Re-Imagining the Image of the Educator in Post-Secondary Early Childhood Education: Calling for Epistemic Justice
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| Title: | Re-Imagining the Image of the Educator in Post-Secondary Early Childhood Education: Calling for Epistemic Justice |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Adam W. J. Davies (ORCID |
| Source: | Pedagogy, Culture and Society. 2024 32(4):1013-1031. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 19 |
| Publication Date: | 2024 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Education Level: | Early Childhood Education Higher Education Postsecondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Early Childhood Teachers, Early Childhood Education, Educational History, Foreign Countries, Preservice Teacher Education, Racism, Social Bias, Teacher Role, Indigenous Populations, Minority Group Students, Residential Schools, Canada Natives |
| Geographic Terms: | Canada |
| DOI: | 10.1080/14681366.2024.2355100 |
| ISSN: | 1468-1366 1747-5104 |
| Abstract: | Early childhood education (ECE) spaces within settler-colonial societies operate as sites of violence and oppression whereby non-conformity to white, rational, ableist, cisgender norms is weaponised as developmental deficits. In this paper, we refer to the refusals of non-dominant ways of knowing as forms of epistemic injustice (Fricker 2007). We describe the foundational underpinnings of ECE throughout the twentieth century in Ontario, Canada and trace how normative ideas of children, educators, education, and childhood developed through a largely positivist, developmental orientation. Ultimately, we call for epistemic justice (Fricker 2007) as an emancipatory way forward in post-secondary ECE programmes. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2024 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1428392 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwE_ptINNSm2A7i5Uj79e_KbAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDK2qur3pO-feiosrTwIBEICBm7J8IKb-TGdnauZ1C0iZh8demIxY0NhIk0v9osNzw5Nf7ugKHN9-zAPgY2jl68JmaPCQR9JIqrCC5jWuKgU_jJsF1XsgVQQ3lGtWAwGpSrKYnkZenVJocDVftAR1HZqrh278L09yCM5r-dKh7_GzOIlyZlAGey9HXBtOt_9yhHQgeYuIX5q3-aMuR02x6q4428C4uO_FuLMi9TLU Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0177900715;nt901aug.24;2024Jun18.05:06;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0177900715-1">Re-imagining the image of the educator in post-secondary early childhood education: calling for epistemic justice </title> <p>Early childhood education (ECE) spaces within settler-colonial societies operate as sites of violence and oppression whereby non-conformity to white, rational, ableist, cisgender norms is weaponised as developmental deficits. In this paper, we refer to the refusals of non-dominant ways of knowing as forms of epistemic injustice (Fricker 2007). We describe the foundational underpinnings of ECE throughout the twentieth century in Ontario, Canada and trace how normative ideas of children, educators, education, and childhood developed through a largely positivist, developmental orientation. Ultimately, we call for epistemic justice (Fricker 2007) as an emancipatory way forward in post-secondary ECE programmes.</p> <p>Keywords: Child studies; epistemic injustice; early childhood education; Canada; William Blatz</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Opening a contemporary early childhood education textbook quickly reveals references to the theories of early childhood education's 'founding fathers': Erik Erikson, John Watson, John Dewey, Friedrich Fröbel, Lawrence Kohlberg, John Bowlby, Jean Piaget and others (Langford [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref1">45</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref2">46</reflink>]). Given that these white men often remain <emph>the</emph> pioneers of post-secondary ECE[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref3">1</reflink>] programmes, this article has three goals: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref4">1</reflink>) to name the inherent theoretical dangers of a lack of epistemological and ontological plurality in any narrative by drawing on feminist philosopher, Miranda Fricker's ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref5">33</reflink>]) theory of epistemic (in)justice; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref6">2</reflink>) to disrupt developmentalism's[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref7">2</reflink>] epistemological limitations and gain insight into how and why it has become the dominant narrative in early childhood spaces – particularly post-secondary ECE courses/programmes; and, (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref8">3</reflink>) to offer exploratory, emancipatory, socially just and caring ways of knowing and being for and with post-secondary early childhood education students and the children and families with whom they will be working. We invite readers to reflect as they read the article as we intentionally provoke new questions and inquiries in a kaleidoscopic[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref9">3</reflink>] fashion.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-3">Positionality</hd> <p>In terms of our own positionality, all three authors are – or have been – registered early childhood educators[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref10">4</reflink>] (RECE) in Ontario, Canada, and have years of experience working with children and families and/or teaching/researching early childhood education at the post-secondary level. We came together to write this article because we are deeply troubled by dominant, unproblematized child development theories (i.e., 'developmentalism') in post-secondary ECE spaces. We also wish to acknowledge that we are writing this article on the stolen lands of Haudenosaunee, Wendat, Anishinaabe and Mississaugas of the New Credit Peoples (colonially known as Ontario, Canada). We take up this work as settlers on this land, with Author 1 (Adam) identifying as a non-binary, male-presenting, queer, neurodivergent, Mad, white settler, Author 2 (Brooke), a cisgender, white, 'mad' woman, and Author 3 (Zuhra) as a white-passing, mixed-race cisgender woman.</p> <p>Each of us have worked within the early childhood education and care sector as educators, students, and caretakers. We strongly feel that it is impossible to talk about the care and education of children in Canada, and the people doing the caregiving and educating, without acknowledging the violent settler colonial structures upon which Canada was built, including residential schools and the forced removal and assimilation of Indigenous children. As early childhood educators and faculty members, we are tacitly aware of the interconnections between the developmental theories theorised and propagated beginning in the early twentieth century, the pathologization of Indigenous children as developmentally deficit, erasure of Indigenous cultures, knowledges, and lands, and indoctrination of Indigenous children and families into settler Eurocentric colonial ways of knowing and being (Kelly et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref11">42</reflink>]; Varga [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref12">76</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-4">Historical overview of the role or professionals caring with children in Ontario</hd> <p>The question becomes, how did we arrive here? How is it that the ideas of these white men, who were often far removed from the day-in and day-out realities of caring for or with children, come to define the parameters of what it means to be an early childhood educator? Similarly, how is that educators, who overwhelming identify as women (in Ontario, ECEs are over 97% women, with high numbers of women of colour and recent immigrants), have not only been complicit in applying these ideas, but furthered psychological, positivist, developmental epistemologies as the path of legitimacy to their exploited care labour? To answer these questions, it becomes necessary to take a look at the 'pioneering' settler colonial and eugenicist institutions (the church in early crèches, residential schools, child study institutes) that came before and continue to uphold developmentalism. In tracing the evolution of programmes that have cared for children in Ontario, we gain insights into how gendered, racist, cis-heteronormative conceptualisations of the 'good' ECE continue to be perpetuated (A. Davies [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref13">25</reflink>]; Langford [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref14">45</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-5">Epistemic injustice, normalcy, and pre-service/post-secondary early childhood education and c...