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Addressing Other Challenges Migrants' Children Face in Mexico: Coping with Adverse Realities and Circumstances

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Title: Addressing Other Challenges Migrants' Children Face in Mexico: Coping with Adverse Realities and Circumstances
Language: English
Authors: Tomás Hernández Ángeles (ORCID 0000-0002-3091-1150), Hilda Hidalgo Avilés (ORCID 0000-0002-2540-7814), Anakaren Cruz Pérez (ORCID 0000-0002-5444-6011)
Source: Journal of Latinos and Education. 2024 23(2):843-857.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Tests/Questionnaires
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Migrants, Migrant Children, Migrant Problems, Acculturation, Adjustment (to Environment), Barriers, Bilingualism, Spanish, Language Proficiency, Social Discrimination, Social Support Groups, Stress Variables
Geographic Terms: Mexico
DOI: 10.1080/15348431.2023.2187632
ISSN: 1534-8431
1532-771X
Abstract: Migrants' children face challenges when returning to their parent's home country, which is usually unfamiliar to them. This qualitative study explores this phenomenon to understand more about the experiences of returnee children regarding their social-educational (re)integration and adaptation, the challenges they faced, and the mechanisms they have developed to overcome them. Results are discussed from the perspective of acculturative stress and social networks, identifying the struggle that returnees have to adapt and acculturate to their new home because of the lack of competence in the Spanish language and the consequences of the discrimination they suffer in the social environment, namely school and in their parents' hometowns. However, results also shed light on how returnees create social networks with classmates and family members who help them overcome these challenges, fears, and feelings of alienation.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1415396
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0175795076;hd001apr.24;2024Mar06.05:55;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0175795076-1">Addressing Other Challenges migrants' Children Face in Mexico: Coping with Adverse Realities and Circumstances </title> <p>Migrants' children face challenges when returning to their parent's home country, which is usually unfamiliar to them. This qualitative study explores this phenomenon to understand more about the experiences of returnee children regarding their social-educational (re)integration and adaptation, the challenges they faced, and the mechanisms they have developed to overcome them. Results are discussed from the perspective of acculturative stress and social networks, identifying the struggle that returnees have to adapt and acculturate to their new home because of the lack of competence in the Spanish language and the consequences of the discrimination they suffer in the social environment, namely school and in their parents' hometowns. However, results also shed light on how returnees create social networks with classmates and family members who help them overcome these challenges, fears, and feelings of alienation.</p> <p>Keywords: Returnees; acculturative stress; fears; discrimination; challenges</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Mexico has a long history of migration from Mexico to the U.S. Significant changes in the patterns of US-Mexico migration has occurred in the last two decades; more Mexicans are returning to Mexico, and the flow of return migration from the U.S. to Mexico is significant (Hernández-León & Zúñiga, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref1">27</reflink>]), including Mexican-Americans (Gaspar, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref2">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>Since 2010, Mexican immigrants and more than 500,000 US-born children have moved to Mexico (Passel et al., [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref3">36</reflink>]). The Encuesta Nacional de la Dinámica Demográfica 2018 (ENADID) estimated that 710.000 Mexicans returned to Mexico. Some years before, according to the National Demographic Dynamics Survey (ENADID, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref4">15</reflink>]), an estimated 328,607 Mexicans returned between August 2013 and September 2018. Of these, 6.4% were between 0 and 14 years old, while 41.7% were between 15 and 29, meaning that a significant proportion of this population was still of school age. With the arrival of Mexican parents with their offspring to their hometowns, children who grew up and studied in the U.S. educational system have brought unprecedented implications for schools in Mexico. The Mexican Educational System has not found a solution or sees no urgency, ignoring the complex social and educational realities associated with a returning status. It still has not responded satisfactorily to the needs of those youngsters returning from the U.S. Whether it is due to a lack of funds or poor implementation, most of the initiatives of programs aimed at the reintegration of its citizens have failed (Alanís, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref5">2</reflink>]). For example, one of these children's first problems when entering the Mexican educational system is the lack of documents such as school transcripts or Mexican birth certificates. Some states in Mexico still do not want to accept Mexican-American children without Mexican birth certificates. There are other issues, such as low proficiency in Spanish, which cause students to fail subjects at school, and the depression children suffer a short time after arriving in Mexico. There is also the loss of the social networks they had in the U.S., as well as the bullying and economic issues they encounter in Mexico, which severely affect them. Furthermore, while studies on US-Mexico immigration point out that Mexico remains a migrant-sending country, there is still a lack of knowledge about the children of returnees' lives resulting from inbound migration returning to a foreign home.</p> <p>Upon returning to Mexico, no matter the circumstances of why and how, one of the challenges parents have is pursuing education as a social asset for their children. However, as mentioned above, Mexico's educational plans and programs still need to consider this school population. Most teachers did and still do not have any training to identify, evaluate, and support their transition from one school system to another (Zúñiga, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref6">48</reflink>]). They do not use strategies to identify or meet specific educational needs in the classroom (Bazán-Ramírez & Galván, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref7">4</reflink>]). Today, returnees' children still present a challenge for the Mexican education system: the attention of more students returning to their home states due to this migration flow (Jacobo, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref8">30</reflink>]). The current fact is that there is a population of the returnee those children who were brought up as youngsters in the U.S. In terms of identity, they were minors in the U.S. with different frameworks of values and cultural repertoires placed within a new context, their parent's home culture in Mexico.</p> <p>Each individual has developed diverse ways to cope with realities and adverse circumstances as they adapt or try to acculturate to an unfamiliar culture that is customary to their parents but unacquainted and unknown to them. Nevertheless, some have made it to college and are now pursuing higher levels of education – however, many experienced challenges of discrimination and language barriers and a struggle to move forward.</p> <p>The increase in young people returning to Mexico over the past years has made researchers explore the lives of returnees with transnational characteristics when settling in their parent's home culture, adjusting and adapting to a new scenario, and changing cultural identity. They have found themselves living in what feels like a foreign country.