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Are We Preparing Teachers to Fight Labor Oppression?: A Critical Community Autoethnography Interrogating Social Justice Teacher Education

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Title: Are We Preparing Teachers to Fight Labor Oppression?: A Critical Community Autoethnography Interrogating Social Justice Teacher Education
Language: English
Authors: Kevin L. Clay (ORCID 0000-0001-8339-9237), Brionna Nomi, Preeti Kamat (ORCID 0009-0004-0326-3209)
Source: Equity & Excellence in Education. 2024 57(2):197-209.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 13
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Evaluative
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: Transformative Learning, Teaching Experience, Preservice Teacher Education, Social Justice, Reflection, Labor Problems, Power Structure, Teaching (Occupation), Disadvantaged, Labor Legislation, Teacher Burnout
DOI: 10.1080/10665684.2023.2248145
ISSN: 1066-5684
1547-3457
Abstract: Teachers in public schools regularly face labor oppression. Despite this reality, in research and practice, "social justice teacher preparation" has largely neglected the topic of "labor struggle." We offer this community auto-ethnography as a collective reflection on how we came to our own understandings around these issues and what we learned from supporting students' development around these topics as we co-taught a Foundations pre-service teacher preparation course. We unpack the experiences that shaped our individual relationships to issues of social justice and labor that were prioritized in the class with implications for expanding the purview of social justice teacher preparation.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1437015
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0179220877;eie15feb.24;2024Aug27.02:54;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0179220877-1">Are We Preparing Teachers to Fight Labor Oppression?: A Critical Community Autoethnography Interrogating Social Justice Teacher Education </title> <sbt id="AN0179220877-2">Introduction</sbt> <p>Teachers in public schools regularly face labor oppression. Despite this reality, in research and practice, "social justice teacher preparation" has largely neglected the topic of labor struggle. We offer this community auto-ethnography as a collective reflection on how we came to our own understandings around these issues and what we learned from supporting students' development around these topics as we co-taught a Foundations pre-service teacher preparation course. We unpack the experiences that shaped our individual relationships to issues of social justice and labor that were prioritized in the class with implications for expanding the purview of social justice teacher preparation.</p> <p>Despite ongoing struggles that teachers face as laborers, particularly within the southern Right to Work[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>] context, very little (if any) research that attempts to offer a coherent understanding of what constitutes a "social justice teacher education" renders <emph>labor struggle</emph> as constituent to such a notion (e.g., Whipp, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref2">40</reflink>]). The lack of attention to labor issues in conceptualizations of social justice teacher preparation is unfortunate given that the current landscape of K-12 education poses severe challenges for classroom teachers. For example, during the 2017–2018 school year, nearly 1 in 5 (18%) teachers in the United States reported having a job outside of their school system (National Center for Education Statistics, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref3">36</reflink>]). Particularly in southern U.S. states, where overwhelmingly, collective bargaining is either illegal or vulnerable to obstruction at the district level and where teachers have seen, on average, a 3% decline in annual gross wages since 2000, nearly 27% of teachers report feeling that the stress of the job makes it <emph>not</emph> worth it (National Center for Education Statistics, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref4">36</reflink>]).</p> <p>While these crises suggest that teachers—particularly those employed in the U.S. South—are a labor bloc experiencing similar forms of economic and political alienation, research indicates that very little of our collective understanding of teacher preparation includes any consideration of how we prepare pre-service teachers to engage with their roles, rights, risks, and collective power as workers. A search of most teacher preparation journals returns sparse results when the terms "labor organizing" or "union organizing" are entered into database searches. "Social justice," however, figures very prominently in the literature on teacher preparation and in preparation programs' stated values and missions (Whipp, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref5">40</reflink>]). Our purpose in drawing attention to this is only to underscore that discussions of teacher labor issues in teacher preparation research deserve more attention.