</hd> <p>British philosopher, Miranda Fricker ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref15">33</reflink>]), theorises epistemic injustice as a form of distortion, misunderstanding, and discreditation of one's narratives, experiences, testimonies, and truths. Fricker ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref16">33</reflink>]) theorises two forms of epistemic injustice: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref17">1</reflink>) testimonial injustice; and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref18">2</reflink>) hermeneutical injustice. Testimonial injustice occurs when there is prejudice and/or discrimination in relation to the speaker's credibility, typically in relation their social location, experiences, and/or identity (Fricker [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref19">34</reflink>]). Hermeneutical injustice occurs when the listener does not have the same epistemological and hermeneutic resources to understand and comprehend the experiences of the truth sharer – that is, there are differences in interpretive resources that mean the listener can only hear the truth of the sharer through a frame that is different and distorted (Fricker [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref20">34</reflink>]). This connects with issues pertaining to epistemology and knowledge production in post-secondary ECE programmes when students, faculty, and instructors who might identify with forms of knowledge and communities that are outside of the typical developmental cannon of post-secondary ECE programmes might not be understood by other ECE faculty and/or instructors (A. Davies [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref21">25</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref22">26</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref23">27</reflink>]; A. Davies, Brewer, and Shay [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref24">28</reflink>]; A. W. Davies et al. [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref25">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>As noted most commonly by theorists in Mad Studies (e.g., A. W. Davies [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref26">27</reflink>]; LeBlanc and Kinsella [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref27">50</reflink>]; LeFrançois [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref28">51</reflink>]), epistemic injustice seeks to discredit the truths and knowledges of marginalised individuals. Despite calls from scholars to make space for critical theories on national and international levels (i.e., Krieg [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref29">44</reflink>]; Ryan and Grieshaber [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref30">68</reflink>]), child development theories, particularly those of early-to-mid twentieth-century developmental psychologists (e.g., Piaget and Vygotsky) still remain omnipresent in ECE textbooks. Individuals' experiences/knowledges are positioned as 'invalid' and/or 'unscientific' in comparison with positivist and empiricist notions of knowledge and truth. As such, bringing forward questions of epistemic (in)justice asserts epistemological and ontological questions pertaining to post-secondary ECE programmes, including how such programmes conceptualise 'children', 'educators', and 'care' (A. Davies [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref31">25</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref32">26</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref33">27</reflink>]; A. Davies, Brewer, and Shay [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref34">28</reflink>]; A. W. Davies et al. [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref35">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>As will be explored below in relation to the establishment of Early Childhood Education as its own discipline and growth of post-secondary ECE programmes, normative images of children and educators promote notions of hegemonic femininity.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref36">5</reflink>] These images are rooted in the idea that the educator–child relationship emanates a mother–child relationship that places the responsibility for children's developmental outcomes on educators' capacity to care and nurture (Langford [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref37">45</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref38">46</reflink>]). Critical psychologist, Erica Burman, articulates how research pertaining to children's development and ECE 'continues to be dominated by a restricted range of questions that betrays a theoretical legacy which positions women as responsible not only for the care of their children, but also for their current and future development' ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref39">19</reflink>], 142). According to Burman ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref40">19</reflink>]), research in the early years has been confined to 'a paradigm presuming damage limitation, portraying it [childcare] as a risk factor, or else day care was investigated in terms of the way it affects children's attachment to their mothers' (Burman [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref41">19</reflink>], 142). We agree with this observation but feel it necessary to understand <emph>how</emph> it came to be this way.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-6">The 'pioneers' in early childhood education and care</hd> <p>Developmentalism, as an onto-epistemological approach and framework for conceptualising childhoods, can be connected with the mental hygiene movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Richardson [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref42">67</reflink>]). The mental hygiene movement was rooted in the idea that an organism should mimic the normative developmental trajectory of the 'human race' (Varga [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref43">76</reflink>]). Such narratives of race and normalcy are undergirded by the Eugenics Movement which historically justified the forced sterilisation of bodies who existed outside of the prescribed ideals of race and developmental norms (Kelly et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref44">42</reflink>]; Kelly, Boye, and Rice [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref45">41</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the Canadian context, several provinces and territories encouraged the widespread coerced sterilisation of Indigenous women, taking place up until 2019 (Leason [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref46">49</reflink>]; Native Women's Association of Canada, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref47">59</reflink>]). The developmentalist movement was also utilised to rationalise the systematic removal of Indigenous children from their families and homes through former residential school policies (discussed more below). It is important to recognise that developmental norms continue to underscore the removal of Indigenous children from their families through contemporary child protection practices (Blackstock [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref48">13</reflink>]). Underlying this past and currently ongoing violence is the assumption that early education and/or care can and <emph>should</emph> correct deviances from a typical trajectory through crafting the ideal developmental environment (i.e., euthenics; Weigley [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref49">78</reflink>]). We see this often in early childhood education documentation and curricula that divides children into different age groupings with associated skills and traits that can be observed within each different group (e.g., Best Start Expert Panel [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref50">12</reflink>]). Such seemingly 'objective' truths (established through centring the white, cisgender, heterosexual, and able-bodied child) create a problematic template for normative social and cultural expectations of children (Mills and Lefrançois [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref51">55</reflink>]). Moreover, developmentalism's focus on linear progress, outcomes, and normative citizenship, as noted by Vintimilla and Pacini-Ketchabaw, links its onto-epistemologies to capitalist ideals of assessment, performance, and productivity:</p> <p>Purporting to know in advance who the individual should be, child development's goal is seen in this critical work to prescribe a trajectory that will mold the child into an ideal citizen who will serve an already-specified society. (Vintimilla and Pacini-Ketchabaw [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref52">77</reflink>], 633)</p> <p>In an Ontario, Canada context, institutes of child study, such as the Jackman Institute of Child Study (JICS) at the University of Toronto, established child development as <emph>the</emph> way to study childhood – including 'best' parenting practices (Gleason [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref53">37</reflink>]; Richardson [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref54">67</reflink>]). US-based scholars such as G. Stanley Hall and Arnold Gesell were foundational in establishing Child Development as a sub-discipline of Psychology where the motivation was to seek the 'best' ways to maximise pre-determined child outcomes at each clearly delineated age and stage (Richardson [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref55">67</reflink>]).