</p> <p>The recent movements of migrant children to Mexico with transnational characteristics have brought forth a generation with a unique set of individualities. After adjusting or readjusting to their parent's home culture, those who seemed to have found hopes and a future in Mexico have much to say. They are worth studying as part of examining the more significant phenomenon of migration in searching for solutions to these children's challenges in Mexico.</p> <p>Though still an ongoing problem for the U.S., it has recently become a problem for Mexico. Conducting a study to convey students' voices and experiences to educators, who work with returnee students in Hidalgo, Mexico, as well as authorities and close relatives, is imperative. The lived experience of individuals subject to return to Mexico due to deportation, parent retirement, or family reunification needs to be explored. Therefore, this study aims to explore how adaptation comprises aspects such as acculturative stress, which is usually negative. Individuals experience an emotionally disruptive and upsetting psychological situation (Bhugra, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref9">9</reflink>]), and supportive social networks impact how the individual acculturates to the new cultural environment. Examining returnees' experiences in Mexican public schools can shed light on these matters. The study has practical implications for overcoming acculturative stress and seeking support through social networks. It includes the adaptation in the public school system, an essential social asset needed to build a new future, and the developed mechanisms that help adapt to the Mexican ways of life.</p> <p>Therefore, to understand more about this phenomenon, we considered the following questions:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> What do the narratives of returnees who are now college students enrolled in a BA in ELT at the Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Hidalgo, Mexico, tell us about their different experiences regarding stressors that hindered their social-educational (re) integration?</item> <p></p> <item> What were the main challenges they faced as they adapted, adjusted or readjusted to their parents' home culture and the educational system?</item> <p></p> <item> What has helped these individuals to adapt to their parents' home culture and the Mexican educational system?</item> </ulist> <p>This study contributes to the current understanding of how children of migrants undergo their linguistic and cultural adaptations in their new communities and schools. Plus, it also identified expectations, fears, and insecurities that returnees have that have not been emphasized in existing research; challenges these children face when they move to their parent's country of origin.</p> <p>In addition to practical implications, the present study also contributed to existing literature. It identifies characteristics that should be considered during the transnational children's adaptation process. The study confirmed the results of existing studies that also emphasized the challenges returnee children face during their adaptation (e.g., Hamann and Zúñiga ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref10">23</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref11">24</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref12">25</reflink>]), Bazán & Galván ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref13">4</reflink>]), Borjian et al. ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref14">10</reflink>]), González & Carrillo ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref15">20</reflink>]), Jacobo-Suárez & Jenson ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref16">31</reflink>]), Tacelosky ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref17">44</reflink>]), Despagne and Manzano-Munguía ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref18">14</reflink>]). However, the present study also identified expectations, fears, and insecurities that returnee children have that were not emphasized in existing research.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-3">Literature review</hd> <p>Axelson ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref19">3</reflink>]) argues that all groups of people who identify themselves or have connections based on shared aims, needs, or background similarities belong to the same culture. The lives of returnees' children have been researched, starting from those Mexican similarities they have acquired from their parents' cultural background in the USA and ending in adapting to their parent's home culture. However, at some stage, as these children adjust to their parent's culture, their behaviors, identity, or American-culture values start to change or adapt, but not without pain and distress during acculturation and adaptation.</p> <p>A literature review on Mexican/Mexican-American returnees' experience in Mexico still needs to be explored. Relatively little is known about how returnee children cope with the ongoing adaptation, adjustment, acculturation, or re-acculturation, a process of cultural and psychological change after intercultural contact (Berry, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref20">6</reflink>]). Perhaps this is because returnee research focuses mainly on educational policies and public and binational participation programs (e.g., Hamann & Zúñiga, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref21">23</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref22">24</reflink>]). Nonetheless, some studies have explored perspectives and experiences of adjustments and adaptation. For example, Hamann, Sanchez, and Zúñiga ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref23">26</reflink>]) provide the school experiences of transnational students in Mexico and the educational implications of studying in two different educational systems. Their research consisted of a visit to 300 Mexican schools in the states of Nuevo Leon and Zacatecas, applying questionnaires and interviews with students who had previously studied in the U.S. The aim was to estimate the number of students who had previous studies in the U.S. and understand how these students performed in Mexican schools. Among those students interviewed, they highlight three learners who faced academic problems, specifically content, due to their Spanish language limitations. Because of these limitations, these students had to repeat a school year. The researchers also revealed that the schools were unprepared for these students. Also, Hamann et al. ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref24">25</reflink>]) studied students' experience moving from the U.S. to Mexico. They concluded that transnational mobility could delay academic progress and the ability to form relationships with other students and teachers, real issues related to school success or failure in Nuevo Leon, Mexico. Similarly, Sánchez and Zúñiga ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref25">38</reflink>]) present the educational histories of transnational students and their identities, dynamics of inclusion, and exclusion occurring in schools in Nuevo Leon, Mexico.</p> <p>(Bazán-Ramírez & Galván, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref26">4</reflink>]) conducted an exploratory, descriptive observational study with a group of thirty returnees, junior high school students studying in the state of Morelos. The study identifies the main variables hindering returnees' integration into the school system. These aspects are related to the adjustment to the school organization and low proficiency in Spanish affecting academic achievement. Likewise, the subject contents in Mexico are more complicated than in the U.S.; a low percentage of transnational students received support from their teachers when they had learning problems with their courses, among others. González and Carrillo ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref27">20</reflink>]) analyzed the life-history narratives of five transnational children from the same state to explain returnees' school trajectories as they attend Mexican schools. They emphasize the challenges that these individuals face in terms of "a) administrative procedures, b) pedagogical and linguistic differences between Mexican teachers and transnational students, c) the perception that school directors and teachers have of transnational migrants, and d) the temporary school dropouts that result of social exclusion within the schools" (p. 2).