe Ferreira would have added "grounded in grassroots community organizing" (p. 15).[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref16">9</reflink>] Ziza Delgado observes in her dissertation: "By 1968, when the TWLF was initiated at San Francisco State University, students had already been exposed to ideas of Third World solidarity and international struggles for self-determination by the Black Panther Party and other organizations such as SNCC" (p. 50).</p> <hd id="AN0175795049-3">San Francisco State and the TWLF, 1968-1969 10</hd> <p>Before events at San Francisco State, Chicanx students at San Jose State College (SJS) organized the first protest by Mexican American students at a major college or university. While an organized Mexican American presence had existed at SJS since 1964, the first important protest was on November 1, 1967 when they protested the film "A Day of Concern." Mexican Americans felt that the film ignored their presence on the campus and the wider community. Juan Oliverez ([<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref17">89</reflink>]) describes how SJS President Clark's responded to the protest and established a committee to launch a dialogue with Mexican American students and community. SJS dissenters hoped to empower Mexican American in all areas where they were present. "Self-determination became a call for community control of resources, of the services and institutions that affected the lives of Chicanos. On campus, it meant control of programs directly affecting Chicanos" (p. 53).[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref18">11</reflink>] The President's lack of action resulted in Mexican American Student Conference (MASC) decision to disrupted commencement. On June 14 1968, <emph>La Hormiga</emph> reported, Chicanx students staged the first public action at a major college or university; they walked out of the graduation ceremonies and held their own Chicano commencement in order to highlight the failure of higher education for Mexican American students. Over five hundred participated in the walkout. Both <emph>La Hormiga</emph> and <emph>Chicano Student News</emph> described that many African American and whites supported the Chicanx protest, joining them in the walkout. This event prefigured the later alliances among students of color and whites in other Bay Area campuses. Arturo Cabrera, a SJS faculty member, prophesized that the walkouts were "an omen of a long hot season ahead" (Sanchez).</p> <p>The San Francisco State (SFS) strike can be read as the result of several student currents comingling. White radicals' anti-draft/war protests and their activism in working class communities in San Francisco was the first trend. As the school year opened in fall 1967, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and concerned faculty organized Stop the Draft week and the War Crisis Convocation (Summerskill, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref19">31</reflink>]). At the same time, Anglo activists established the Tutorial Program, Community Improvement Program, and the Experimental College that labored with working-class communities and served to attract students of color to the campus (Umemoto, [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref20">103</reflink>], p. 33; [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref21">108</reflink>]). The Tutorial Program, for instance, started with 15 volunteers. By the time Roger Alvarado, a major player in the TW strike, became coordinator, 18 months later, 12 centers with 300 volunteers existed. The Community Involvement Program goal strived "toward the ideal of 'participatory democracy' and radical social change." By the end of 1966, the Community Program had a staff of 12 organizers with 100 volunteers in 11 projects, for instance, working with SNCC in Haight-Ashbury and the United Farm Workers in Delano. The Experimental College sought to create courses that traditional departments would not teach and utilize more open and democratic pedagogic practices (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref22">49</reflink>], pp. 49–54, 62, 67, 88–91).[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref23">12</reflink>]</p> <p>Students of color determined the second major concern on the campus. Throughout the 1967–1968 academic year, the Black Student Union (BSU) pushed for an autonomous Black Studies department and a special admission program.[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref24">13</reflink>] Their campaign was interrupted by the need to protest an insensitive article in the <emph>Daily Gater</emph> (Smith et al, 22; Summerskill, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref25">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref26">108</reflink>]). By December African Americans protested what they perceived as administration's inaction on their issues of the department and special admissions. The students were also unhappy with the suspension of four African American students because of the <emph>Daily Gater</emph> protest. Together with the Movement Against Political Suspensions and SDS, they closed the campus on December 6 and organized a sit-in on December 12.</p> <p>During the same school year, the pivotal dilemma for Chicanx and Latinx[<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref27">14</reflink>] on the campus was the dismissal of Juan Martinez who had taught in the History and Social Science department since 1966. In the spring 1968, he was given the responsibility to create a plan for a Mexican American studies program and improve recruitment of students (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref28">49</reflink>], p. 151). When Martinez was given these responsibilities, the department took the opportunity to remove him from teaching. The History department was unhappy with Martinez's radical politics and his effort to increase minority admissions. Martinez was critical of higher education which he felt served to "mis-educate" Chicanx and Latinx students. Chicanx and Latinx students demonstrated to pressure administration to reinstate Martinez. These students participated in two associations: El Renacimiento and the Latin American Student Association (LASO). El Renacimiento later in the summer would transform into the Mexican American Student Confederation (MASC). LASO was founded in spring 1967 by native born Latin American students. Initially, an apolitical group, it soon developed social and political awareness by working with the Tutorial Program (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref29">49</reflink>], p. 157).</p> <p>Asian American students came to the aid of the Chicanx and Latinx protestors. MASC and Filipino students were the first to back Martinez, followed by LASO and Chinese American students. Asian Americans at SFS were divided into at least three organizations: Intercollegiate Chinese Social Action (ICSA), Philippine American Collegiate Endeavor (PACE/FACE), and Asian American Political Alliance (AAPA). ICSA was established in October 1967 and worked primarily in San Francisco's Chinatown. They developed a drop-in center/alternative educational program (Nishida, [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref30">86</reflink>], p. 73). In an ICSA position paper, they called for "Chinese ethnic studies" to be taught at SFS (Umemoto, [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref31">103</reflink>], p. 52). PACE/FACE was established in the spring of 1968. Its purpose was to participate in the movement for ethnic studies and to recruit Filipinos to campus. They saw the struggle over ethnic studies as one way to develop a new consciousness.[<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref32">15</reflink>] AAPA, following the UCB organization, was established last in the late summer 1968. Unlike the other Asian organization, AAPA was more radical; they drew a clear parallel between anti-imperialist movements in the TW with the struggle against racism and oppression in the U.S. ICSA became the most prominent Asian American organization, while PACE/FACE and AAPA the most militant (Wei, [<reflink idref="bib106" id="ref33">106</reflink>], pp. 17–19). While there were important political differences among these Asian American groups, Wake ([<reflink idref="bib105" id="ref34">105</reflink>]) contends that cultural activities brought them together.</p> <p>As a by-product of the Chicanx/Latinx and Asian American protests, students established the TW Liberation Front (TWLF).[<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref35">16</reflink>] The TWLF was initially a loose coalition with three objectives: more special admissions for TW students, creation of TW studies, and rehiring Martinez and later Richard Fitzgerald. "TWLF was born, demanding – in addition to the retention of Martinez – that Chicanos, Orientals, and Filipinos be accorded the same kind of concessions the BSU had wrung from the administration; specifically, more third-world faculty, and a expanded special-admissions quota" (Bill Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref36">48</reflink>], p. 290). It saw its purpose "to initiate discussion and develop programs pertinent to the needs of the TW students" (A Nonwhite Struggle, p. 2). The organization hoped to achieve these goals by unifying nonwhites against Anglo oppression and colonization. The early history of the organization and its decision-making process was marked by internal divisions; this was complicated by their views on the anti-draft/war and anti-racist movements. As fall 1968 started, BSU drew closer to the TWLF as their deal with administration seemed not to hold.