</p> <p>A key 'pioneer' of this thinking in Canada is Dr. William E. Blatz. Blatz was a key figure in the establishment and growth of the JICS at University of Toronto. His work on emotional security, mental hygiene, and the evolution of the scientific observation had far-reaching consequences for childcare policy development in Ontario (discussed further below). Winestock ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref56">79</reflink>]) describes how Blatz's theories became foundational within the twentieth-century childcare context as parents and educators were increasingly asked to become experts on children's growth and development (cited in A. Davies [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref57">26</reflink>]). Blatz ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref58">15</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref59">16</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref60">17</reflink>]) (and his contemporaries) provided ground-breaking insights into how a child's sense of security informs their ability to take risks and/or navigate the world – including taking responsibility for oneself and one's actions. It is not that there is no value in his thinking – particularly in relation to pre-existing understandings of children and childhood (discussed in the next section). However, the way his ideas were, and continue to be taken up, play a concerning role in shaping early childhood practices and educator's understandings/possibilities of/for themselves (and of course, these are significantly shaped in ECE 'training' programmes). Blatz ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref61">15</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref62">16</reflink>]) positioned the quintessential nurturing, stable and secure mother figure as necessary for a child's growing sense of security (or lack thereof) and optimal development. The educator as a mother-substitute reflected, and continues to reflect, hegemonic ideals of the white, middle-class, married, ever-devoted Christian mother (see also A. Davies [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref63">25</reflink>]; A. Davies, Brewer, and Shay [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref64">28</reflink>]; A. W. Davies et al. [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref65">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>Building on Blatz's work, developmental psychology's 'pioneering' attachment theorists (i.e., Ainsworth, Bowlby, Winnicott; see M. D. S. Ainsworth [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref66">6</reflink>]; M. D. Ainsworth and Ainsworth [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref67">7</reflink>]) further entrenched the 'good' ECE as emanating the maternal, sacred mother-child bond (Langford [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref68">45</reflink>]). Contemporary images of ECE too often fail to critically engage with these narratives, thus leaving maternalistic ideals unproblematized (Ailwood [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref69">5</reflink>]; Moss [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref70">57</reflink>]). The main discourse that does attempt to disrupt gender essentialist, maternal constructions of the ECE are rooted in psychological cognitive and moral developmental theories. Scholars such as Piaget and Kohlberg offered a clear trajectory for children's 'optimal' development in cognitive and moral domains (respectively). The implication here was and is that the role and purpose of the educator was/is to uncritically apply the knowledge the (male) theorists 'revealed' in order to optimise a child's development. Children's development was neatly delineated by domain (cognitive, social, physical, moral, etc.) whereby normative trajectories purported to define best practice of ECEs.</p> <p>It is worth explicitly noting here that, even though women have always been the people <emph>doing</emph> the work <emph>with</emph> children, it was/is the male 'experts'/researchers who were/are considered the knowledge holders on child development (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref71">72</reflink>]). Female educators' and mothers' perspectives were not, and continue to not be, seen as 'valid' knowledge (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref72">72</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref73">74</reflink>]). Developmentalism has and continues to be the most available path to legitimacy for ECEs as professionals (Aslanian [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref74">9</reflink>]). That this has and continues to occur is representative as an example of what Fricker names in her theorising of epistemic injustice.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-7">The roots of contemporary childcare programmes: residential 'schools', early crèches and chil...</hd> <p>As we move through this section, we invite you to observe how the women caring for children were positioned as sanctimonious, self-sacrificing, obedient child 'savers' for 'needy' children. It is important to note here how currently, a large majority of ECEs are women of colour, yet there is little anti-racism training or education for current and post-secondary ECEs in the field (Abawi, Eizadirad, and Berman [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref75">2</reflink>]; Berman et al. [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref76">10</reflink>]). Moreover, due to how the labour of women of colour who are ECEs is increasingly extracted and simultaneously disrespected, the role of the ECE, as well as ECEs themselves, continue to experience heightened societal devaluation through structural racism and sexism.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-8">Residential schools</hd> <p>It is critical to address the violent settler colonial structures upon which Canada was built as a nation-state (and as settlers, we are implicated in) whenever discussing education and care. As illustrated by the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Report (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref77">71</reflink>]), residential 'schools'[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref78">6</reflink>] – funded by the state and run by the Church – were an overt attempt at cultural assimilation through abuse and genocide. Egerton Ryerson, one of the founding fathers of the Ontario public school system, promoted separate school systems for Indigenous children, children with disabilities, and Black children as sites of normalisation (Knight [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref79">43</reflink>]). In 1920, Deputy Superintendent of the Department of Indian Affairs Duncan Campbell Scott, was transparent that the purpose of residential schools was to 'get rid of the Indian problem'. Indigenous children were forcefully removed from their homes/communities and placed in these schools. While most of these 'schools' opened in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the last one did not close until 1996.[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref80">7</reflink>] These 'schools' were government and church sanctioned sites of brutality, violence and torture; including forced labour, and widespread sexual and physical abuse and murder. In the summer of 2021 (and afterwards), Canadians were forced to come to terms with the country's ongoing legacy of settler-colonialism and genocide when mass graves of Indigenous children continued to be uncovered at various former residential school sites (Morin [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref81">56</reflink>]). Some of the last remaining residential schools, including the Mohawk Institute in Brantford, Ontario, were explicitly connected with educational programmes that invited young women to observe teaching in residential schools to learn developmental child rearing techniques and cultural assimilation (Kelly et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref82">42</reflink>]; Kelly, Boye, and Rice [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref83">41</reflink>]). While residential schools have officially closed, Indigenous scholar Blackstock ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref84">13</reflink>]) argues that these 'schools' never closed but rather morphed into the child welfare system, which disproportionately removes Indigenous children from their homes, families and communities (Ontario Human Rights Commission [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref85">60</reflink>]). The devastating impacts of the residential school system continue to play out through these disproportionate child apprehensions on the part of the state and epidemic levels of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref86">58</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-9">The role of the educator in residential schools</hd> <p>The women doing the 'educating' in these 'schools' were doing so under the strict direction of male priests. They embodied the epitome of the self-sacrificing woman – they were nuns who had dedicated their lives to the service of <emph>the</emph> white, male, Christian God. The overt child abuse they inflicted and/or ignored was justified through a discourse of 'saving' the 'savage' child (Milloy [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref87">54</reflink>]). Their goal was to ensure compliance with colonialism, such as English-speaking only, cutting off children's hair (an important symbol of identity for Indigenous people) and/or saying (Christian) evening prayers. Similarly, it was nuns who were tasked with and carried out the repeated scrubbing of Indigenous children to whiten their skin. In these ways the nun was the <emph>mechanism</emph> of erasing Indigenous ways of knowing/being and replacing it with dominant Christian, Eurocentric norms.