</p> <p>The 2018 wave of teacher strikes across the United States, subsequently called the <emph>Red for Ed</emph> movement, was a referendum on the collective power that public school teachers hold as an organized workforce against the threat of neoliberalization and chronic disinvestment in public education. It is important to acknowledge that nearly every one of these strikes took place within state contexts where Right to Work (RTW) and anti-labor laws and practices undermine teachers' ability to defend their already tenuous rights and assert their collective power as workers; however, teacher strikes are illegal in most states, including those that consistently elect Democratic state leaders (Givan & Lang, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref6">9</reflink>]). Clarifying the nature of the difficulties teachers face under RTW and beyond, Blanc ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref7">2</reflink>]) explains:</p> <p>Labor law is stacked against workers across the whole United States, not just in red states. Numerous media commentators have mistakenly asserted that teachers in West Virginia, Oklahoma, and Arizona could not legally strike because they lived in [RTW] states. In actuality "Right to Work" laws don't address strikes or union formation; rather, they allow workers in unionized workplaces to avoid paying union dues. Such laws are certainly anti-labor, but they are just the tip of the iceberg. Few people realize that teacher strikes are banned in most of the country; they're legal in only twelve states. (p. 36)</p> <p>Blanc ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref8">2</reflink>]) also explained how state level and district educational leaders attempt to undermine teachers' strikes and work stoppages. In many cases superintendents tried to "intimidate employees into remaining at work, and once the strike began, many tried to pressure their staff to return" (p. 52). In one state, the state superintendent threatened teachers on several local television and radio shows, announcing that teachers could lose their jobs by walking out.</p> <p>The Red for Ed strikes were extraordinarily important for several reasons. First, as a model of social justice unionism, they made teachers across all strata realize the power of their unity (National Coalition of Education Activists, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref9">24</reflink>]). According to Blanc ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref10">2</reflink>]), through the process teachers learned that collective bargaining not only made their voices audible to government authorities but also empowered them as organized educators and changemakers. The strikes also provided momentum to the larger labor movement of teacher unions and widened the visibility of teachers' grassroot efforts in RTW states as a formidable force to change demoralizing work conditions and unscrupulous labor policy. As a result of these strikes, two states offered 5% to 10% pay raises to teachers and one state froze its health care costs and removed the mandate for teachers to use medical trackers (Blanc, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref11">2</reflink>]). Understanding these labor struggles and the victories achieved by teachers in context goes beyond current events fodder. Red for Ed serves as a <emph>curriculum</emph> for public sector workers of all stripes about the power of social justice unionism to advance social justice by leveraging collective power (National Coalition of Education Activists, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref12">24</reflink>]).</p> <p>This community autoethnography draws on conversational and life history interviewing methodologies; the authors co- and deconstruct knowledge from our diverse backgrounds and professional experiences to critically reflect on challenges that teachers face as laborers and what we argue are areas of much needed growth in our efforts to prepare teachers as workers in schools of education. Together we open a rich dialogue that challenges the apparent specter of discussion surrounding issues of teacher labor precarity and labor organizing in the field through unpacking our relevant life experiences and professional histories. We hope that in our vulnerability and reflexivity that the reader finds both clarity and resonance with the urgency of our call for a re(de)fining and expansion of the work that we do when we say that we are preparing teachers for social justice in schools of education.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-3">Current frameworks of social justice in teacher preparation</hd> <p>It is nearly universally standard for teacher preparation programs to highlight "social justice" as a principle of their work (Dover, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref13">5</reflink>]; Kapustka et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref14">14</reflink>]; Whipp, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref15">40</reflink>]; Zeichner & Flessner, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref16">43</reflink>]; Zollers et al., [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref17">44</reflink>]). Despite the prevalence the term plays in framing program identities, researchers have found a lack of clear and shared understanding around what social justice means across programs (Castro, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref18">3</reflink>]). Alongside this dilemma, teacher educators have debated whether the notion of social justice in preparation should be conceived as an individual commitment or if it is necessary that it is rooted in an understanding of collective action (Zeichner & Flessner, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref19">43</reflink>]; Zollers et al., [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref20">44</reflink>]). Scholars and advocates of social justice teacher preparation suggest the importance of pre-service teachers engaging in out-of-school and out-of-classroom advocacy for policy changes that support marginalized students and their learning (Montaño et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref21">22</reflink>]) but find that it is altogether unclear how this can be accomplished by new teachers and what kinds of experiences in and out of teacher preparation can promote these practices (Whipp, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref22">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>Many