</p> <p>After the initial protests and meeting with the TWLF, President Summerskill agreed with most of the TWLF demands, even providing students with a decision-making vote in certain activities (Smith et al, 56–57; Smith, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref37">28</reflink>]). Unfortunately, the promises made to the TWLF and earlier to BSU could not be kept (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref38">49</reflink>], p. 196). At the same time, the Trustees, with the support of an increasingly interventionist Governor Reagan, had lost faith with Summerskill and replaced him with Robert Smith who inherited two burning issues: anti-draft/war protests and minorities increasing frustration with the slow pace of change (Summerskill, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref39">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>The spark that ignited the TWLF strike was the suspension of George Murray who had been hired by the English department to teach a course in the fall. As a student, he had directed the Tutorial Program, later he participated in <emph>The Daily Gater</emph> protest. When he was offered the adjunct position, he had become Minister of Education in the Black Panther Party. However, the Trustees pressured Chancellor Dumke to order Smith to rescind Murray's contract (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref40">49</reflink>], pp. 196–202). BSU called for a campus-wide strike on November 6 and presented ten demands (Orrick, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref41">90</reflink>]). Their chief issues were the establishment of a Black Studies department, more Black admissions, additional Black faculty positions, more influence in decision-making, and restoring Murray to his position. Over the weekend, TWLF prepared their five demands – calling for a school of ethnic studies, more faculty positions, open admissions, and reinstate Murray to his job (Bill Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref42">48</reflink>], p. 291).</p> <p>At the heart of these 15, demands were the quest for self-determination and a relevant education for students of color at SFS. The Murray dismissal underscored the weakness that students of color had on their educational institution. For this reason, self-determination became the sine qua non of the strikes. "[T]he TWLF sought to establish that racist institutions like S.F. State had no right to exercise power, even share power, over TW people; that power belonged to the people themselves" (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref43">49</reflink>], p. 221). Roger Alvarado of TWLF states: "We don't want equality, we want self-determination" (Bill Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref44">48</reflink>], p. 292). Students of color would no longer accept "the individual, competitive values of American education ... instead of an education that is relevant to their lives in their communities" (Research Organizing Cooperative, [<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref45">93</reflink>], p. 15). The future School of Ethnic Studies would prepare people who would be responsible to their communities and not corporations and government agencies.</p> <p>Smith found himself in an impossible position. His own plan, much like Summerskill, was to avoid confrontation, shun the use of San Francisco's police, and negotiate with the protestors – not withstanding his assertion that he had no ideological block against calling the police onto campus. Helene Whitson believes that "Presidents Summerskill and Smith were more inclined to work with students to see if the situations could be sorted out through discussion, debate, and even some compromise" ([<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref46">108</reflink>]. This required time. Unfortunately, Governor Reagan and the Trustees wanted action. With the arrival of the San Francisco Tactical Squad, confrontation became the order of the day (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref47">49</reflink>]; Smith et al., [<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref48">98</reflink>]; "Mill-in Today!!!"). Police action and increasing student frustration stifled attempts to dialog among all parties. When the Academic Senate requested Smith to suspend classes, the Trustees ordered him to keep them open. For some students, Smith appeared to be against negotiations (No Negotiation/Smith Unmasked; San Francisco State Strike). Yet in the eyes of the governor and the Trustees, Smith was unable to deal with the situation. His resignation soon followed with the appointment of I. S. Hayakawa on November 26.</p> <p>The arrival of Hayakawa as president resulted in a massive increase of police presence and violence, followed by the closing of SFS. In a later presentation, Hayakawa explained his "novel" approach to student protest. Instead of waiting until the last moment to use the police, "I had ample force available and demonstrated a willingness to use it quickly to protect people and property from attack" and thereby preserve order (Hayakawa, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref49">8</reflink>], p. 5). The Trustees showed their support for his actions by implementing a ten point disciplinary code. Hayakawa and the Trustees rejected mediation or moderation in their actions. As for the issues, Hayakawa simply ridiculed the students concerns. The campus became a battleground between protesters and police. Hayakawa's policies resulted in a closed campus. In the process TWLF became more than the amalgamation of diverse organizations. "The BSU declared the strike and the TWLF has steered it, choosing both strategy and tactics; white students ... had never contested leadership, or tried to form 'white demands'" (Gitlin, p. 303).[<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref50">17</reflink>]</p> <p>The success of the protest rested on a balance among political interests in the TWLF. While a coalition of activists had come together, there was tension. On a campus that was still predominantly white, and therefore white support was essential for the protest to challenge the campus leadership and increasingly the police, how to balance the interests of Anglo activists with students of color? A secondary tension developed that reflected the impact of repression and the developing nationalism among Black and Chicanx activists. Much like with the UC Berkeley strike, AAPA members, often with the Black Panther Party affiliates, worked to retain alliances with whites and reduce the tension among African Americans and Chicanx/Latinx leadership.[<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref51">18</reflink>]</p> <p>The spring semester began with a strike by professors in AFT local 1352, which had been called on December 12, broadening the SFS crisis (Bill Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref52">48</reflink>], p. 280). However, the TWLF strike was not going well. January witnessed increased repression followed by major arrests, especially of the TWLF leadership. While many within the faculty rejected Hayakawa's policies and found the situation intolerable, he had the support of the Trustees and the Reagan administration.[<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref53">19</reflink>] "It is impossible to imagine an atmosphere conducive to free inquiry when order has to be maintained by a massive show of force controlled by the same authority that may be resistant to change" (Academic Senate, p. 1). Some in the Academic Senate worked at a resolution to the students concerns.[<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref54">20</reflink>] Simultaneously, students had to channel their energy and resources to defend the arrested. Community support, evidenced during the fall semester, began to dissipate. Hayakawa was able to cajole the support of citizen who had grown tired of campus activists and protests and muted those who found his tactics unsound. The media played a central role in creating this image of campuses under the control of wild-eyed radicals driven by sex, drugs, and rock and roll – playing into the developing conservative backlash. Moreover, they shifted their focus to protests at UC Berkeley, Stanford, Harvard, and Columbia – reflecting the hierarchy of institutions in U.S. higher education. Administration further undercut the student position by freezing funds to Associated Students. The momentum was dwindling; as the spring semester unfolded, the strike was at the point of disintegration.</p> <p>By late February, BSU and TWLF began negotiations with a faculty committee (President's Select Committee). By March 3 AFT settled with SFS without resolving any of the TWLF demands (Chrisman). Moreover, Hayakawa ignored the negotiations between the faculty and students, demanding that before he considered their efforts he wanted an end to unrest on campus and would not negotiate over any demands for amnesty. Rather, he pushed for disciplinary proceedings to continue (Hayakawa, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref55">7</reflink>]). When the TWLF and the Committee signed an end to their negotiations on March 21, the Trustees disavowed any settlement and Hayakawa never signed the agreement (McDermid; Joint Agreement). By March 27, more than a week after UC Berkeley's own TWLF Strike had finished, TWLF ended their strike at SFS. Students did not get what they wanted.</p> <p>The TWLF leaders were under no illusions about what they had won for their fifteen demands. The significant gains of the strike were not to be found in the settlement; rather, they were implicit in the magnitude and uniqueness of the day-to-day battle that the students waged against those in control of the college (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref56">49</reflink>], pp. 320-321).</p> <p>The strike marked the culmination of a decade of student activism on the campus and community. The strike challenged the direction of higher education in California and proposed an alternative philosophy of education (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref57">49</reflink>], xiv; Umemoto, [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref58">103</reflink>], p. 116). Yet the goal of creating an institution within the academy to transform communities of color, under the control of students and faculty of color, did not occur. The result was several new departments organized under ethnic studies. It did not take long for students to quickly grow disenchanted with the results. And yet the coalitional activism practiced by the students presented a political practice that would be repeated on different campus.