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-10">Early crèches</hd> <p>Nuns were also involved in some of the first childcare centres outside of residential schools in Canada. In the 1850s, Roman Catholic nuns opened a crèche, sponsored by wealthy women, that encouraged working-class mothers to earn a living outside the home while they cared for their children (Bertrand [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref88">11</reflink>]). Philanthropically run, religiously rooted childcare programmes opened in many of Canada's major cities in the early 1900s, typically 'helping' destitute (widowed, abandoned, single) mothers. As was the case in residential schools, the idea was that the nuns would mold/correct children in such a way that minimised their perceived, inherent deviancies/deficiencies (Bertrand [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref89">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-11">Institutes of child study</hd> <p>The other form of childcare programming in an Ontario, Canada context to emerge in the first half of the twentieth century was through the aforementioned mental hygiene movement (Richardson [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref90">67</reflink>]; see also A. Davies [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref91">26</reflink>]; A. W. Davies et al. [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref92">31</reflink>]). This movement began in the early 1900s as a form of intervention for children and mothers emphasising the development of routine, good habits, and psychological health and for the future-child's flourishing (Richardson [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref93">67</reflink>]). Unlike residential and early creches (which provided 'care' 24/7 and/or for the large majority of the day), the mental hygiene movement was connected to non-residential, typically part-day (2–3 hours) education/care. Ironically, most of these programmes were accessible only to middle/upper-class family (due to high tuition fees), yet the pedagogical, intervention-based strategies developed were created to be applied to the 'deviant' (socially, economically, genetically/biologically) children. At this time, the primary 'at risk' group of children in mind were again the children of single mothers. In contrast to the crèches, which were focused on ensuring basic custodial care so that mothers could meet their children's material needs, the child institutes were focused on <emph>bettering</emph> the child by crafting <emph>ideal</emph> social conditions (euthenics) (Weigley [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref94">78</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref95">8</reflink>]</p> <p>These institutes had two goals: first, to scientifically observe and document children in the nursery programmes to define what was 'typical', and second, to model ideal educational and parenting practices to ensure children were meeting key developmental benchmarks (Pacini-Ketchabaw [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref96">62</reflink>]). Similar to the Jackman Institute of Child Study (JICS) at the University of Toronto, the Macdonald Institute at the University of Guelph (with a home economics orientation) embraced a mental hygiene (Richardson [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref97">67</reflink>]) and euthenics approach (Kelly et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref98">42</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref99">9</reflink>] Only very recently has the euthenic (and eugenic) thinking that is foundational to the establishment of these programmes come to light. For example, a 2019 exhibit at the University Guelph and Guelph Civic Museum in Guelph, Canada (titled 'Into the Light: Eugenics and Education in Southern Ontario') displays documents, including course outlines and final examinations and tests, from the Macdonald Institute at the University of Guelph – a women's institute and home economics programme – that explicitly teach and test students on eugenics principles in relation to young children through a psychology course called 'Mothercraft' (Into the Light [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref100">40</reflink>]; Kelly et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref101">42</reflink>]).</p> <p>Eugenics in Southern Ontario connected various institutions, such as the Macdonald Institute in Guelph, Ontario, the Mothercraft Centre, in Toronto, Ontario, the Mohawk Institute, a residential school in Brantford, Ontario, the School for Girls, a 'training' institute for young girls in Galt, Ontario, and Preventorium Day Nursery, School for Blind, Orphanages, School for Deaf, and Mental Hospital Orillia (Kelly et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref102">42</reflink>]). As described by McLaren ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref103">52</reflink>]), eugenics ideas were promoted through the child study and mental hygiene movements, which were connected to education, child welfare, and medical professions. Eugenics thinking about controlling reproduction and 'ideal' breeding that reproduced the heteronormative nuclear family were even entrenched in child guidance and mothering courses at the child study institutes throughout Canada (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref104">72</reflink>]). It becomes clear that these early post-secondary educational institutions were a key mechanism of entrenching developmental epistemologies in 'training' the women working with children (Kelly et al. [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref105">42</reflink>]; Kelly, Boye, and Rice [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref106">41</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-12">The educator in the institute</hd> <p>Another key difference between these child study institutes and charitable crèches and/or residential schools is that they formalised the process of teaching women who worked with young children both what a typical child <emph>should</emph> look like and <emph>how</emph> to best achieve this. While a nun was understood to be inherently in the 'know' about this due to her extreme religious discipline (again, equated with superior moral character at the time), child institutes were a way of including (and recruiting) a broader group of women into this work. Blatz believed in, as Gleason notes, nursery school and the home as 'premier determinant of normalcy' (Gleason [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref107">37</reflink>], 46). The educator's role, learned through practicum placements in the nursery school (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref108">72</reflink>]), was to provide and enforce 'standardized routines' to produce the 'emotionally normal or well child' (Gleason [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref109">37</reflink>], 47).