have noted that social justice teacher preparation focuses almost exclusively on training related to pedagogy and practice (Reyes et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref23">27</reflink>]; Whipp, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref24">40</reflink>]; Zollers et al., [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref25">44</reflink>]). Weideman ([<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref26">41</reflink>]) notes that preparation in social justice praxis has several frameworks to draw from, some of which include: diversity and difference, multiculturalism/critical multiculturalism, care theory, critical race theory (CRT), critical theory, and anti-racism. In general, support for socially just teaching offers: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref27">1</reflink>) opportunities for cross-cultural experiences in teacher preparation and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref28">2</reflink>) teacher preparation courses and field experiences that provide opportunities to advocate for students and families (Whipp, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref29">40</reflink>]). Researchers point to the value of teacher action research and youth participatory action research as forms of teacher training and professional development to advance social justice, with implications for school and district level cultural changes that promote student equity and learning (Parkhouse et al., [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref30">26</reflink>]; Rubin et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref31">30</reflink>]). Others emphasize the importance of having communities and networks of educators committed to social justice pedagogy and practice toward supporting, strengthening, and sustaining new practitioners while building their efficacy (Henning, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref32">12</reflink>]; Murrell, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref33">23</reflink>]; Ritchie, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref34">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>Very little research in teacher preparation or preparation program philosophy situates social justice within the realm of preparing teachers to build collective power as workers. Much of the research that <emph>does</emph> focus on power building or teacher organizing within the framework of social justice teacher preparation has situated these activities (rightfully so) within the contexts of community change/solidarity and as a form of prefigurative pedagogical work (e.g., Chang, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref35">4</reflink>]; Kinloch et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref36">16</reflink>]; Zavala & Henning, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref37">42</reflink>]). While teaching teachers to build power for the previously mentioned reasons is crucial to ensure that they are equipped to struggle alongside students and families for better schools and communities, teachers must also wield power on their <emph>own</emph> behalf to shape the conditions of their employment within their districts, schools, and classrooms.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-4">Methodology</hd> <p>The current community autoethnography (hereafter CAE) draws on narratives from the authors' diverse experiences with teaching and pre-service teacher education as a means by which to examine the implications of the current scope of social justice teacher preparation. We raise the following self-reflective questions:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> How did we come to understand the specific nature of labor oppression that teachers face, particularly within the RTW south?</item> <p></p> <item> What are some potential areas of growth as we consider how we might better prepare teachers as workers in schools of education?</item> </ulist> <p>CAE describes a collaborative autoethnographic process between those who are traditionally labeled "researcher" and "research participant" (Stringer, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref38">32</reflink>]; Toyosaki et al., [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref39">34</reflink>]). The participatory nature of CAE serves not only to <emph>enhance</emph> the nuance and texture of the narrative analysis, but also lends itself to facilitating community building and trust (Stringer, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref40">32</reflink>]), which is essential to us (the authors) as we maintain an ongoing relationship as educators.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-5">Background, context, and positionality</hd> <p>Clay, Nomi, and Kamat collaborated as instructors for an educational foundations pre-service teacher education course in 2020. Clay is a Black man and radical scholar in educational foundations with nearly ten years of experience teaching pre-service teachers both in the U.S. north and, relatively recently, in a southern RTW state. He also has taught Black and Latino high school students in the urban Northeast for six years through federal college access programs. In his former capacity as a graduate student lecturer and currently as a faculty member, he facilitates foundations preparation courses that center issues of race/ism, anti-blackness, inequality, power, gender, and sexual orientation as they intersect with quandaries in pedagogy, practice, educational policy, and student experiences. Nomi is a Japanese-American woman and a labor organizer whose work focuses primarily on building power among workers in public education settings. She taught for ten years in an urban school system in the South as an elementary school teacher and Title 1 Reading Specialist before leaving the classroom to pursue a doctorate in education where her research focused on teacher agency, activism, and professionalism. Kamat is an Asian woman and was an international PhD student in educational psychology at the time this study began. She has nearly 12 years of experience teaching business undergraduates, graduates, and professional students in India. She has been residing in the southern USA for the last seven years. While pursuing her doctoral research, she collaborated with various schools, educators, and teachers in the public school system in the south.