</p> <hd id="AN0175795049-4">University of California Berkeley and the TW Strike, 1969 21</hd> <p>Like SFS, African-American students organized around two concerns at UCB in the school year 1967–1968. African American students demanded a change in admission policies and retention to resolve the absence of Black students on the campus. The second issue was the lack of courses and a curriculum on the African American experience. Jim Nabors organized the effort to get courses and develop a major in Afro-American studies similar to what he had seen at Merritt College. By April 1968, African American Student Union (AASU) had presented a seventeen-page proposal for a Black Studies department to administration.</p> <p>UCB response was to provide a controlled space for a course on the African American experience. Eldridge Cleaver was scheduled to teach a class in the Experimental College in the fall. Like SFS, outside pressure forced administration to retract and cancel the class. The rejection of the course, together with AASU pursuit of a Black Studies program and a more open admission system jointly with issues in the athletics department, suggested that UCB had a race problem. In most cases, Berkeley's Anglo students had not made a link between racism and their campus. This was to change. SDS saw the rejection of Cleaver's course as an example of UCB racism. SDS and other whites organized sit-ins and planned for a schoolwide strike. However, the proposed strike did not happen.[<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref59">22</reflink>] Nevertheless, these issues "reinforced the perception that Cal was a white institution" (Rorabaugh, [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref60">94</reflink>], p. 84). This feeling was underscored by the slow and equivocal process in developing a department of Black Studies (Tsang; "Who Are We?"; Hayashi, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref61">73</reflink>], p. 14–17).</p> <p>By winter 1968, the Mexican American Student Confederation (MASC) was established and organized rallies to put pressure on Berkeley's developing Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) (Delgado and Medina).[<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref62">23</reflink>] Their first action, together with Quinto Sol, was to confront the director of EOP. In response, Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs William Boyd agreed to change the ethnic make-up of EOP and expand the advisory committee by adding Mexican-American students. MASC, however, remained critical of the process administration developed in dealing with EOP.</p> <p>At the same time, in support of the UFW grape boycott, MASC met with Scot Wilson, business manager of food services, to keep grapes out of the dining hall. Initially, UC President Hitch agreed to the students concern about the purchase of grapes, but under pressure from Governor Reagan, he back out of his agreement with MASC. Instead, the President took a neutral position by refusing not to refuse to purchase grapes. As the new school year began, MASC met again with Hitch who walkout of the meeting resulting in a sit-in and the arrest of 11 students. Following the sit-in, MASC held a rally and march calling for support of the grape boycott, provide scholarships for farm worker children, establish a Mexican American Study Center, increase the number of Mexican Americans admitted, and amnesty for the arrested (MASC, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref63">17</reflink>]). MASC denounced the university's lack of attention to TW students as evidence of campus racism. After more marches, press conferences, and a hunger strike, and with the support of AASU and Asian-American Political Alliance (AAPA),[<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref64">24</reflink>] President Hitch met with MASC granting their demands including a Mexican American studies curriculum, more scholarships and admissions, dropping disciplinary action against students, creating a special assistant of Mexican American affairs, and open discussion for programs on Mexican American studies.</p> <p>On the Center for Mexican American Studies, President Hitch ordered Special Assistant to the President Mark Ferber to find out how this center was established at UCLA and to look into the Ford Foundation's recent 500,000 dollar grant to the University of California at Berkeley for experimental curriculum development (MASC, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref65">18</reflink>]).</p> <p>Finally, he would leave it up to each campus to decide on what to do with grape purchases; eventually, all nine campuses would stop buying grapes. However, tensions remained when a college committee transformed the proposal for a Mexican-American Center by omitting or rewriting portions on community involvement program, field-work, student participation in implementation, and the operation of the new program – similar to changes in the African-American proposal.</p> <p>Unlike SFS, Asian American students' main association was a pan-Asian organization whose concern was community issues. Although the Chinese American Student Association was the largest ethnic Asian organization on the campus, it was not noted for its activism. Some Asian Americans were willing to work across national, ethnic, and immigrant lines. In the middle of 1968 a group of Asian Americans constituted the AAPA.[<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref66">25</reflink>] AAPA stressed the similar experiences among U.S. Asians and thereby "extricate ... [them] ... from the historical vise of inter-group animosities" ("Who Are We?," p. 5). In the summer the various Asian American student groups in the Bay Area organized a summer youth conference in Chinatown that resulted in the formation of the Chinatown Youth Council. In January 1969, AAPA played a central role in organizing the Yellow Symposium (Dong, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref67">64</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref68">26</reflink>] Ling Chi Wang recalls: "I think that the symposium set the stage for Asian American students getting involved in the TW students' strike [at UCB] which took place shortly after that" (Wang). The symposium helped focus attention on Asian American identity and history. At the same time, negotiations with the campus for the establishment of an Asian American Studies curriculum were also on shaky grounds.</p> <p>In response to all the issues faced by Asian American, African American, Native American, and Mexican American students, their various organizations came together to form the TW Liberation Front (TWLF) to negotiate for the creation of a TW college.[<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref69">27</reflink>] Berkeley Chancellor Roger Heyns made the discussion more difficult by stating that a Black Studies program would start in the fall apparently oblivious to the African American students' expectations of this program. As things stood, the Black Studies program lacked the key issues to make it acceptable: community ties and autonomy. "We must have the right to determine our own destiny!" (TWLF, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref70">39</reflink>]).</p> <p>On January 20 the <emph>Daily Californian</emph> reported that "TW groups" had voted to strike classes.[<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref71">28</reflink>] According to the campus paper, the issue was "the right of people to determine their own destinies" (Third World Votes, p. 1). The TWLF made it clear that their concerns were self-determination, contest racism, and the need to serve their communities.</p> <p>The demand for autonomy and control of the college by TW people was necessary to retain the flexibility and latitude required to develop meaningful curriculum and course content (TWLF, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref72">37</reflink>], p. 16).</p> <p>But there is more than this to the demand for self-determination. The TW students are concerned that the University serves the needs of their communities (TWLF, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref73">38</reflink>], p. 17).</p> <p>More specifically, the TWLF demanded the implementation of a TW College with ethnic studies departments, hiring of more TW people at all levels of the university, admissions, financial assistance, and academic aid to TW people, expansion of work study positions in projects aimed at the various barrios, TW control of all programs involving TW communities, and finally no disciplinary action against strikers and supporters. They demanded a TW College controlled by TW folk.</p> <p>The 3WLF is asking for a college run by minority group administrators, taught by minority group professors and deals with the political and cultural understanding of these long neglected and oppressed people (Chicanos Meet).</p> <p>The fundamental issue of this strike is the right of TW people to determine the structure and content of the TW programs on this campus. Although the Administration has granted some of the demands, it has insisted on maintaining control over TW programs .... We don't need to be told what to think or how to do it; we are capable of determining on our own what kind of education we want and need. We must have the right to determine our own destiny! (TWLF, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref74">39</reflink>]).</p> <p>As they repeated through the strike, self-determination was central to defeat racism. Through self-determination, students could develop structures that guaranteed that the university would "be involved in programs that directly benefit their oppressed TW communities" ("What Does the TWLF Want").