</p> <p>Tacelosky ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref28">44</reflink>]) examined children's cases and youth in Mexican public schools. They had had some or all of their education in the United States. The longitudinal research project examined the school experience of transnational children formerly schooled in the United States; elementary and middle school children in Mexican schools have been interviewed and observed since 2010. The case study contributed to understanding language use and ability among transnational students. She concludes that those who enter at critical points in their education may struggle with Spanish, with the linguistic transition from Spanish as the home language to Spanish as the language of instruction.</p> <p>Despagne and Manzano-Munguía ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref29">14</reflink>]) explore how nineteen teenagers adapt and participate in the Mexican school system in Puebla, Mexico and negotiate their sense of belonging to the U.S. or Mexico. The researchers conveyed the idea of giving distinction on how returnees build their bilingual and bicultural citizenship while participating in the school system in Mexico. Students' school experiences generate knowledge on meaning-making processes while displaying multiple language learning strategies to increase their academic and cognitive language in Spanish and maintain or increase their English language proficiency. Likewise, the researchers report that Mexico's school system does not support developing and maintaining bilingualism and biliteracy, despite a public educational policy.</p> <p>Although these studies have partially addressed adaptation and determining returnees' needs, there is still the need to shed more light on other realities, for example, expectations, fears, and insecurities that transnational/returnee individuals could express when they arrive at a Mexican school (Hamann & Zúñiga, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref30">24</reflink>]; Yarwood & Tyrrell, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref31">47</reflink>]) and during their adaptation process.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-4">Acculturative stress</hd> <p>Communicating in a new language and behaving fittingly in a new cultural and academic context can be stressful. The reaction to intercultural contact or cultural adaptation may bring acculturative stress (Berry, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref32">7</reflink>]). It denotes all adjustment forms ranging from simple behavioral shifts (e.g., speaking and eating) to more problematic aspects that produce acculturative stress (Berry et al., [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref33">8</reflink>]).</p> <p>The newcomer is overwhelmed by daily problems (Abouguendia & Noels, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref34">1</reflink>]) and can develop lowered mental health, anxiety, depression, feelings of marginality, alienation, identity confusion (Berry, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref35">5</reflink>]), cognitive fatigue, mental exhaustion, burnout, disorientation (Constantine et al., [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref36">12</reflink>]; Mori, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref37">35</reflink>]).</p> <p>When returnees' academic and social expectations are not met soon, frustration and disappointment can damage their thoughts; for example, trying not to sound "pocho" to hide who they are. Another example may be resentment toward parents, questioning themselves why they had to come back. Likewise, the feeling of not being "Mexican enough" for some friends and family, a sense of inferiority, or not being welcomed may cause unfortunate effects such as withdrawal from social interactions and passivity in their academic performance. We focused on two stressors for this study: 1) the language (Spanish) and 2) prejudice and discrimination.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-5">Spanish language</hd> <p>In Mexico, the Spanish Language is the systematic means of communication. As members of a social group and participants in its culture, it is generally expected to speak the language accurately in production and comprehension. For returnees, having a proficiency level in the Spanish language is an essential element for acculturation and integration among returnees. Since returnee students face demands to speak Spanish properly in the academic and social setting, they may have high levels of acculturative stress. Not being proficient in the language (understand, speak, write, read) used at family gatherings, friends, school, and neighbors presents one of the main stressors that may cause anxiety, low self-esteem, or low self-confidence in interacting with the host population. It is a feeling of unease, worry, nervousness, and apprehension experience (MacIntyre & Gardner, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref38">33</reflink>]). Straits ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref39">42</reflink>]) claims that one of the difficulties that returnee students encounter is language (p.37), becoming one of many adverse factors for school adjustment.</p> <p>The pressure to be competent in Spanish is central to acculturative stress, particularly for recent returnees. Not knowing Spanish can intensify the acculturative stressors associated with perceived discrimination or humiliation.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-6">Prejudice and discrimination</hd> <p>Research on immigration regarding the differential treatment of a person for certain generalized traits proposes a preexisting mechanism of discrimination that structures inequality in schools, which may cause harm or disadvantage the targeted person. This practice may start as early as preschool (Fuller et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref40">17</reflink>]) and continue into primary and middle school (G´andara & Contreras, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref41">18</reflink>]), from then on into higher education (Teranishi, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref42">46</reflink>]). Discrimination is often adduced when explaining racial/ethnic educational gaps (Hirschman & Wong, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref43">28</reflink>]; Stolzenberg, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref44">41</reflink>]). The presence of perceived or actual discrimination may restrict students' school achievements and cultural identity. Host culture members' hostile attitudes and mistreatment may cause significant acculturative stress, making the transition difficult. Feeling discriminated against is, unfortunately, uncomfortable for returnees.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-7">Acculturation through supportive social networks and agency</hd> <p>A supportive social network comprises family, friends, and peers. This support captures the resources and networks that, in this case, returnees have to facilitate emotional maintenance and gain critical information for daily tasks in an unfamiliar environment (Huang, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref45">29</reflink>]).