</p> <p>Clay and Nomi met the summer prior to the teaching of this class as they had been introduced to one another given some broad overlaps in their interest in organizing and activism. A subsequent chance meeting led to a longer discussion about the opportunity to collaborate on a service-learning class. Recalling very few if any experiences discussing teacher labor, teacher power building, or community organizing in their respective relationships to pre-service teacher education, Clay and Nomi collaborated to develop an undergraduate teacher preparation service-learning course that invited students both to learn about and participate in statewide grassroots campaigns for equitable education funding. Both the course content and the service-learning experience discussed the nature of broader histories and structures of inequity at the heart of educational inequality and echoed principles of labor struggles and people's power to advance community-centered, material change. Students met once a week for service learning with Nomi and Clay where they cultivated expertise around issues of school funding inequity and teacher power struggle. They also forged relationships with state and community stakeholders to support a statewide school funding campaign and to build a statewide student-power network. Kamat served as a graduate teaching and research assistant for Clay throughout the course and developed the closest relationship with students' written work and offered carefully constructed feedback throughout the semester.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-6">Conversational and life history interviewing</hd> <p>Together the authors co-facilitated a 150-minute interview using both life history and conversational interviewing techniques as we sought to interrogate our own experiences within the realm of pre-service teacher education as a vehicle for producing new or renewed conversations about the foundations of social justice pre-service teacher education. Life history is an interviewing methodology derived in the tradition of oral history research (Jackson & Russell, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref41">13</reflink>]). Interviewees recall and share, in their own words, a biographical narrative account of their lives and significant events and changes that have occurred. The life history interview intends to support the researcher's ability to "understand an individual's current attitudes and behaviors and how they may have been influenced by initial decisions made at another time and in another place" (Hagemaster, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref42">10</reflink>], p. 1122). This kind of insight proved critical as we sought to draw out of one another the relationships among relevant experiences from our respective pasts and current worldviews, occupational trajectories, and political lines.</p> <p>Trust and relationship building between interviewer and interviewee are key foundations of life history research, therefore, researchers must be cognizant of power dynamics and work to build these relationships prior engaging formal interviewing (Jackson & Russell, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref43">13</reflink>]; Hagemaster, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref44">10</reflink>]). For this reason, Kamat, Nomi, and Clay, met several times prior to the actual recording of the interview to collaboratively define the interview process as well as articulate the signposts that we individually wanted to establish to direct the flow of conversation. As Jackson & Russell ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref45">13</reflink>]) note, these moves cannot ensure objectivity in the interview process nor did they remove any power dynamics that existed prior to the process (e.g., Kamat was a paid graduate teaching and research assistant working with Clay). In addition to discussing them ahead of time, we worked to mitigate these issues during the interview by practicing mutual vulnerability. In this way, our CAE process invited a deeply honest and multi-layered discussion that Toyosaki et al. ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref46">34</reflink>]) identify in the conversational or interactive approach to interviewing (Van Enk, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref47">37</reflink>]; Ellis, Kiesinger, & Tillman-Healy, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref48">6</reflink>]).</p> <p>Conversational interviewing rejects hackneyed, parochial quests for the sterile, clinical interview(er) (Van Enk, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref49">37</reflink>]). Rather than following a protocol, several days prior to our conversation, we collaboratively developed a list of discussion topics that included: autobiographical accounts of our worldviews and professional trajectory, our experiences with/in pre-service education, reflections on our experiences with/as PK-12 teachers and the prevalence of labor issues, race/ism in PK-12 labor politics, our reflections about the specific class we collaborated together on, our thoughts on the future of pre-service preparation, and the impact of COVID-19 on teacher labor issues. Although these topic areas served as a guide, especially at the beginning, our conversation flowed freely and our reactions were responsive to one another's offerings. Embracing Bakhtin's notion of dialogism, Van Enk ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref50">37</reflink>]) notes that the conversational interview is <emph>not</emph> "happily cooperating toward synthesis; p. 1269" in this way, we aimed to generate a constructive yet challenging dialogue to examine the complexities and intersection of teacher labor struggle and social justice teacher preparation more fully.