</p> <p>The first week of protest was primarily informational. The TWLF organized rallies, serpentine marches, and teach-ins. Administration refused to discuss the issues. By the second week, TWLF protesters became more militant using more disruptive tactics (Kawaguchi; Rorabaugh, [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref75">94</reflink>], p. 85). A possible change in tactics reflected the need for more student support. "[A]lthough the aims of the strikers were respected by most students, it did not engage their active support" (Stark, p. 180). Starks provides three reasons. Anglo students considered that administration was working in good faith. Second, TWLF had excluded Anglos from its meeting, so many saw the issues as unrelated to their concerns. Finally, many suspected that the strike was simply to provide support for SFS (<reflink idref="bib180" id="ref76">180</reflink>). Thus, the change of tactic, he concludes, was in response to this limited support. An editorial in the <emph>Daily Californian</emph>, however, suggested another reason for the new TWLF tactic: administration's obstinacy.</p> <p>Last quarter every non violent tactic was used: petition, resolution, negotiation, strike, fast, sit-in. But all were ignored. There are no grievance procedures in this University any more. There are no grievance procedures in this society any more. We tried the legitimate grievances last year and they didn't work ... And so it spirals down towards violence, repression or revolution (editorial, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref77">4</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref78">29</reflink>]</p> <p>In response, Heyns stated that the strikers' action was in violation of campus regulations and it was necessary to call in the police. The introduction of public force transformed the strike and students response to the protest. With repression, the number of protestors grew geometrically (Armistead). Arrests soon followed. To some, the resemblance to the SFS strike was increasing. Administration tried to place the cause of campus violence on the students. The confrontation on campus, unfortunately, was taken to another level by off-campus authorities. From one direction, the Alameda County's sheriff demanded a crackdown on the strikers. The sheriff complained that the UCB administration was too soft; they had failed to take disciplinary action against known strike leaders. From another direction, Governor Reagan declared a "state of emergency" at UCB and passed control of the campus to the sheriff (Rorabaugh, [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref79">94</reflink>], pp.154, 160–16). The strike issues were lost, as a <emph>Daily Californian</emph> editorial suggested, between the slogan of "Law and Order" and "Pigs off Campus" (Editorial, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref80">5</reflink>]).</p> <p>Given the limited number of students of color on campus, the success of the strike rested on support from white students. In a later TWLF missive to the campus, they drew attention to why the strike was significant to Anglos. The first issue was that the strike would establish the principle of student participation. But more important, whites benefited from the battle against racism. "[W]hites are also victims of racism because it brings about a false perception of reality" (TWLF, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref81">38</reflink>], p. 17). They are denied the knowledge and experience of TW people. A TW College open to whites would correct this distortion. "This can be a major step toward eliminating the racism which makes victims of us all" (TWLF, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref82">38</reflink>], p. 17). At the same time, the demand for control of this College should not be interpreted as a form of segregation. This was not meant to keep whites out. Rather it sought to establish mutual self-respect; whites should not insist to tell TW students how to study and define their culture and experience. Only by establishing this College, under the control of TW people, could TW students have the opportunity to receive "a decent education which is relevant to their needs and aspirations" (p. 17).</p> <p>What was salient about TWLF at the Berkeley campus was its ability to forge, albeit with enormous tension, unity across racial, ethnic, and national groups. For instance, sharp differences remained between MASC and AASU. Chicanx felt that African Americans had not been supportive of their boycott efforts. "There was a great deal of mistrust between the different TW [Third World] groups, particularly between the Blacks and Chicanos. Since neither group had supported the other in prestrike protests there were unresolved antagonisms and unalloyed suspicions" (Hayashi, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref83">73</reflink>], p. 17). From a different direction AASU and Anglo activists differed over their positions regarding the earlier Eldridge Cleaver course and protest. Chicanx and African Americans differed stridently over the role of whites. While Chicanx contended that anyone with the right spirit should participate, Blacks rejected any role for what they called Chicanx's "white ladies" (p. 18). Helping cement a tenuous union among these groups was the AAPA. AAPA was born as an organization that labored to unify the various Asian American communities in order to chart a unified course of action. This same unifying effort was now extended to all the groups of color. Thus a member of AAPA was able to say that the formation of the TWLF was "one of the most significant developments in the movement on this campus, because it is characterized by a unity of the Third World" (United Stand, p. 1). Pressure from other campuses also made it their responsibility to work together (Hayashi, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref84">73</reflink>], p. 18). Nevertheless, the TWLF remained divided and its relationship with Anglos uneasy. Moreover as the strike unfolded the mistrust and paranoia within TWLF augmented; eventually each group began to act autonomously (Hayashi, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref85">73</reflink>], p. 19).</p> <p>On campus, confrontations continued with renewed arrests and increased amounts of vandalism; at the same time some faculty decided to join the picketing because of the arrest of teaching assistants who had joined the strike. Again the use of violence seemed to shift support in the students favor. Dean Wheaton observes: "There is a universal feeling of deep resentment at the actions of the police ....Resentment readily overcomes any concern about the actions of students or pickets. If this trend of action is continued, student and faculty support for the strike could escalate very rapidly" (Wheaton). Other administrators dealing with the protest felt that the institution had to control disorder and punish the "lawbreakers." Simultaneously, the <emph>Daily Californian</emph> reported that on and off negotiations was taking place between the TWLF and Heyns. The TWLF retained an ambivalent view on negotiations; initially rejecting that any such negotiations were taking place. The repression also impacted the negotiations since TWLF had to spend increasing amount of time on suspensions and disciplinary actions (Notes from the Meeting).</p> <p>On March 2, TWLF presented their proposal for a TW College. The College would house the departments of Afro-American, Chicano, Asian-American, and Native-American studies as well as the already approved Institute on Race and Community Relations and other TW extension and community programs. A key aspect of the proposal was participation by TWLF students and faculty on the implementation committee. The mission of the College was "to focus on contemporary living and produce scholars to address the problems and issues that accompany it" (Scope and Structure, p. 7). The proposal further submitted that if administration could not get a College off the ground by the fall, then an interim step could be a department of TW studies. In response, 80 faculty called upon the campus community to act on a proposal for a TW College.</p> <p>As students continued to picket in early March, the Academic Senate voted in favor of a College of Ethnic Studies, with the same autonomy as other colleges; pending the establishment of the College an interim Department of Ethnic Studies would be established immediately. The structure of the department would be flexible enough to allow an easy transition into a College with appropriate departments. TWLF dismissed the Senate resolution (TWLF, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref86">36</reflink>]). The Senate, they argue, had not resolved the role of students in the implementation and control of the TW College. Therefore, the TWLF demands remained in force. Hayashi believes that the TWLF leaders did not understand the political meaning of the vote. The Senate vote to establish an ethnic studies program had put Heyns in a difficult spot. Hayashi believes that the TWLF did little with this opportunity and adopted an all or nothing position unintentionally providing maneuverability to Heyns ([<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref87">73</reflink>], p. 23). So given the stalemate between the Senate and TWLF, Heyns was able to insist on his version of a department. "With proper planning the Ethnic Studies curricula should be interdisciplinary in the best sense; and, with proper institutional controls and safeguards against political and ideological abuse, they may provide us with a highly instructive model for undergraduate education on a broad front" (Heyns, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref88">10</reflink>]). It is striking that the institution saw "interdisciplinary" as an instrument of control together with other institutional safeguards. The subcommittee on ethnic studies provides an example of the instrumentalist vision that administration had about the new program. "The objectives of this curriculum is to provide trained specialists and technicians capable of relating with and responding to the needs of the ethnic minorities of color in this country" (Subcommittee on Ethnic Studies).