</p> <p>Blatz's ideas and theories about children's emotional security and self-regulation were foundational not only to the academic study of children and training of educators, but also several concrete childcare policy decisions made by governments in Canada (discussed further below) (Richardson [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref110">67</reflink>]). The language used in the original <emph>Ontario Day Nurseries Act</emph> in Ontario is the same, verbatim, as the JICSs' accepted standards at the time (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref111">72</reflink>]). Outside of government regulation, Blatz continues to be heralded as a foundational figure in establishing normative ideas for 'best' parenting and educational practices in the early-to-mid twentieth century (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref112">72</reflink>]). That best parenting and teaching practices for young children were essentially equated continues to be reflected in the ECE-as-substitute mother today (Moss [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref113">57</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-13">The childcare boom – childcare expansion in the post-WWII period</hd> <p>During World War II, women were urgently needed <emph>en masse</emph> in essential wartime industries (Friendly and Prentice [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref114">35</reflink>]). Residential schools, charitable crèches and child institutes were the only forms of programmes/organisations caring for children that the public, and therefore governments, could understand/conceptualise. The gold standard for childcare outside the home – still not ideal option (as young children were always considered best off to be at home with their mothers) – were the child study institutes (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref115">72</reflink>]). Prentice ([<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref116">65</reflink>]) quotes a <emph>Globe and Mail</emph> article published in 1946 which suggests governments supported the expansion of day nurseries begrudgingly: 'welfare officials are agreed that whenever possible mothers shouldn't shrink their responsibility in caring for their children' (Globe and Mail [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref117">38</reflink>], as quoted by Prentice [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref118">65</reflink>]). Even educators and child experts from the JICS believed that placing children in day nurseries should only be an option when 'absolutely necessary'[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref119">10</reflink>] (Millichap and Norway [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref120">53</reflink>], as quoted by Prentice [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref121">65</reflink>]). The thinking here was that, no matter how great the educator/child relationship was, it could never fulfill/replace the 'good' mother every child needed. That the mother/child and educator/child relationships were and are not either/or, but both/and, continues to be contested territory today (e.g., the idea that mothers who have their young children in childcare programmes are not 'raising' their children very much exists in the 21st century).</p> <p>The socioeconomic reality was that women[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref122">11</reflink>] – including mothers – were needed in factories to contribute to the war effort. To meet this need, the federal government enacted the 'Dominion Provincial Wartime Day Nurseries Act'. In Ontario, this Act funded the first municipally operated childcare programmes (provinces worked out funding agreements with municipalities) (Friendly and Prentice [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref123">35</reflink>]). And as mentioned above, Ontario's first provincial legislation setting the standards for childcare operators, the 'Day Nurseries Act', was lifted directly from the JICSs' operational standards (Gleason [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref124">37</reflink>]).</p> <p>Not surprisingly, there were not nearly enough childcare/early learning programmes (outside of the few child institutes, a scattering of charitable crèches and residential schools) for masses of mothers to leave their children in care and go to work in factories. And while at this time, there were now operational standards for childcare programmes, there were no standards around the qualifications of staff working in childcare programmes – this did not come about until 1983. While the institutes of child study were pioneering 'best practices', there were similarly not nearly enough institutes to 'train' enough staff in emerging childcare programmes. Reflecting the overarching colonial and racist epistemologies at the time, being a white, middle-class, Christian woman was qualification enough to work within day nurseries (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref125">72</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-14">The first post-secondary early childhood education programmes</hd> <p>The first formal training for professionals specifically caring for/educating pre-school-age children at the post-secondary level in Canada was the two year-course (targeted to existing childcare supervisors) at the Jackman Institute of Child Study in 1941 (Varga [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref126">73</reflink>]). However, specialised education courses for those teaching kindergarten in emerging public-school systems existed in Canada in the late 1800s. These programmes, relatively few and far between, again emphasised the maternal instincts of female caregivers/educators in nurturing children's exploratory instincts in nature (mainly inspired by Friedrich Fröbel). By the early 1900s these programmes had closed as all educators, including kindergarten educators, were now being trained in 'normal schools' (Varga [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref127">73</reflink>]). In this way, the JICS was a return to early years education, through a different approach, after being abandoned (or at the very least overshadowed by the 'normal school' approach) for half a century.</p> <p>The two-earner model of the family grew steadily in the post-war period meaning young children attending early learning/childcare/pre-school/nursery (all of these names were used) was increasingly common. This instigated a growing interest in standardising the knowledge/skills of staff in childcare programmes (Pacini-Ketchabaw [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref128">62</reflink>]; Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref129">72</reflink>]). As with the operational standards, Blatz spearheaded the creation of the Nursery Education Association of Ontario (NEAO) in 1950 (what is now the Association of Early Childhood Educators of Ontario) to start standardising the training of educators. NEAO initiated the 'first university extension course and the first diploma course at a polytechnical institute' (AECEO Milestones [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref130">3</reflink>]). It was not long before several other polytechnical institutes (now known as 'community colleges'), started offering courses and eventually diplomas in early childhood education (ECE). NEAO acted as a body to oversee/regulate post-secondary courses at different training institutions, publishing a list of approved courses in its newsletter throughout the 1970s. By 1983, there were enough community colleges and universities offering some diploma or certificate courses/programmes for those working in childcare settings to officially add educational qualifications to the provincial operating standards (Varga [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref131">73</reflink>]). The 'Day Nurseries Act' in Ontario was modified in 1983 to require early childhood educators to have received some post-secondary education in early childhood education.</p> <p>Through Blatz's input in the mid-twentieth century, the core content for ECE courses, first at the JICS and quickly extending throughout Ontario, Canada and beyond, were embedded in ensuring children adhered as strictly to the emerging developmental norms as possible (Varga [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref132">72</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref133">73</reflink>]). For educators, this meant they were expected to adhere to what was considered 'standard' or 'normal' (white, middle-class, Christian) ways of knowing/being (Varga [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref134">73</reflink>]). Emerging images of the ECE were thus closely connected to the self-sacrificing/obedience discourses of the nuns, while picking up the 'naturalized' caregiving role of upstanding, white Christian woman. The educator was (and is) positioned as a mechanism of producing pre-determined outcomes in each child, while emanating a mother's warmth and militant compliance with 'best' practices. The expectation was the mothers were to do all of this in an economic and political context that has always, and continues to, grossly undervalue their care work.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-15">Critiquing post-secondary ECE programmes through epistemic (in)justice</hd> <p>With an understanding of the onto-epistemological roots of pioneering childcare programmes in Canada it becomes possible to understand how and why post-secondary ECE programmes in Canada (and internationally) are so heavily entrenched in developmentalism, albeit different 'foundational' developmental theorists occupy different regions. While Blatz has informed ECE practice and pedagogies in Canada, his theories have only mildly impacted the United Kingdom through some teaching he provided throughout World War II, and his ideas are still underdiscussed in an American context (Raymond [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref135">66</reflink>]).