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-7">Data analysis and themes</hd> <p>Data analysis occurred in three stages. After transcribing and uploading our interviews to Dedoose, the authors developed a preliminary codebook to map out areas of significance in our discussion as we recalled them (MacQueen et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref51">21</reflink>]). Some of our codes included: lack of due process, teacher intimidation, pay, lack of preparation, and hostile workplace (hostile to labor, hostile to teachers broadly). Then, we collectively read through the transcript in Dedoose, reflected together on the narrative, developed new codes, modified or paired-down existing codes, established code relations and collaboratively created code descriptions. Eight new codes emerged from this process, including: teacher education program structure and length, curriculum, and student practicum and community/grassroots partnerships. Finally, we individually assigned codes across the transcript and collaboratively identified two major themes as they aligned with both of our research questions. These themes are: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref52">1</reflink>) teacher vulnerability in the Right to Work context, and (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref53">2</reflink>) training teachers to be disempowered labor.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-8">Teacher vulnerability in/and the right to work context</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0179220877-9">Anti-black, anti-communist origins of right to work</hd> <p>After a full semester of working together, our dialogues in relation to this self-study were the first time that we met as a triumvirate. Clay met regularly with Nomi and Kamat individually throughout the semester; however, Kamat and Nomi had not been formally introduced to one another, nor did they have an opportunity to share with one another their experiences supporting our pre-service students throughout the semester. Coming together for the purpose of writing this article gave us a much-needed opportunity to collectively reflect on our semester as educators with different yet overlapping responsibilities in relation to pre-service education.</p> <p>Early on in our conversation it was clear that our unique backgrounds and identities had shaped our insights and perspectives on teaching and labor. Our discussion opened with each of us sharing how we arrived at our current positions and along that journey, how our worldviews had developed. Kamat talked about her background in business management in India—she had been a faculty member and online instructor for the Institute of Company Secretaries of India (ICSI). She came to the U.S. to join her husband in 2013 and soon after began working toward a graduate certificate in online teaching. Her transition to the U.S. was also her introduction to the U.S. South, as she soon learned about its particular legacy of anti-blackness.</p> <p>It was shocking ... when I started taking, um, slavery trails[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref54">2</reflink>] and learning the city's Black history and then Confederate history and everything. And that was shocking for me as a person who came from India and tried to settle down in America and have that American dream kind of thing. And I didn't know anything about the racial inequalities and the racial history. But the real kind of... awareness came when I joined the Ph.D. program.</p> <p>Anti-labor policy in the U.S. South is directly tied to a legacy of profound and enduring structures of anti-black racism. Historians remind us that the threat of Black labor rights, Black labor struggle, and cross racial labor alliances, created a crisis for southern capitalists attempting to grow their profits after the American civil war and throughout the Great Depression (e.g., Kelley, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref55">15</reflink>]). As these threats bore out, they facilitated a hostile response from the state and early American industry in the form of organized violence meted out by police, bosses, and reactionary white labor (Fox, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref56">8</reflink>]; Kelley, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref57">15</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref58">3</reflink>]</p> <p>The historical bloc of southern capitalists, and reactionary whites who functioned as mercenaries on their behalf, worked to establish a political line that argued that building labor power (especially but not exclusively with Black workers and the Communist Party) was a racial betrayal tantamount to miscegenation. This political line drawn in the afterlife of slavery (Hartman, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref59">11</reflink>]) and the violent repression instituted to enforce it are central to the advent of state level anti-union policy, like RTW, as it buttressed post-New Deal reactionary McCarthyism (Lichtenstein, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref60">18</reflink>]).