</p> <p>Simultaneously, student dissatisfaction with the strike was growing. February 21 had been one of the most violent days of the strike. The TWLF leaders proposed to push the ante on February 25 when the Regents met on campus. However during a meeting of Asian American students, 75% voted for a cooling-off period. Hernandez recalls the TWLF meeting became heated. "Different MASC members intensely argued to continue the strike while others wanted to accept the university's offer" ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref89">74</reflink>], p. 60). This swayed the other minority contingents to avoid any confrontation. According to Hayashi, some of the TWLF leadership felt betrayed by the rank and file. While the leadership reaffirmed the fight, the heart of the strike was cut out. Students were no longer unified or fully behind the leadership. Thus on March 14 "the central committee [of the TWLF] called a halt to 'our normal activities' and committed the TWLF to seeking a negotiated settlement, and the strike for all intents and purposes ended" (Hayashi, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref90">73</reflink>], pp. 26–27). Nonetheless, frustration remained high.</p> <hd id="AN0175795049-5">After the Third World Strikes – the limits of coalitional politics</hd> <p>The end of the strike did not bring about a transformation of higher education as many activists sought. Self-determination did not find expression in the SFS new college or the UCB department of ethnic studies. The histories at SFS and UCB point to administrations that remained hostile to the college and department. Ziza Delgado points out at UCB, administration did little to support the growth of the department and may have worked to close the program (Ziza Joy Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref91">59</reflink>], p. 124). Nonetheless, as Ziza Delgado notes, the curriculum developed an "early praxis, pedagogy, and curricula [that] embodied a Freierian framework" (Ziza Joy Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref92">59</reflink>], p. 133). Furthermore in establishing this critical pedagogy and revolutionary curricula, the institutions had to accept an alternative structure and the hiring of people of color to run these programs. "Ethnic Studies not only added new content; they fundamentally changed the purpose of education within the confines of the department" (Ziza Joy Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref93">59</reflink>], p. 150). Whitson states that strike made visible the needs of minority students and their communities, acknowledging that academia had to address those needs ([<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref94">108</reflink>]). Both at SFS and UCB the battle over ethnic studies continues in order to protect the gains from the TW strike.</p> <p>Unfortunately, the political coalition of different ethnic/racial students that the TW strikes offered, albeit with great tension, did not last. The relation between TW groups and Anglos on the UCB campus, for example, returned to the pre-TWLF status quo. Political differences, tinted by white supremacy, again separated white radicals and TW activists. On one hand, some students of color felt that dependence on whites during the protests had constituted a loss of self-determination. On the other hand, some whites were frustrated by the limits placed on their role during the strike. Some felt that the Strike Support Committee at UCB, whose role was to organize Anglos around the strike, proved ineffective because they acquiesced to the TWLF demand for complete control of the strike. The Young Socialist Alliance, in turn, criticized white radicals that demanded a seat on the TWLF Central Committee (Young Socialist Alliance). Nonetheless, as uneven as this relationship was, students of color and whites had work together to push a common agenda. It was this alliance that faded in the post-strike period and the <emph>Daily Californian</emph> sought to reestablish (Editorial, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref95">6</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref96">30</reflink>] Meyerhoff suggests that the inability to infuse the BSU's radical critique at SFS, to destabilized "elements of liberal capitalist modernist mode of world-making," into the Experimental College led to the split between white and Black radicals and hurt both movements' potential ([<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref97">84</reflink>], p. 326).</p> <p>At the same time, nationalism asserted itself among the various ethnic/racial groups.[<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref98">31</reflink>] While AAPA remained much less susceptible to burgeoning nationalism,[<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref99">32</reflink>] Chicanx in northern California began to follow the example of many southern California Chicanx.[<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref100">33</reflink>] Haney López notes that Chicano activists in southern California distinguished themselves from African Americans, often playing on traditional animosities and wider society's view of race. He quotes Oscar Zeta Acosta in 1971: "The black man came here as a slave. He is not of this land ... [H]e has nothing but the white society to identify with. We have a history. We have culture. We had a land ... For me, my native ancestry is crucial" (López, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref101">79</reflink>], p. 211). Zeta Acosta observes that in rallies with the Black Panthers, he was typically left until the end with only five minutes to speak and at the end of the rally, "we get no offers of any real unity or working together" (Stavans, [<reflink idref="bib100" id="ref102">100</reflink>], p. 10).[<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref103">34</reflink>] Armando Rendon's <emph>Chicano Manifesto</emph> expresses this same issue when he notes that Blacks sought equality on Anglo terms and only recently turned to a Black identity and cultural separateness. In contrast, he continues, the Chicano <emph>movimiento</emph> has always sought equality and respect for their way of life, culture, and language ([<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref104">92</reflink>], p. 4).[<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref105">35</reflink>] We should keep in mind Ferreira's admonition that "in contrast to Southern California, cultural nationalism never became the ideological touchstone for Latina/o radicalism in the Bay Area" ([<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref106">68</reflink>], p. 119).[<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref107">36</reflink>]</p> <p>According to Ron Takaki, the struggle for ethnic studies came out of a cultural nationalist milieu, a concern for racism, but as activists and scholars did their homework, "we began to develop a structural analysis of our racial experience" (Bowles et al, 15) – a recognition of a shared class identity. But he recognizes that this solidarity, as a major point of unity, was not easy to achieve at UCB. Clearly, the influence of revolutionary movements throughout the world, the Black Panther Party platform calling for multiracial unity, and the knowledge of SFS TWLF activists, helped consolidate this unity. "Once protest activity around student demands ensued, public controversy over the strike issues led to the refinement of the students' political rationale TW anticolonialism, Black Power, and Marxism were ideas that the activists developed to formulate a counterhegemonic ideology among their ranks" (Dong, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref108">64</reflink>], p. 101).</p> <p>At SFS, the problem of nationalism progressed in the newly established program. "Nationalism was a point of conflict within the TWLF. Most activists were committed to a desire to improve the conditions for their people. But there was a growing suspicion that some may look out for their own at the expense of other groups" (Umemoto, p. 85). While nationalism had been evident during the strike, it had been molded by the larger struggle. Professor Solomon from SFS believes that by the end of the strike some African American and Mexican American student leaders had come to a new conclusion after witnessing the support they received from white radical students and faculty. "We no longer want these programs to be segregated, we think we were wrong, we want white students and we want the participation of white faculty in these programs" (Record, p. 4).[<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref109">37</reflink>]</p> <p>Politically, the TW strikes offered a temporary formulation of progressive integration that could sustain nationalism, without conceding to its divisive qualities, with a critique of empire, racism, and capitalism. Even though the curricular revolution was defeated, the tactics that brought different ethnic and racial groups together, even though for a limited time, pointed to a possible future.[<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref110">38</reflink>] As War Jack and Ibarra reminded their audience, power rested in all the groups working together; that was lost (Matriarchs). Regrettably, the decreasing belief in alliances meant a turn to nationalism and therefore the resurgence of identity politics. Chicano student politics, sadly, entered the same barren political terrain explored by Black nationalism. Up until the demise of the Panthers, the Bay Area witnessed coalitional politics,[<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref111">39</reflink>] yet in many ways the post-TWLF strikes marked the nadir and demise of interethnic unity on most college campuses followed by the rise of a nasty nationalism and a combative Marxism (mostly among themselves), ironically, increasingly beholding to university institutions.