</p> <p>In this sense, there is an interaction in social networks where people tend to share, help each other, give support, and express empathy; this relationship is significant for returnees' acculturation. For Guitart and Vila ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref46">22</reflink>]), social networks help returnees reconstruct their identity after the biographical disruption of leaving their country (p. 22), a so-called country they felt at home.</p> <p>It is important to note that social networks make it easier for returnees to adapt to new ways of life and feel part of the host country. Even though there may be things that do not coincide with returnees' own culture, the sense of belonging to the host population helps them value the lifestyle of their new society.</p> <p>The agency plays a central role in seeking support and resources in schools, the community, and with family and making decisions regarding higher education. For example, Cortez and Hamann ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref47">13</reflink>]) discuss agency concerning access to higher education and employment. They suggest that "their knowledge of the English language and American culture were considered assets in English teaching and call centers in Mexico" (p.12). As they state, "agency is always possible in reaction to structure (...). Returning to Mexico provided these students with a new platform to imagine themselves as future members of the primary sector of the economy and perhaps as respected professional legal citizens in the United States" (p.17).</p> <p>Hamann, Zuñiga, and Sánchez ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref48">25</reflink>]) argue that transnational students have become invisible to the Mexican and American school systems, which affects their exercise of agency. However, the authors acknowledge that transnational students exercise their agency in their decisions regarding whether they see themselves as American, Mexican, or both, if they decide to continue their education, and whether they see capable students or not (See p. 231).</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-8">Methodology</hd> <p>This study was conducted with a qualitative research method. This method, thematic analysis, "offers an exceptional opportunity to focus on developing, analyzing, and interpreting patterns across a quantitative dataset, which involves systematic processes of data coding to develop themes" (Braun & Clarke, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref49">11</reflink>], p. 36). The Research Department approved the study, reference number: UAEH-DIDI-DI-ICSHu-LIN-21-003. The three researchers, quarrying through this method, tried to make sense of the challenges returnee children face in Mexico, understanding how they cope with adverse realities and circumstances once they return or come to Mexico. Data were collected via in-depth interviews with fifteen participants who were interviewed one-on-one and three discussion groups, with 10 of the 15 participants in three different sessions.</p> <p>The aim of qualitative, interview-based research is to describe and explain experiential life stories: how it is felt, lived, undergone, understood, and accomplished by human beings (Schultze & Avital, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref50">39</reflink>]; Schwandt, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref51">40</reflink>]); therefore, the interviews intended to encourage participants to discuss their thoughts, beliefs, and perceptions, about stressors and coping experiences in their parent's home culture. Adopting this method to explore returnees' experiences undergoing a cultural adaptation process is particularly convenient since interviews enable the generation of deeply contextual accounts of returnees' experiences and their interpretation (Schultze & Avital, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref52">39</reflink>]). Moreover, in qualitative interviews, questions are open-ended, transparent, neutral, and sensitive. They can be based on behavior or experience, opinion or value, feeling, knowledge, sensory experience, and demographic or background details (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref53">37</reflink>]).</p> <p>The interview questions were intended to explore the following elements: a) acculturative stressors: language, feelings of marginality, prejudice, and discrimination, and identity confusion; b) coping strategies to overcome the difficulties and barriers toward their adaptation. The interview questions are listed in Appendix A.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-9">Participants</hd> <p>The study focuses on 15 returnees' experiences who have transnational characteristics, were born in Mexico and migrated to the U.S. at a young age, or were born in the U.S. and came to Mexico. Participants come from seven different municipalities of the State of Hidalgo, one from Veracruz, and one from the State of Mexico; five participants were born in the U.S.: California, Florida, and Georgia (see Table 1). Potential participants were invited to take part in a research project. At the interviews, they were enrolled in the B.A. in English Language Teaching at the Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Hidalgo, Mexico. They were informed that their participation was voluntary and that there would be no compensation; they all agreed to be voluntary participants.</p> <p>Table 1. Characteristics of the returnees.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Name</td><td>Place of birth</td><td>Resided in the U.S.</td><td>Currently living in Mexico</td><td>Current Age</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Ana Maria</td><td>Tenango de Doria, Mex.</td><td>Ocala, Florida</td><td>Tenango de Doria, Hidalgo</td><td>21</td></tr><tr><td>Rebeca</td><td>Fountain Valley, CA.</td><td>Fountain Valley, CA.</td><td>Epazoyucan, Hidalgo</td><td>20</td></tr><tr><td>Selena Jacqueline</td><td>West Palm Beach, FL.</td><td>West Palm Beach, FL.</td><td>Zapotlán de Juárez, Hidalgo</td><td>20</td></tr><tr><td>Linda</td><td>Riverdale, GA</td><td>Riverdale, GA</td><td>Ixmiquilpan, Hidalgo</td><td>20</td></tr><tr><td>Celene</td><td>Actopan, Hidalgo, Mex.</td><td>Livermore and Tracy, CA</td><td>Actopan, Hidalgo,</td><td>21</td></tr><tr><td>Guadalupe</td><td>Veracruz, Mex.</td><td>Indianapolis, IN</td><td>Actopan, Hidalgo,</td><td>19</td></tr><tr><td>Sarai</td><td>C. Sahagún, Hidalgo, Mex.</td><td>Anaheim, CA.</td><td>C. Sahagún, Hidalgo,</td><td>21</td></tr><tr><td>Hugo</td><td>Naucalpan, State of Mexico, Mex.</td><td>Big Bear, CA. & New York, NY.</td><td>Pachuca, Hidalgo</td><td>31</td></tr><tr><td>Arhol</td><td>Santiago Tulantepec, Hidalgo, Mex.</td><td>San Diego, CA.</td><td>Santiago Tulantepec, Hidalgo</td><td>22</td></tr><tr><td>Daniel</td><td>Tizayuca, Hidalgo, Mex.</td><td>Perris, CA.</td><td>Tizayuca, Hidalgo</td><td>22</td></tr><tr><td>Esmeralda</td><td>Tasquillo, Hidalgo</td><td>-</td><td>Tasquillo, Hidalgo</td><td>22</td></tr><tr><td>Hilario</td><td>Los Angeles, CA.</td><td>Los Angeles, CA.</td><td>Pachuca, Hidalgo</td><td>21</td></tr><tr><td>Gema</td><td>Tulancingo, Hidalgo</td><td>-</td><td>Tulancingo, Hidalgo</td><td>19</td></tr><tr><td>Merixtell</td><td>Pachuca, Hidalgo, Mexico</td><td>Toronto, Canada</td><td>Pachuca, Hidalgo</td><td>20</td></tr><tr><td>Maria</td><td>San Diego, CA.</td><td>San Diego, CA.</td><td>Atotonilco, Hidalgo</td><td>22</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0175795076-10">Procedure and data collection</hd> <p>As agreed, upon by researchers and participants, most interviews were conducted in the classroom during participants' free hours or in the researchers' office. The interviews were conducted in English; however, Spanish was vital to clarify a specific issue more than once. The duration of each interview was between 30 and 50 minutes. The initial contact consisted of informing the participants of the aim of the study and inviting them to participate. Each interview was audio-recorded to facilitate the accuracy of the responses and transcription recall. The interviews were transcribed literally. After the transcription, the three researchers read the interview transcripts for open coding. The responses were coded following the process outlined by Strauss and Corbin ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref54">43</reflink>]). All three researchers tried to establish the data regarding the participants' thoughts they intended to tell us as well as the meanings in their words. Each participant's open codes were compared and contrasted to generate conceptual categories, termed themes.