</p> <p>The Wagner Act (1935) authored under President Roosevelt's New Deal greatly increased and protected the power of labor unions, leading subsequently and rapidly to a growth in national union density (Levin & Puckett, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref61">17</reflink>]). It is important to note that neither the New Deal nor The Wagner Act were panaceas; Black and Mexican workers were systematically denied access to social safety nets offered to white American laborers or, at times, punished for seeking them in the first place (Fox, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref62">8</reflink>]). Nevertheless, the growth in power and the subsequent traction gained by the Labor Movement throughout the 1930s into the mid-1940s spurred the ire of a new deregulation-friendly Republican-led Congress, leading to the introduction of the Taft-Hartley Act (1947).</p> <p>Reflecting the anti-communist and anti-socialist politics of the Cold War, unions were barred from having communist and socialist members (i.e., the most radical contingent of the Labor Movement) and Taft-Hartley Section 14b gave states the power to introduce "RTW" policies. RTW allowed workers to opt-out of unions in unionized workplaces even though they would still benefit from the gains of union bargaining efforts (Shelton, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref63">31</reflink>]). Although framed by advocates as a "restoration of individual worker rights" from the grips of "compulsory unionism," the intended effect produced a drastic defanging of labor union power. No longer able to collect dues based on union affiliation, the pot of money that enabled unions to carry on the work of collective bargaining on behalf of their workers dwindled as individual workers made the calculated decision in their personal financial interest to reap the benefits of collective bargaining without having to contribute to union operation.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-10">Culture of intimidation and retaliation</hd> <p>There is a very specific kind of vulnerability that workers face under the regime of RTW that is directly tied to the history of worker repression in the U.S. South where RTW is most prominent today (National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref64">25</reflink>]). Nomi left her co-authors aghast recalling stories from her years as a teacher under RTW. Reflecting on her experience as a classroom teacher, Nomi saw in hindsight how her local leadership's emphasis on "teacher professionalism" worked to preemptively avert conflicts that would likely arise from teachers' concerns about their working conditions. When she started attending school board meetings and candidly speaking out about structural and systemic issues impacting teachers and students, she was met by various forms of backlash and intimidation.</p> <p>Nomi:I was at the gym one day and one of the board members came up and was like, "Are you, Brionna Nomi?" And I was like, "Oh." So, you know, moments like that ... I really dug into my power as a teacher, but then, I didn't have any support system to really feel that that was a sustainable life choice for me to be making as an individual teacher. So, I was engaging in that type of activism, going to school board meetings, speaking out about crumbling facilities, speaking out about the inappropriate teacher evaluation systems, speaking out about, you know, anything that was on my mind. And I started getting some real negative attention from my principal who would call me into her office after every school board meeting the next morning and be like, "What did you say last night? You know, I can't protect you," like that type of language, about my activities. And the superintendent would send his second in command to my school to meet with me, like on random days, unannounced, just like that type of pressure that cannot be considered anything other than ...</p> <p>Clay:Intimidation! That's intimidation.</p> <p>Nomi:Totally, totally, yeah! Totally, intimidation.</p> <p>Nomi's story raises questions about how the anti-labor landscape may operate above and beyond policies that infringe on the power of collective bargaining and the criminalization of organized work stoppages, to create <emph>workplace cultures</emph> that require compliant and docile workers. Continuing her story, Nomi recounted the very bodily and material consequences she experienced as she continued to face backlash for speaking out.</p> <p>I started getting ... a great deal of negative attention from my direct supervisor and the district supervisor to the point where I ended up in the hospital, when I was five months pregnant with high blood pressure. And I ended up staying in the hospital until my son was born six weeks early.</p> <p>The Monday before Nomi went to the hospital, she was called into her principal's office for a meeting. In that meeting, Nomi was confronted by her principal who ominously declared, "This has been a conversation that we've needed to have for a long time," upon which time she revealed a folder with a stack of papers that she claimed was Nomi's annual review. In this dossier was an entire section of documents that were described by the principal as complaints made by parents about Nomi's school board comments and news clippings that portrayed the school in a negative light, for which she faulted Nomi. One story mentioned an anonymous insider at the school and the principal claimed that she knew the insider <emph>had</emph> to be Nomi after she (the principal) and other administrators analyzed the wording of the comment! Nomi explained that upon leaving the hospital with her newborn that her principal continued her barrage of punitive actions toward her, even going as far as preventing her co-workers from distributing a document that would allow them to voluntarily donate their sick time to allow her more time with her newborn. This ended up being the last straw as these attacks revealed to Nomi the extent to which labor was unsafe in the district.