</p> <p>What about gender during the strikes? Much research needs to be done to elucidate the role of women during the Third World strikes. "[M]en have predominantly authored the scant literature on the movement" (Ziza Joy Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref112">59</reflink>], p. 84) and the story of the strikes center around the role of men, especially the leaders of the TWLF. As LaNada War Jack ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref113">14</reflink>]) notes that there was only one woman in the TWLF leadership at UCB (herself) and none at SFS. It was primarily men who acted as the spokespeople with the press and at podiums. But we know from other campus protests that women played a central organizing role. As the Cal State LA and Long Beach cases point out, women were active participants during the campus protests (Blackwell ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref114">51</reflink>]); Covarrubias and Soldatenko, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref115">57</reflink>]). Alexis Manzanilla reminds us: "Men dominated the largest ever student strike in American history, but none of it could have happened without the women working 24/7 behind the scenes." She quotes SFS participants Carmen Carrillo, Margaret Leahy, Juanita Boles, Sharon Martinas, and Peggy Nakatsu. We could add the names of Sharon Jones and Ramona Tascoe who presented at a celebration of 50<sups>th</sups> anniversary of the SFS strike or the artist Yolanda Lopez (Viani). At UCB, Ziza Delgado interviewed Betty Kano, Lucha Corpi, Elaine Kim, and LaNada War Jack and their role during the strike. UCB Ethnic Studies Library presents interviews with MASC members Clementina Duron, Maria Ramirez, Nina Genera, Lea Ybarra, LaNada War Jack (also of NASU), Estella Quintanilla, Victoria Wong (AAPA), and Theresa Loya Asturias (Matriarchs).[<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref116">40</reflink>] Many of them worked with the legal defense fund, bailing out strikers, protesting at the jails where women strikers were held, worked on the curriculum for the college, writing flyers and statements, and engaged in the endless clerical work. Juanita Tamayo, also from SFS, recalls hosting "strategy meetings at her parents' home at night" (Whiting).[<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref117">41</reflink>] One can note the support of the Women's Liberation Front for the UCB strike. What this points out is the need for more research around these and other women activists. As Hope notes about the Black Panther Party, study is needed on "the women of the rank and file, the unsung heroes who are missing from this historical narrative" ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref118">75</reflink>], p. 86). This does not excuse this researcher's failure in searching for more data on women activists in the TW strikes.</p> <p>Like the various organizations that were part of the TW strikes and the Bay Area community, women activists faced misogyny and blatant sexism. As Hope argues "many Third World organizations began modeling themselves after the BPP [Black Panther Party] and adopted some of their unforgivable traits including the Party's early gender dynamics, sexism, and expression of hyper masculinity" ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref119">75</reflink>], p. 80)).[<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref120">42</reflink>] Ziza Delgado adds</p> <p>Most of the women I interviewed agreed that there was gender parody in regards to women's devotion of time and labor to the TWLF. Women were active in meetings, organizing materials, preparing for events, and picketing; there were even a few women who negotiated with the administration. However, the strong sense of male chauvinism that permeated many nationalist movements of the 1960s was also present in the TWLF (Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref121">59</reflink>], p. 112).</p> <p>Simultaneously, patriarchy limited any ideological transformation these activists could bring to the movement. One has to look after the strikes to trace the intellectual impact of women of color on both campus and community politics.[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref122">43</reflink>] Ziza Delgado points out that "most of the women interviewed discussed the community building among women that was crucial to the development in third world feminism" (Ziza Joy Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref123">59</reflink>], p. 113). Or that: "It is no surprise that in the years following the establishment of Ethnic Studies, cutting edge courses focused on women's issues (Ziza Joy Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref124">59</reflink>], p. 114).[<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref125">44</reflink>] Many of these activists participated in the explosion of women center organizations in the Bay Area. An example was the Third World Women's Alliance (Kannan, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref126">76</reflink>], p. 40; Ziza Joy Delgado, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref127">59</reflink>], p. 141).</p> <p>As Chicanx and Latinx communities again begin to self-organize and direct their attacks against expressions of U.S. white supremacy, exceptionalism, patriarchy, capitalism, and imperialism with hopes of a different university and therefore future, this essay seeks to highlight that success can only come when communities of color, including whites, are joined in coalition.</p> <p>[We need to recognize] that broad-based multiracial alliances are a deep necessity if liberation movements in the U.S. are going to win concrete, material changes. This is not meant to critique the work of groups with ethnically, racially, culturally, or linguistically bounded memberships, but instead meant to recognize that in particular historical moments, such as the late-1960s, broad-based multiracial alliances were deemed necessary ... (Vannan, p. 67).</p> <hd id="AN0175795049-6">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0175795049-7"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> AASU. (1969, January 15). Open letter to the campus. Daily Californian.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref1" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Academic Senate Ad Hoc Committee. (1969, January 29). The state of the college. UCB Bancroft Library Social Protest Collection BANC MSS 86/57c, carton 23.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref3" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> BSU States Its Philosophy. Goals, and achievements. 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Current academic usage of Chicanx and Latinx, more than gender neutral usage of Chicano and Chicana, is a comprehensive identity for women, men, non-binary people and those who are gender non-conforming. Moreover, the term is rooted in social justice movements that seek to empower Mexican American, Chicano/a/x and Latina/o/x communities in the US. When I use Chicano its usage reflects the gendered politics and epistemology of the Chicano movements in that time period. However I use Chicanx and Latinx when I refer to activists. While one could argue that to retain a distinction between Chicanx and Latinx might not serve us in today's U.S., I think that for the Bay Area this difference remains important.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For the radical possibilities in the Free Speech Movement, see, Ziza Joy Delgado ([59]), 88–89.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bae argues that the Free Huey Movement was a prior example of multi-racial alliances that linked the Black Panther Party with radicals that also favored coalition building (715).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> While my essay focuses on these two campuses, there were other endeavors to form Third World alliances in California.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Elbaum ([66]) reads too much Marxist-Leninism in this initial expression of TW politics. But more research is needed around the numerous strands of Marxism, the various ethnic and national organizations, and campus activists.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> In this essay, I will shift between white and Anglo. This is not an endeavor to erase differences and complexities in this community.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> What is missing from the literature of coalitional politics during the TW strikes is the role of gender. Given the patriarchal nature of the strike, I believe this partially explains the strikes political and ideological limitations. I try to address some of this in the concluding section.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For an interesting discussion of "Third Worldism" and nationalism see Kannan, [76], pp. 41–50, 57–62; for an overview see Berger ([50]), Nash ([85]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> There is a minor theme that runs through this essay. I hope in future work to develop this point. The coalitional politics of the TW strikes challenges a nationalist reading of a Chicano campus politics that smudges regional, gender, ideological, and other differences permitting one to speak of a "Chicano student movement."</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> I use the <emph>Daily Gater</emph>, San Francisco State campus paper, for my information about events on the campus.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The demand for self-determination was the central project of the Third World strikes. All other demands "stem from the notion that third world people needed to have control over third world spaces" (Ziza Joy Delgado, [59], p. 91).