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-11">Findings & discussion</hd> <p>For this study, two core categories were chosen to signify the difficulties and uneasiness the returnees went through and the adaptive changes and coping strategies that arose in adjusting to their new cultural context. Data produced various key themes representing the meaningful accounts of the chosen returnees, which emerged from their perceptions and lived experiences. Firstly, <emph>acculturative stress</emph>, which occurs precisely at the beginning stage of the adaptation process (Abouguendia & Noels, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref55">1</reflink>]), is produced in returnees in post-relocation at the individual level returnees have perceived (Huang, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref56">29</reflink>]). The second key theme, <emph>supportive social network</emph>, is the resources and networks returnees have to facilitate emotional maintenance and daily tasks in their new, unfamiliar environment.</p> <p>Apart from the two mentioned above, although it was not considered in the investigation, despite the struggle to integrate and belong to, we infer those participants displayed a sense of agency. Our epistemic stance rests on attempts to explain experiences from the point of view of the returnees via the analysis of their spoken responses. They accepted their struggle and frustration, however, at the same time they were determined to make their returning a positive experience. However, some returnees were not so hopeful that they would eventually finish school. Selene, Hilario, and Gema somehow managed to get this far to university but unfortunately, they withdrew from university, they did not graduate.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-12">Aspects of acculturative stress</hd> <p>Acculturative stress was presented in different forms. There is a correlation between the returnees' motivation for coming to Mexico, cultural factors, and those related to their negative experience in their parent's home culture: language, prejudice, and discrimination.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-13">The language</hd> <p>Regarding the stressors, most returnees mentioned that Spanish is one of the main stressors; language deficiency causes low self-confidence in interacting with the host population, which can be a negative factor as they go through their acculturation. This finding confirmed Straits' results (Straits, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref57">42</reflink>]) that one of the worries returnees have is language, an adverse factor for school adjustment and an apprehension experience, as MacIntyre and Garder ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref58">33</reflink>]) argued. For example, Rebecca, who is from Fountain Valley, CA, and came to Mexico when she was 13 years old, explains that her Spanish language skills made her less confident in talking and unable to express herself well enough when interacting with classmates,</p> <p>"I didn't even want to go to school. I wanted to go back. I didn't even know how to read or write. I just knew how to talk a little bit because when we were in the United States, I would always talk in English. My mom talked to me in Spanish, but I responded to her in English. It was always English for me. I didn't know that I was gonna use Spanish at every moment like, I never realized that. That was my most specific fear when I came here. I couldn't communicate; I was so nervous! I didn't know what to say; I just said, like chunks."</p> <p>Daniel, born in Mexico, migrated with his family when he was two. He returned when he was 14 and currently lives in Tizayuca, Hgo., Mexico, and explains that: "it was a little bit hard. I had few friends who helped me adapt myself; for example, when writing and reading in Spanish." In exchange, Daniel mentioned that he helped his friends with English.</p> <p>Guadalupe, from Veracruz, Mexico, also points out that her Spanish was not good enough to have a conversation with others because Spanish was not the language she used to communicate in the USA. This finding confirmed Hamann, Sánchez, and Zúñiga's finding ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref59">26</reflink>]) and Bazán & Galvan's results ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref60">4</reflink>]) that low proficiency in Spanish and Spanish limitations affect academic progress, making the school experience negative. Guadalupe also mentions that her accent was different, as she mentions in the extract below,</p> <p>it was a little bit complicated to communicate with others because I didn't read in Spanish nor speak it ... they would say that I speak like the people from the <emph>norte, norteños ...</emph> I sometimes mixed up some words, or my pronunciation wasn't good.</p> <p>Linda, Mexican-American, was born in Riverdale, Georgia, US, and now lives in Ixmiquilpan, Hidalgo, Mexico; she explains that she has some Spanish-language issues. For example, the use of accents, as we know, is not used in English and gender because, in English, just one article is used to refer to both males and females. She says:</p> <p>"I still have difficulties in Spanish with the "acentos" (accents) and all that; I don't know where to put it. Also, with the male and female gender (Masculine and Feminine nouns) or "la" y "el," I still get confused. I say some things like it's supposed to be, but I confuse them; it's still sometimes very difficult for me; even though I have lived here for ten years now, it's still hard."</p> <p>Another example is Ana Maria, born in Mexico and who migrated to the U.S. when she was four. She returned at age 10; she currently lives in Tenango de Doria, Hgo., Mexico. She articulated her uncomfortable feeling:</p> <p>I always had that problem (with the language). She (Ana's teacher) always, I remember that she, she was always, always calling my mom to tell her, to tell her that I wasn't doing things right, that I was already here in Mexico, I was not over there (in the U.S.) anymore, that I had to do better.</p> <p>This finding echoes Tacelosky's ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref61">44</reflink>]) conclusions that those children and youth in Mexican public schools who have had some or all of their education in the United States struggle with Spanish at critical points.</p> <p>In Ana's case, stress showed a more complicated form than lacking confidence. The internal pressure from the language skills affected performance at school. This statement also indicates that this student was meant to do better at school; however, it also shows that some Mexican teachers may still not be prepared to deal with returnee students, a factor argued by Hamann, Sánchez, and Zúñiga ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref62">26</reflink>]).</p> <p>These statements suggest that Spanish language competence was critical for parents' home culture interactions. The pressure from not having appropriate Spanish language proficiency caused internal stress within some returnees, affecting the individual's confidence to interact with the host population, including the academic setting, that is to say, all areas of the returnees' lives. Nevertheless, Spanish served as a channel to understand the host culture later during adaptation.