</p> <p>In Ontario, the College of Early Childhood Educators (CECE) continues to privilege developmentalism as the status quo. This last year, the CECE released a document on this very topic titled 'Practice Guideline on Child Development' (College of Early Childhood Educators [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref136">23</reflink>]). This document gestures towards acknowledging other epistemologies might exist (Registered Early Childhood Educators are called to 'access research led and informed by the knowledge and experiences of diverse communities') but goes onto conclude 'despite the decades of research in the field of childhood studies to re-conceptualize developmental approaches, developmental theory and developmentally appropriate practices still highly influence early childhood education practice' (n.p.). Ironically, in its attempt to trouble developmentalism, this document actually reinforces developmentalism as <emph>foundational</emph> knowledge for understanding caring for children. Epistemically diverse ways of thinking and/or knowing are not meaningfully explored, but rather mentioned and then once again sidelined in favour of what already is dominant (i.e., child development).</p> <p>Similarly, Cagulada and DeWelles' ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref137">20</reflink>]) (re)reading of the College of Early Childhood Educators ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref138">22</reflink>]) foundational document, the 'Code of Ethics and Standards of Practice', illustrates how child development stories occlude non-dominant narratives – to the point of negating the idea that other stories can exist at all. Drawing on Black feminist thought, Cagulada and DeWelles illustrate how 'belonging within and to multiple worlds ultimately shapes our understandings of normalcy, as well as our knowledge of the world' (2022, 381–382). As it currently reads, the CECE's 'Standards of Practices' leaves no space for multiple worlds and/or ways of knowing and in particular, no other knowledges as <emph>foundational</emph> ways to understand caring for and with children – in essence, developmentalism retains its grip on imaginaries of early childhood education professional practice and pedagogies. Through developmental discourses, the CECE has increased ECE's work responsibilities through requiring more 'evidence' of developmental ways of knowing (for example, more assessments of children, more robust planning documents, more professional development requirements), while leaving the poor wages and working conditions of ECEs untouched.</p> <p>The concrete language used to systematically occlude/devalue gendered and often otherwise marginalised educators while centring the 'typical' child is morally sanctioned in the name of 'Developmentally Appropriate Practice' (DAP) (Abawi [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref139">1</reflink>]). Abawi ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref140">1</reflink>]) describes how DAP, the contemporary 'acceptable' offspring of mental hygiene thinking, enforces conformity and whiteness in its use of 'normative' depictions of age-appropriate behaviours. Yet, DAP continues to guide 'best' practice in Canada and internationally as is evident through the numerous post-secondary ECE texts that reinforce the concept (see, for example, the text 'Developmentally Appropriate Practice: Curriculum and Development in Early Education' by Carol Gestwicki ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref141">36</reflink>]) that is used in several post-secondary ECE programmes in Ontario).</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-16">The image and regulation of ECEs through developmental discourses</hd> <p>It is important to acknowledge that the white, middle-class (aka 'normal'), female ECEs are not only subjected to 'civilising'/'normalising' initiatives across the globe (Langford and Richardson [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref142">48</reflink>]) but are also mechanisms of these violent dispossessions on Black, Brown, and Indigenous women and children. It is often white women who enact force and trauma on those who question, critique or seek to dismantle their identity as the 'normal' (Armstrong [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref143">8</reflink>]; Blow [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref144">18</reflink>]).</p> <p>As became evident in our discussion of residential schools, creches and child institutes, it was the 'pure' nun (in the residential schools and crèches) and/or 'good' mother in the child institutes (both of whom were white women) that is both worthy of and tasked with 'saving' the child. While 'nice ladies who love children' (Stonehouse [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref145">70</reflink>]) would no longer be accepted in contemporary discourses of the ECE, the 'good' mother, and ECE-as-applier-of-'objective'-knowledge, are often not that far off. Both are connected with the white supremacist, developmental epistemologies that continue to be taught in post-secondary ECE programs. By picking up these epistemologies uncritically, well-intentioned ECEs may, knowingly or unknowingly, be furthering the systemic occlusion of non-white, non-binary, non-middle-class children.</p> <p>Indeed, it is also important to return to how ECEs are increasingly operating in a context of fear and exploitation. The inherent tie between educator and child subjectivities continues to be enforced through high stakes public policies (i.e., the CECE's Standards of Practice and additional 'Practice Guidelines') to which they must adhere to keep their professional status. Vintimilla and Pacini-Ketchabaw describe the 'onto-epistemological servitude to the state' ([<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref146">77</reflink>], 633) that developmentalism and developmental psychology promotes, therefore promoting normative ideals of 'what early childhood education should be, who the child should be, who the educator should be, and what the curriculum should be' (<reflink idref="bib633" id="ref147">633</reflink>). Even though there are an increasing number of scholars attempting to incorporate diverse onto-epistemologies into the ECE sector in Canada (e.g., Langford [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref148">47</reflink>]; Pacini-Ketchabaw and Pence [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref149">63</reflink>]), it remains that the majority of ECEs in Ontario come into practice through a two-year diploma, college system. Professors in the college system typically possess a Bachelor or Master of Arts or Education in Early Childhood Education, which may or may not have emphasised diverse epistemologies and constructions of children, education, and childhood. Unfortunately, many students in post-secondary ECE programmes thus might not be exposed to the onto-epistemological diversity[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref150">12</reflink>] that has emerged in ECE pedagogy in the last few decades.</p> <p>The opportunity did emerge in Ontario between 2018 and 2020 to incorporate critical, reconceptualist ECE epistemologies on a broader scale through the provincially funded Centre of Excellence project. Through the second author's involvement in this project as the leader of the community-based organised that partnered with Common Worlds Research Collective scholars, it became apparent that both the government, and the ECE community itself, struggled to understand and move towards reconceptualist onto-epistemologies in existing ECE practices, programmes and systems. In several cases, the pedagogical approaches of the project directly conflicted with regulatory norms enforced by the government. For example, provincial operating regulations require a daily schedule to be posted and that various 'activities' and materials are available to the children. While we understand the motivation for these requirements in a market-based system with no other 'quality' safeguards, meeting these requirements directly contradicts reconceptualist pedagogies. These tensions proved insurmountable in sustaining the project (though notably, the COVID-19 pandemic was also a factor). The project was defunded by the government, ending early, despite widespread calls for equity, inclusion, and diversity in ECE spaces across Ontario. Developmental, positivist epistemologies remain firmly entrenched in post-secondary ECE programmes in Ontario and across Canada. And because of this, it remains fair to say that the majority of children, families, and educators involved in ECE programmes do not have the opportunity to think/be in ways that resist developmental norms and ideas.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-17">Epistemic possibilities</hd> <p>The question that emerges is how to incorporate – and centralise – diverse knowledges and representations of children, childhood and educators into post-secondary ECE curricula. Without this, students will continue to enter the profession with the belief that developmentalism is the only 'valid' way to understand children and childhood and therefore their own subjective possibilities as educators. And as Souto-Manning ([<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref151">69</reflink>]) brings attention to, this may further some justice – but for <emph>whom</emph>?