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Meyerhoff feels that we often underestimate the radical possibilities that the Tutorial Program, Community Improvement Program, and in particular the Experimental College brought to the campus. He recalls: "The creation of the Experimental College was itself a practice of radical imagination, and it created space-times for its participants to engage in expansive imaginative practices, most famously with the Black Student Union's development of a black studies curriculum ... They sought out and supported courses with revolutionary content, and they fostered modes of study that were alternative and politically opposed to the normal, education-based mode of study at SF State ... " ([84], p. 318).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> BSU at SFS and UC Berkeley were greatly influenced by the Black Panther Party. Many of the BSU members were associated with the Party (Hope, [75], p. 58). For a detailed history of the Panther's revolutionary nationalism and Maoism see Kelley and Esch ([77]); Ziza Joy Delgado ([59]), 85–87.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "San Francisco State College is unique in that the Latin student population unlike other areas of California is not predominantly Mexican-American, but is composed of many students of Central and South American heritage as well as Mexican-American" (Cuellar). Ziza Delgado has a different view for UC Berkeley. "I need to clarify that in 1969 at UC Berkeley the majority of the Latin@ population was of Mexican descent with a small population from Puerto Rico" (p. 38).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For Ryan "It is this concept of Ethnic Studies as both the antidote to racism, and the antidote to hegemonic epistemology that marks the proposals for the new discipline" (Angela Ryan, [96], p. 426).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bunzel implies that African Americans did not participate in the demonstrations because the College had appointed Nathan Hare to develop and coordinate the black studies curriculum (Bunzel, [54], p. 23). At the same time, the nascent TWLF worked with SDS on a series of anti-ROTC protests to gain influence within student government (William Barlow &amp; Shapiro, [49]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> This did not mean that nationalism was not beneath the surface. Manuel Delgado for instance, writes that within TWLF, Latinx voice predominated (Manuel Delgado, [60]). Hayakawa adds: "Since its formation on our campus last April, the TW has been dominated by a handful of Spanish speaking students who claim to represent the much larger Latin and Oriental population of the campus and the community" ([8], p. 3).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For a history of African American and Asian community organizations in the Bay Area see Hope ([75]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "Many faculty members felt that students had legitimate demands and deserved support. I think the students were both grateful for the support, as well as suspicious" ([108]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> I do not want to suggest that faculty agreed with the students' demands. Most recognized that there existed certain limits that could not be crossed (Jerry).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> I use the <emph>Daily Californian</emph>, the Berkeley campus paper for my information about events on the campus. Unfortunately unlike SFS, not much has been written about the Muscatine report, the Board of Educational Development, the Center for Participatory Education, and the Experimental College (Ziza Joy Delgado, [59], pp. 88–89).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> AASU rejected the endeavors to strike over the Cleaver course because they felt that white radicals wanted to dictate the pace of the protest (AASU, 1).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Chicanx were active at Cal at least since 1966 when Quinto Sol/Mexican American Student Organization registered as a Berkeley organization in the summer and organized a joint conference with Lino Lopez's Mexican American Youth Organization (Quinto Sol [23], [24]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "AAPA consisted of Chinese, Filipino, and Japanese Americans, many of them previously involved in the Civil Rights, Black Power, antiwar, and farmworkers' union movements ... Leaders from campus social clubs such as the CSC (American born), the Chinese Students Association (foreign born), and the NSC (second generation) became AAPA leaders" (Dong, [64], p. 98). Maybe because women played a key role in the organization, AAPA adopted an egalitarian and shared democratic model that limited hierarchical leadership, reminiscent of Ella Baker and SNCC (Hope, [75], p. 108).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hope writes that AAPA held it first public rally on the Berkeley campus in July 1968. Aoki and Bobby Seale were speakers ([75], p. 71).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For more on the Symposium and its larger impact see, Dong ([64]). Some of the tactical approaches adopted at the Symposium paralleled those that would appear in El Plan de Santa Barbara.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> According to Dong – "Native American Students United (NASU), the fourth organization to become part of the TWLF, was the smallest group, with five members. NASU was still in its formative stages and was attempting to locate the few Native Americans present at the campus. It was not until the beginning of January 1969 that NASU formally became a part of the TWLF" ([64], p. 101). During this time, Native Americans from UCB and SFS meet regularly (Jack). Some Native Americans, like Ricard Oakes who was part of SFS TWLF, began to think about a symbolic takeover of Alcatraz as a way to get their issues and concerns voiced (Ziza Joy Delgado, [59], p. 25, Boyer, [53]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hernandez recalls that there was much debate in MASC about joining the strike (Hernandez, [74]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Not unlike SFS, the institution turned to authoritarian practices to "manage" the students (Ziza Joy Delgado, [59], p. 101).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The TWLF was strongly influenced by the Free Huey Movement and the Black Panther Party's position on alliances with white radicals. From different ideological directions, Stokely Carmichael and Maulana Karenga rejected the Panther's approach (Bae, 704). As Bae points out, such divisions also existed among white radicals as evidenced by tension within the Peace and Freedom Party about working with the Panthers who some felt might take over the political agenda of the Party (706).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For the sake of simplicity I have used nationalism as a singular noun. However, it is important to keep in mind that Chicano activists used a variety of nationalisms (Garcia 1994, pp. 248–262; Marsical, [16]). We further need to accept that nationalism within different racial/ethnic communities was understood differently (Kidwell, [78]). For African Americans see Harris, [72], pp. 163–164. TWLF folks hoped to focus political action away from only an identity focus. Ryan writes "In addition, these students refuted the idea of fractious nationalism that pitted ethnic and racial minorities against one another. Thus, they rejected the narrow focus on individual ethnicities, and eschewed cultural nationalism" ([95], p. 7).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> One cannot underestimate the roles of individuals like Richard Aoki, Victoria Wong, Emma Gee, and Yugi Ichioka (Fujino, [69]; Wong, [112]). While they came from different political orientation and intellectual traditions, they understood the need for multiracial coalition building (Dong, [63], [64]). As Dong responded to the controversy about the role of Aoki as a possible FBI informant: "In life, Richard Aoki provided important leadership, bringing into reality Afro-Asian unity, TW solidarity and internationalism" (Dong, [65], p. 102). As for Gee and Ichioka, Dong notes their building of "an Asian American caucus within the Peace and Freedom Party [that] became the foundational building block for AAPA and the idea of Asian American panethnicity" (Harvey C. Dong, [62], p. 42). Both understood the confluence of internationalist, antiracist, and anti-imperialist practices that domestically and internationally exploited all people, but especially nonwhites.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> During the Matriarchs interview, Victoria Wong ([112]) reports the conflict between Black and Chicano activists during the strike at UCB. Both groups shared stereotypes of each other. She emphasizes that it was hard work to build and sustain solidarity.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tensions mounted between Bay Area Black and Chicanx/Latinx organizations (Bae, 714).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> An interesting example of this sectarian nationalism was the essay "On the Black or White Revolutionary's Relation to the Chicano Struggle" in <emph>La Causa</emph> of 1971. F. Chris Garcia notes that the Mexican American Study Project out of UCLA records that three-quarter of Chicanx respondents rejected a political coalition with Blacks ([70], p. 129). A reviewer for <emph>Latinos and Education</emph> read the comments in this paragraph as an example of anti-blackness in the Chicanx and Latinx communities. There is no denying that anti-blackness, as well as anti-Asianess and rejection of non-Mexicans, existed and exists in the Mexican American communities; just like similar prejudices existed and exists in the Black and Asian communities. What I hoped to suggest in the essay is that nationalism allowed these attitudes and behaviors to manifest themselves.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bae further notes that Chicanx/Latinx were also divided by the increasingly acrimonious battle between nationalists and Marxists (714).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Unfortunately, some rethought the role of nationalism in the strike and the various organizations. Thus T'Shaka contends that BSU at San Francisco State was always a nationalist organization and reads the history of that period through that lens.