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-14">Prejudice and discrimination</hd> <p>Perceived discrimination strongly and consistently correlates with acculturative stress and homesickness (Tartakovsky, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref63">45</reflink>]). An incidence producing acculturative stress could be the presence of hostile attitudes from majority group members toward the newcomers. These negative experiences that cause such stress may impact the returnees' acculturation and affect their adaptation. In the absence of discrimination, returnees are most likely to integrate or adapt quickly to their parent's home culture; however, they are likely to reject the host culture when there is more perceived discrimination or have experienced it. On the other hand, when not discriminated against, they approach the host population with the same degree of respect.</p> <p>Apart from Ana Maria's negative experience with her language proficiency, she mentioned that a negative experience happened when she was mistreated and named "the girl that knows everything, like the little nerd." She explains that they considered her a "show off" because she had lived in the United States. Another example, Esmeralda, who currently lives in Tasquillo, Hgo., Mexico, explains that:</p> <p>"my aunt and my uncle would make fun of me," they would tell me that I sound like <emph>chistosa</emph> (funny). That annoyed me, so I really didn't like speaking in Spanish. And it was hard to write, so I had to adapt quickly because I needed to pass (subjects at school). I had a cousin, she tried to help sometimes, but the teachers were not nice. I told the Spanish teacher to tutor me because I didn't understand, but the only thing she told me was to ask my classmates to borrow their notebooks and copy the <emph>apuntes</emph> (notes)."</p> <p>In the interview, Esmeralda expressed that she received negative attitudes from the host population, generally referred to as experiences of perceived discrimination. Returnees feel treated disrespectfully, indifferently, unfairly, or even harshly. Perceived discrimination does not only cause stress; a returnee may have the feeling of not belonging, with a negative impact on self-esteem.</p> <p>I would cry a lot. Girls were very mean; I mean very mean! Nobody had ever been very mean to me, right out, or said things about me. It was like, 'why are you being like that to me?' I had never done anything wrong to them, just because I lived in the States.</p> <p>Selena Jacqueline, who now lives in Actopan, Hidalgo, Mexico, explains that she was considered "the enemy" only because she had lived in the U.S. She was identified as "American" not just by classmates but by members of her family, as she explains below:</p> <p>"Yeah, sometimes, because my classmates called me <emph>'mas si osare'</emph> ("were to dare" as in the National anthem of Mexico: "But if a foreign enemy <emph>were to dare</emph> to defile your soil with his foot"). In the national anthem, they say the enemy is <emph>'mas si osare,'</emph> and they called me like that because they say I come from the United States and, I'm like, no, but I'm Mexican, like, don't forget that I'm Mexican. One thing is that I was living over there and another that I was born over there. They are like, no you're <emph>'mas si osare</emph>,' no I'm not. And other friends, they are also like, oh you're American, right? No, I'm Mexican, and they are like, oh then, why is your pronunciation good? And, I'm like, because I was living there and they are like oh that means you're American and I'm like no. Then, with my family, they always say I'm the American girl, and everyone is Mexican. And I'm like, no I'm Mexican, remember I'm Mexican, but they always put me aside; they say no, you come from the United States, you're American, and I'm like no, remember I'm Mexican."</p> <p>This statement shows the need for this student to be recognized as Mexican to belong to the host country. She insists that she is Mexican. She knows that if seen as American, she would be labeled differently, as she mentions, obviously out of context. After all, Mexican children do not even know that "mas si osare" is not even a noun that can be used in the context they are using it to offend Jacqueline.</p> <p>Returnees' experiences were influenced by how the home culture perceived them. Some felt that the host society tolerated them; for example, Hilario, born in the U.S., expressed: "I was treated well because I am American." However, deep down, they knew people were prejudiced or treated them differently. For example, Guadalupe described that some people were jealous because she was the American girl at school and received all the attention. It was complicated for her, and eventually, she had problems with these people. Esmeralda expressed that: "at the beginning, I felt American ... I did not feel I was Mexican because of the rudeness (host population)," resulting in an obstacle to successful acculturation and a feeling of not wanting to live in Mexico, not wanting to be in a country that does not like her.</p> <p>These findings confirm Tartakovsky's ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref64">45</reflink>]) conclusions, stipulating that personal psychological resources and social support buffer acculturative stress, while discrimination aggravates their distress.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-15">Supportive social network</hd> <p>When individuals enter a new or unfamiliar culture, they undergo what Kim ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref65">32</reflink>]) refers to as "some degree of cultural learning, that is, the acquisition of the native cultural patterns and practices, particularly in areas of direct relevance to the individual's daily functioning – from attire and food habits to behavioral norms and cultural values" (p. 233). The results reveal that returnees usually are less familiar with the host culture and seek to participate as an integral part of the more extensive social network (Berry, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref66">5</reflink>]). Their close relatives and new friends become a significant resource for seeking advice for adaptation and adjustment to the unfamiliar environment. The support from social networks is significant for the returnees' acculturation or re-acculturation into the host community. This relationship represents a strong tie in offering help and exchanging information about how things are and work in Mexico. The findings are in accordance with what Despagne and Manzano-Munguía ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref67">14</reflink>]) argued; returnees negotiate their sense of belonging and how they build their bilingual and bicultural citizenship while participating in the school system in Mexico. Strategies aimed to increase their academic and cognitive language in Spanish and maintain or increase their English proficiency. Rebecca, Guadalupe, and Daniel explained that family, classmates, and some teachers helped them with the language, school, and culture. Guadalupe stated:</p> <p>"I overcame the problems with some of my classmates because there were always some kids who defended me; I didn't feel alone. Plus, my teachers were very good, nice to me. They tried to help me understand things; that made me feel good and accepted..."</p> <p>This statement shows that her classmates and teachers supported her and helped her feel welcome. She also mentioned that some relatives accepted her; she had no problems with them.</p> <p>Sarai, from Ciudad Sahagún, Hidalgo, Mexico, identifies some differences between Americans and Mexicans. That is, as part of this acculturation process, she notices that Mexican people behave differently in terms of how close Mexican families can be, as she explains:</p> <p>"I like a lot the way we live. The people are much warmer. They are more like they get together more. In the U.S., I feel like I have friends; it's like something different, you know. Here, I get to go out more with friends, like; I don't know, it's, I think we are like there's joy in doing some things."