</p> <p>It is here that Critical Race Theory (CRT), Black Feminist Thought (BFT), Indigenous knowledges, Queer Theory, Critical Disability Studies, Mad Studies, and many often-marginalised theoretical frameworks, offer fruitful possibilities for children and educators alike. While we may hear a great deal about 'diversity' and 'inclusion', in ECE, this rarely translates into anything more than performative 'happy talk' (Ahmed [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref152">4</reflink>]) in Ontario. For example, many if not most childcare programmes in Ontario continue to systematically exclude children and staff with disabilities because they do not have the resources to meet their needs (e.g., employing staff beyond minimum requirements, physically accessible spaces). For students in post-secondary ECE programmes, most of whom are women and many of whom are not white able-bodied cisgender heterosexual individuals, the privileging of developmentalism could discard their subjectivity, rendering inferior her/their lived experiences/ways of knowing. It also models such silencing to incumbent ECEs by indirectly encouraging them to do the same to children and families in their programme.</p> <p>Related to this concern is the 'pushing out' of faculty and instructors in post-secondary ECE programmes who do not adhere to developmentalist understandings of children, childhood, and education. Part of the complexity is how ECE programmes must be formally certified through the CECE in conjunction with the programme standards set by the Ontario Ministry of Training, Colleges, and Universities ([<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref153">61</reflink>]). Indeed, government certification processes can be (and sometimes are) employed to define the boundaries of early childhood education as a discipline within post-secondary institutions and devalue or diminish onto-epistemologies and theoretical frameworks outside developmentalism. As noted with the CECE documentation, developmentalism is still noted as the <emph>foundational</emph> knowledge for future ECEs to learn.</p> <p>But it need not be this way. The current version of the Ontario Programme Standards document does articulate clear openings for ways of knowing and being outside the developmentalist canon. For example, one standard reads that ECE graduates must 'co-design and maintain inclusive early learning environments to value and support equitable, accessible and meaningful learning opportunities for all children, their families and communities in a range of early years and child care settings' (Ontario Ministry of Training, Colleges, and Universities, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref154">61</reflink>], 6). What also become clear is that individual ECE programmes can have a great deal of latitude in diverging (or not) from the status quo (i.e., developmentalism). Still, it appears to take a concerted effort, including a great deal of activism, to include alternative epistemologies/ontologies within the post-secondary ECE curriculum. And this can be exhausting work for marginalised pre-tenure – or even tenured – faculty. The stakes are even higher for the precariously employed sessional instructors on whom universities and colleges are increasingly reliant to deliver their programmes. It is that much more rewarding/fulfilling (and also more reflective of genuine equity, diversity, and inclusion practices) when academic institutions and/or governments are interested in and seek to centralise diverse knowledges. We remain hopeful that there will be continued activism in ECE that will push for diverse ways of knowing and being to be incorporated into post-secondary ECE curricula and programming.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-18">Conclusion</hd> <p>The interconnections between the subjectivity of educators and children have historically and currently promote conformity/adherence to developmental philosophies. Critiques of developmentalism from diverse onto-epistemological perspectives call into question widely accepted ideas about how children and educators <emph>should be</emph>. We have tried to demonstrate an appreciation for, and understanding of, how these ideas came to be. They were not random, and in many ways, some interpretations of developmentalism could be thought of as an improvement on the overtly racist, genocidal approaches of Indigenous residential schools or child-saving crèches for single mothers. But as a field, we have, and continue to, grow. The same things that were once a marker of 'disadvantage' or 'deviance' or 'deficit' can be repositioned as assets. For example, Langford articulates how 'differences in deeper beliefs and practices of the good early childhood educator are viewed as sources of bias rather than strength and as a result of individual rather than group identity' ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref155">45</reflink>], 341). Texts such as this special issue offer much-needed thinking/discussion on critical conceptualisations of the ECE.</p> <p>To return to Fricker ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref156">33</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref157">34</reflink>]), this article has argued that post-secondary ECE promotes a form of historically entrenched epistemic injustice that often deny the lived realities of diverse educators and students by privileging developmentalism as the dominant – <emph>and only</emph> – credible way to understand children and childhood. Fricker notes how addressing epistemic injustice involves 'making sense of the lived experience of injustice in how a person's beliefs, reasons, and social interpretations were received by others, even conscientious well-meaning others' ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref158">34</reflink>], 56). As Fricker asserts, 'testimonial injustice not only blocks the flow of knowledge, it also blocks the flow of evidence, doubts, critical ideas and other epistemic inputs that are conducive to knowledge' ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref159">34</reflink>], 3). Moreover, alternate pedagogies and theories are thus subject to hermeneutical oppression, which in turn preserve what Fricker refers to as 'social ignorance' ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref160">34</reflink>], 2) and speak to stark stratification in what is deemed true, objective knowledge, versus knowledge that is viewed as fringe, invalid, and discredited knowledge.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-19">Next steps: a call for epistemic justice</hd> <p>In our assertion of <emph>epistemic justice</emph> (Fricker [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref161">33</reflink>]) in post-secondary ECE classrooms and programmes, we imagine an expansion of both the normative images of the <emph>expected</emph> child in ECE, as well as normative images of the <emph>expected</emph> educator (Langford [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref162">45</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref163">46</reflink>]). An <emph>epistemic justice</emph> approach aims to promote a plurality of ways of knowing and being in post-secondary ECE programs, with a respect for critique and knowledges that imagine new possibilities for education (A. Davies [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref164">25</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref165">26</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref166">27</reflink>]; A. W. Davies et al. [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref167">31</reflink>]). As bell hooks describes, 'we need new theories rooted in an attempt to understand both the nature of our contemporary predicament and the means by which we might collectively engage in resistance that would transform our current reality' (hooks [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref168">39</reflink>], 67). It is important for ourselves as post-secondary educators and our students (incumbent educators of children) to be exposed to a plurality of ways of knowing and being to transform the current reality of ECE. It is only through such work that true justice can take place.</p> <p>We appreciate that the implications of acting upon this call significantly disrupts existing developmentalist institutions in ECE spaces. But the potentialities are much richer, more nuanced, more caring and more just. ECEs working with increasingly marginalised children, parents and communities have long deserved the opportunity to be seen, heard, and valued in the knowledge they engage with in early childhood spaces. We gesture towards spaces and places in a Canadian location where critical and reconceptualising work is taking place, such as within the Early Childhood Education programmes at McEwan University and Capilano University. Our hope is that other ECE programmes will take up this call for epistemic diversity and justice. We leave these potentialities and openings for future educators, scholars, and practitioners to pick up as we continue to advocate for this call.