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> See Ian F. Haney López ([80]) for one possibility.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hope writes about the United Front Against Fascism (UFAF) conference from July 18–21, 1969. The Panthers wanted to see itself as the "vanguard" organization of the local Third World movement ([75], p. 104). Hope adds that the women's panel at the conference was eagerly anticipated, especially Roberta Alexander's speech that clarified the Party's position on women and the earlier Party's sexism ([75], p. 106).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> In the interview, the women stressed how none of them felt disrespected by the males in MASC. But as one of the interviewees stated, the males were old school. But the women recognize that they were not yet at the point to question their own critique of machismo. As some noted, maybe they were naïve. Though it was pointed out that at the Zoom presentation, 50 years later, no men were present.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> After the strike, Tamayo worked to develop the Asian American Studies Department. "The idea of Third World Studies, across time and space, was big and inclusive. Moreover, the curriculum, research, and fieldwork would be interdisciplinary, developed by people from the communities we represented, with particular attention to the needs, experiences, and perspectives of low income and under-represented peoples whose labor and intellect built the nations that often excluded them" (Tamayo).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> However Hope contests Maeda. "While patriarchy and sexism are epidemic across all races and ethnic groups, the hyper masculinity Black men exuded during the Black Power movement was very seldom witnessed within Asian and Asian American communities" ([75], p. 92). Of course, she later adds that this did not mean that "Asian American women did not experience sexism or were not repressed within the broader Asian American movement" ([75], p. 111).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "Born from the civil rights and ethnic nationalist movements of the 1960s and 1970s, Chicana feminist thought, like Black feminist thought, represented the failure of 'radical' movements to address the multiple layers of oppression existing within their communities" (Ziza Joy Delgado, [59], p. 40).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Some worked on the new programs like Tamayo at SFS or at UCB Chicano Studies Nina Genera, Myrtha Chabran, Norma Chapa, Roberta Klor, and Angelina Rodarte.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Michael Soldatenko</p> <p>Reported by Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib96" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib91" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib81" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib67" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib95" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib89" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib103" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib108" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib86" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib106" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib105" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib90" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib93" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib98" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib94" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib73" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib64" firstref="ref67"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref69"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref70"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref72"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib180" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref78"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref86"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref88"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib74" firstref="ref89"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref91"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib84" firstref="ref97"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl52" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref100"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl53" bibid="bib79" firstref="ref101"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl54" bibid="bib100" firstref="ref102"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl55" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref103"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl56" bibid="bib92" firstref="ref104"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl57" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref105"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl58" bibid="bib68" firstref="ref106"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl59" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref114"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl60" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref115"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl61" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref116"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl62" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref117"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl63" bibid="bib75" firstref="ref118"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl64" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref120"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl65" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref122"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl66" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref125"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl67" bibid="bib76" firstref="ref126"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968-1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Michael+Soldatenko%22">Michael Soldatenko</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5049-3806">0000-0002-5049-3806</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Latinos+and+Education%22"><i>Journal of Latinos and Education</i></searchLink>. 2024 23(2):474-491. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 18 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Historical+Interpretation%22">Historical Interpretation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Politics+of+Education%22">Politics of Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Public+Colleges%22">Public Colleges</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Activism%22">Activism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Minority+Groups%22">Minority Groups</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Latin+Americans%22">Latin Americans</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Community+Cooperation%22">Community Cooperation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Strikes%22">Strikes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnic+Studies%22">Ethnic Studies</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Civil+Rights%22">Civil Rights</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Strikes%22">Teacher Strikes</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22California+%28San+Francisco%29%22">California (San Francisco)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22California%22">California</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/15348431.2022.2153845 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1534-8431<br />1532-771X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968-1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics. This essay looks at the 1968-1969 Third World Strikes at San Francisco State and UC Berkeley through the lens of coalitional politics and activism. While the paper looks closely at Chicanx campus politics, the goal is to move away from a nationalist or Maoist reading of the two strikes. During these two events, Chicanx activism has to be read in conjunction with African American, Asian American, Native American, and white campus politics. This coalitional politics represented a temporary rupture of U.S. political behavior and manifested a utopic moment when an alternative political possibility was glimpsed. The essay ends exploring the limits of coalitional politics and activism, especially as nationalism and identity politics came to the fore. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1415357 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/15348431.2022.2153845 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 18 StartPage: 474 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Historical Interpretation Type: general – SubjectFull: Politics of Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Public Colleges Type: general – SubjectFull: Activism Type: general – SubjectFull: Minority Groups Type: general – SubjectFull: Latin Americans Type: general – SubjectFull: Community Cooperation Type: general – SubjectFull: Strikes Type: general – SubjectFull: Ethnic Studies Type: general – SubjectFull: Civil Rights Type: general – SubjectFull: Teacher Strikes Type: general – SubjectFull: California (San Francisco) Type: general – SubjectFull: California Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968-1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Michael Soldatenko IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2024 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1534-8431 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1532-771X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 23 – Type: issue Value: 2 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Latinos and Education Type: main |
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