</p> <p>She also expressed that school teachers tried to do their best to make her feel comfortable and feel accepted, and it also shows her teachers' willingness to help her out without even saying a word about it, as illustrated below,</p> <p>"From my teachers, sometimes when I didn't understand something, they were like, they would like come up to me, even if I didn't ask them anything. They would ask me if everything was ok or if I needed some help."</p> <p>Although it was difficult for Daniel to adapt to school activities, he explains that:</p> <p>"It was a little bit hard. I had like a few friends that helped me to adapt when writing in Spanish, reading too. And I also helped them with English. I didn't even feel adapted to my own family, I didn't belong here (his feeling at home), so in a way, I had to do it by myself with a few friends, and I started adapting myself around High School, like two years (the time it took him to start adapting)."</p> <p>Some other participants expressed that the interaction with their parent's home culture was more through observation or their adaptation was through a personal willingness to adjust and learn. They built upon their assets that can be clout for learning: forms of knowledge, skills, and resources gained from lived experience in settings in a foreign country. For example, Maria, born in the U.S., said: "I'm not afraid of asking about new things that I can do," or Hugo, who was not born in the U.S., expressed himself as an independent person at such a young age. Likewise, Gema, who was also born in Mexico, explains that: "I think that being a transnational individual made me an outgoing person," and Merixtell, who, as a child, migrated with her family to Canada, expressed: "I make friends easily, I'm talkative and funny."</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-16">Support? Not for everyone</hd> <p>As mentioned, returnees are more motivated to seek moral and emotional support from relatives and friends, decreasing isolation and depression. However, regarding having a friend, results show that not all had that same asset; friends do not always help returnees adapt adequately, and some were treated as foreigners. Ana Maria explains: "my friends? I didn't have many because of the things I mentioned before, because of the bullying ... Mom wasn't involved (she did not know how to help her) and teachers weren't of great support." She mentioned that she feels a little Mexican when she is in the city; however, people still look at her differently when she is in her hometown. In addition, Rebecca realized later that those friends misled her into inappropriate ways of being. She explains that:</p> <p>" ... it was hard for me; I failed three subjects: Math, History, and Spanish. Ok, I'll do better next term. I was struggling a lot, and then I started to hang out with another group of friends, and they convinced me not to go into classes, and I said ok, and I skipped classes, so I failed all my subjects, just English was fine."</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-17">Discussion</hd> <p>The interview questions delivered to the interviewees were roughly designed around issues regarding returnees' acculturative process in Mexico. Several significant findings highlighted that their engagement took work. For example, the lack of knowledge of formal teaching strategies for these students; teachers still treat returnees as any other Mexican or differently than their native pupils. However, once receiving support catered to their needs of acceptance and adaptation, they finally seemed to acculturate to their parent's home culture. Nevertheless, their new cultural identity could have been more pleasing; they would still like to return to the U.S.</p> <p>Upon arrival in Mexico, returnees are surrounded by various possible stressors at home and school. The study detailed that these returnees encountered precisely acculturative stressors. The returnees' responses in the current study suggest that Spanish was critical for those who successfully adapted to the Mexican way of living. Several significant findings highlighted vital features of their re-acculturation. Most returnees referred to language and acts of discrimination as the two significant stressors. These acts of discrimination resulted from individual actions, small-group behaviors, and institutional factors (Feagin & Eckberg, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref68">16</reflink>]); these could have resulted from prejudice-motivated discrimination.</p> <p>The findings showed that the returnees associated their adaptation with social networks; they mainly engaged with the family member and the school environment. According to the interviewees, this was an asset for adaptation. Building social networks and getting social support from friends and family influenced adjusting to their parent's home culture and overcoming their fears and insecurities. Even though the majority have built a support network in Mexico and have learned the culture, language, and lifestyle, they mentioned that they feel Mexican. However, deep inside, they know that part of them is American.</p> <p>It becomes evident that these challenges transnational students went through negatively affected their agency. They become vulnerable because they are exposed to a school system and a country's culture that is unfamiliar to them. So, they barely succeed in getting support from their family members, school, or community. As Hamann, Zuñiga, and Sánchez ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref69">25</reflink>]) state, "transnational students' exercise of agency often occurs in reaction to broad parameters that they do not control" (p.248).</p> <p>Something that stands out is that it seems that diverse ways to cope with the new home culture come from some returnees' traits, abilities, and ways of being acquired in the U.S. These "funds of knowledge" (Moll et al., [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref70">34</reflink>]; N. González et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref71">21</reflink>]) express the value of the multiple forms of knowledge that immigrant youth bring with them into school settings.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-18">Conclusion and research implications</hd> <p>The present study has provided more empirical evidence to show how returnees with transnational characteristics engage themselves in their parent's home culture and the response pattern to stress related to challenges faced in their acculturation.</p> <p>The study of adaptation is a complex area that involves more than one culture; some diverse variables and factors affect adaptation. Acculturation or re-acculturation transition demands resilience, the capacity to adapt, and the ability to process stress-related variables, for example, the lack of language competence. The lack of language proficiency may stop returnees from forming solid relationships in the host culture, affecting their sense of belonging and cultural identity. Also influenced by societal attitudes such as prejudice and discrimination, acculturation becomes challenging; failing to participate in the local community weakens their initial need to adapt to the new context.</p> <p>Since there are individual differences in returnees in this study, not all faced the same degree of strain in the acculturating process. Adaptive outcomes vary depending on returnees' strategies; the most significant relationships are based on family structures, which means the quality of the bond between returnees and their close relatives. Therefore, studies on adaptation and acculturation must focus on the individual differences of the returnees undergoing the process. Likewise, it is essential to understand how returnees adapt to new settings to help others in social inclusion in a new community and way of life in Mexico.