</p> <hd id="AN0177900715-20">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0177900715-21"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref3" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> We use the term 'early childhood education' or 'ECE', though we wish to be explicit in our understanding of care as foundational to any conceptualisation of education.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref6" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> When we use the term 'developmentalism', we are referring to the biomedical, psychological theories that drove the emergence of Early Childhood Studies as a discipline. Child development knowledge, as it exists today, came about through Enlightenment philosophical theories developed in the late 16th and early 17th centuries (Fallace [32]; Varga [74], [75], [76]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref8" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> We appreciate this thought from a generous reviewer.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref10" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Ontario Canada is the only jurisdiction in North America that has a regulatory college for Early Childhood Educators (the College of Early Childhood Educators or CECE). The College of Early Childhood Educators has been formed since the Early Childhood Educators Act 2007, which was enacted in 2009 (see College of Early Childhood Educators, [24]). ECEs must registered with the CECE in order to practice and are held accountable to the CECE's <emph>Ethics and Standards of Practice</emph>. Disciplinary action (including fines and the revocation of one's RECE status, if/when ECEs violate these standards).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref36" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> We realise that conversations around if femininity can be hegemonic are complex and we are tacitly aware of how femmephobia operates societally to devalue and regulate femininity and feminine care and emotional labour. Please see Davies and Hoskin ([29]) for more, as well as relevant femme theory literature.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref66" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Schools' is in quotation marks because these were not places of education or care, but violence.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref67" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> While residential schools have been closed for over twenty years, it's worth noting that the child 'welfare' system has largely picked up where these schools left off (see Blackstock, Bamblett, and Black [14]). From the 1960s − 1990s child welfare agencies removed and adopted out thousands of Indigenous children to white families that adhered to child development principles and practices (referred to as the 'Sixties Scoop'). Such racist practices are still alive and well today as illustrated by the fact that the child welfare system is disproportionately comprised of Indigenous (and other racialised) children (Blackstock, Bamblett, and Black [14]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref95" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Please see Kelly, Manning, et al. ([42]), Kelly et al. ([41]), described in Davies ([27], [26]), Davies and Joy ([30]), and Davies, Brewer, et al. ([28]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref74" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> There were many institutes for child studies/home economics colleges in Canada, with these being only two of many institutions where eugenics and euthenics ideas were taught.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> However, forcibly removing every Indigenous child from their mother, guardians, community, and family was not considered problematic.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> We would like to articulate how there are many academics who work in critical race theory and Black feminisms who are also making similar important calls in the field in different global contexts. One important example is the work of Pérez and Saavedra ([64]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> We would like to acknowledge that there are many academics who work in critical race theory and Black feminisms who are also making similar important calls in the field in different global contexts. 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| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1428392 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Re-Imagining the Image of the Educator in Post-Secondary Early Childhood Education: Calling for Epistemic Justice – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Adam+W%2E+J%2E+Davies%22">Adam W. J. Davies</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9169-4997">0000-0002-9169-4997</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Brooke+Richardson%22">Brooke Richardson</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Zuhra+Abawi%22">Zuhra Abawi</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Pedagogy%2C+Culture+and+Society%22"><i>Pedagogy, Culture and Society</i></searchLink>. 2024 32(4):1013-1031. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 19 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Early+Childhood+Education%22">Early Childhood Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Early+Childhood+Teachers%22">Early Childhood Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Early+Childhood+Education%22">Early Childhood Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Preservice+Teacher+Education%22">Preservice Teacher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Bias%22">Social Bias</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Role%22">Teacher Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Indigenous+Populations%22">Indigenous Populations</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Minority+Group+Students%22">Minority Group Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Residential+Schools%22">Residential Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Canada+Natives%22">Canada Natives</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Canada%22">Canada</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/14681366.2024.2355100 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1468-1366<br />1747-5104 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Early childhood education (ECE) spaces within settler-colonial societies operate as sites of violence and oppression whereby non-conformity to white, rational, ableist, cisgender norms is weaponised as developmental deficits. In this paper, we refer to the refusals of non-dominant ways of knowing as forms of epistemic injustice (Fricker 2007). We describe the foundational underpinnings of ECE throughout the twentieth century in Ontario, Canada and trace how normative ideas of children, educators, education, and childhood developed through a largely positivist, developmental orientation. Ultimately, we call for epistemic justice (Fricker 2007) as an emancipatory way forward in post-secondary ECE programmes. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1428392 |
| PLink | https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1428392 |
| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/14681366.2024.2355100 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 19 StartPage: 1013 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Early Childhood Teachers Type: general – SubjectFull: Early Childhood Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational History Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Preservice Teacher Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Racism Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Bias Type: general – SubjectFull: Teacher Role Type: general – SubjectFull: Indigenous Populations Type: general – SubjectFull: Minority Group Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Residential Schools Type: general – SubjectFull: Canada Natives Type: general – SubjectFull: Canada Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Re-Imagining the Image of the Educator in Post-Secondary Early Childhood Education: Calling for Epistemic Justice Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Adam W. J. Davies – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Brooke Richardson – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Zuhra Abawi IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2024 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1468-1366 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1747-5104 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 32 – Type: issue Value: 4 Titles: – TitleFull: Pedagogy, Culture and Society Type: main |
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