</p> <p>This study aimed to shed some light on the challenges migrant students face when returning to Mexico from the USA. The results may serve to make informed decisions to create support groups for these students to smooth their transition from one border to another. It becomes evident that migrant children need help with the language barrier because even though they speak Spanish, they face some linguistic difficulties in understanding the Mexican school system. Students also need cultural support because they may know little about Mexican culture.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-19">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <hd id="AN0175795076-20">Appendices Appendix A. Semi-structured interview questions</hd> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>Personal Information</td><td>- Can you tell me a little bit about yourself? - Tell me about your experiences in the U.S.: Were you born in the U.S.? How long did you live in the U.S.? When did you move to the U.S.? Did all your family move to the U.S.? - Tell me about your experiences living in Mexico: a) description of schools; b) friends & family members, c) Language usage; d) Can you go back/return to the U.S.? d) Why can't you return to the U.S.?; e) Parents' immigration status in the USA?</td></tr><tr><td>What were your fears as you enrolled/your parents enrolled you in school (primary, middle school, high school, B.A.)? Did you get stressed while interacting with people in Mexico? Did you feel depressed when you returned? How did you deal with it? Has your condition as a transnational student given you advantages/benefits as a student over your classmates who are not? Yes. What kind? No, why not? What problems/difficulties (school failures) have you had?</td></tr><tr><td>What do/did your friends/classmates (primary/middle school/high school/College) think about you being a returnee?</td></tr><tr><td>What do/did your teachers (primary/middle school/high school/College) think about you being a returnee/U.S. citizen?</td></tr><tr><td>What do/did your relatives think about you being a returnee/U.S. citizen?</td></tr><tr><td>Do you feel successfully adapted or poorly adapted? In General? At school?</td></tr><tr><td>Strategies to cope with reality.</td><td>Did your parents prepare you to face changes in yourself, other people, places, and lifestyles? Were you aware of the challenges and differences waiting for you in the once called "home"?</td></tr><tr><td>Did you find a mentor? Did you find a group of people with similar international experiences?</td></tr><tr><td>What did you do/have you done to adapt to the Mexican way of living? What do you think helped you with your acculturation?</td></tr><tr><td>Why did you decide to study the B.A. in English Language Teaching?</td></tr><tr><td>Did you fail a school year/semester here in Mexico?</td></tr><tr><td>Identity</td><td>What is different about living in Mexico vs. living in the U.S. (or Canada)?</td></tr><tr><td>Do you feel you are Mexican or American (or Canadian)? Why?</td></tr><tr><td>What is different about being at home vs. being in the USA?</td></tr><tr><td>What do you think about Mexican culture?</td></tr><tr><td>Do you feel you belong to both countries? Or Do you feel 100% Mexican?</td></tr><tr><td>Expectations</td><td>What do you think the Mexican government can/should offer to returnees? Education System: elementary school, middle school, high school, and college/university</td></tr><tr><td>What are your expectations? Are you optimistic about your future?</td></tr><tr><td>Are you planning on returning to the U.S.? 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  Data: Addressing Other Challenges Migrants' Children Face in Mexico: Coping with Adverse Realities and Circumstances
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Tomás+Hernández+Ángeles%22">Tomás Hernández Ángeles</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3091-1150">0000-0002-3091-1150</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Hilda+Hidalgo+Avilés%22">Hilda Hidalgo Avilés</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2540-7814">0000-0002-2540-7814</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Anakaren+Cruz+Pérez%22">Anakaren Cruz Pérez</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5444-6011">0000-0002-5444-6011</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Latinos+and+Education%22"><i>Journal of Latinos and Education</i></searchLink>. 2024 23(2):843-857.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: 15
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research<br />Tests/Questionnaires
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migrants%22">Migrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migrant+Children%22">Migrant Children</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migrant+Problems%22">Migrant Problems</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Acculturation%22">Acculturation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Adjustment+%28to+Environment%29%22">Adjustment (to Environment)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Barriers%22">Barriers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Bilingualism%22">Bilingualism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Spanish%22">Spanish</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Language+Proficiency%22">Language Proficiency</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Discrimination%22">Social Discrimination</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Support+Groups%22">Social Support Groups</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Stress+Variables%22">Stress Variables</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mexico%22">Mexico</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/15348431.2023.2187632
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  Label: ISSN
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  Data: 1534-8431<br />1532-771X
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Migrants' children face challenges when returning to their parent's home country, which is usually unfamiliar to them. This qualitative study explores this phenomenon to understand more about the experiences of returnee children regarding their social-educational (re)integration and adaptation, the challenges they faced, and the mechanisms they have developed to overcome them. Results are discussed from the perspective of acculturative stress and social networks, identifying the struggle that returnees have to adapt and acculturate to their new home because of the lack of competence in the Spanish language and the consequences of the discrimination they suffer in the social environment, namely school and in their parents' hometowns. However, results also shed light on how returnees create social networks with classmates and family members who help them overcome these challenges, fears, and feelings of alienation.
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: EJ1415396
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        Value: 10.1080/15348431.2023.2187632
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    PhysicalDescription:
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        PageCount: 15
        StartPage: 843
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Migrants
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Migrant Children
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Migrant Problems
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      – SubjectFull: Spanish
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Language Proficiency
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      – SubjectFull: Social Discrimination
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      – SubjectFull: Social Support Groups
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      – SubjectFull: Stress Variables
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      – SubjectFull: Mexico
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      – TitleFull: Addressing Other Challenges Migrants' Children Face in Mexico: Coping with Adverse Realities and Circumstances
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