</p> <p>There may be an impulse among lay observers to see stories like Nomi's as unique or exceptional, rather than common or as evidence that something deeply structured and pervasive is at the root of her experience. However, scholars of education have illuminated the ways in which the neoliberal turn in public education has ushered in a regime of educational policy that demands obedience and uniformity, particularly from teachers, like Nomi, who work in urban contexts, and severely punishes those that fall out of lockstep acquiescence via mechanisms of "accountability" (e.g., Giroux, 2010; Lipman, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref65">19</reflink>]). Lipman writes about the impact of accountability policies noting that they "constitute an insidious mode of social discipline merging Foucault's notion of discipline as 'spectacle' (social control through the observation of the few by the many) and discipline as 'surveillance' (social control through the observation of the many by the few" (p. 46).</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-11">Hollow reforms</hd> <p>Accountability only accounts for part of the policy apparatus by which teachers experience discipline under RTW as Blanc ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref66">2</reflink>]) and others have demonstrated. There is a preponderance of milquetoast and ineffective legislative efforts that often provide cover for liberal lawmakers and bad faith efforts to redress the labor inequity educators experience. For example, state legislatures may support collective bargaining, but only at the local level, not at the state level, or require school boards to approve collective bargaining before it can be allowed. As an organizer and activist, Nomi has fought against many of these policies that attempt to suppress teachers' capacity to present a united front in the chambers of the state congress. What is more, she finds that many of these legislative loopholes have created consequences that have implications for the scope of teacher preparation.</p> <p>Nomi:You know, one of the challenges that I've had to contend with lately is this move towards decreasing the qualifications for teachers coming into the workplace because of the teacher shortage. It's like this manufactured crisis of like "a teacher shortage." It's intentionally created, right? And then because we have so few teachers, the state has passed legislation that reduces the number of courses that teachers take prior to entering the classroom. And so it's just this crunching down of what classes need to be taken. And, of course, which ones get emphasized are the ones about classroom content and, you know, [instructional] strategies and that type of thing, when it's really these more foundational topics and these labor issues that really, I believe are the things that need to be instilled in you before you get into the classroom ...</p> <p>Clay:We can't teach everything. And there's no shortage of decisions that have to be made that will ultimately, uh, circumscribe what gets covered in the pre-service curriculum. But I think if you look at where we make the cuts and where we, you know, typically make sacrifices, we don't make sacrifices in places that would empower students. We oftentimes make sacrifices in places that build, I think, on the areas of the curriculum that would help them to juggle more balls, right? Almost like, you know, classroom management, right? Instead of thinking collectively as a field about the challenges of student teacher ratios in particular school environments, we're like, ... "how can we help you manage better, you know, dealing with 50 kids in the classroom?" It's like, well, this shouldn't be normal, right? This is a problem. And perhaps we need to think about how we can get students to make powerful changes in their school communities when they recognize that some of these things are, you know, detrimental professionally and just detrimental to student learning.</p> <p>Nomi's comments point to the ways in which neoliberalism becomes a vehicle for cutting short teacher professionalization by embracing policy changes, like a reduction in qualifications to receive licensure, yet penalizing those very teachers for the resulting impact that deprofessionalization may have on outcomes like student test scores. Recognizing that hard curricular choices often get made under the kind of policy conditions that Nomi described, Clay's response suggests that those choices typically reveal a tendency for teacher education programs and teacher educators to prioritize the kind of training that we argue facilitates teacher disempowerment.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-12">Training teachers to be disempowered labor</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0179220877-13">Critical pedagogues, burnt-out workers</hd> <p>Coming together in collaborative analysis gave us an important opportunity to discuss the meta-narrative we had generated in our conversation weeks earlier. As a group, reflecting on what we were seeing in the dialogue, we found that much of what we were saying about teacher preparation pointed not just to passive neglect around educating teachers as workers but a very active provision of training in how to be a disempowered laborer. Clay discussed conversations he had with former students in the urban northeast about their first years teaching and what those conversations suggest about some of the limitations of current efforts to prepare teachers.</p> <p>And so many of those young people, I remember, would email me, you know, a year or two out of the program suffering from their first year of burnout. And I think that's something that we talk about a lot as folks in this field ... the burnout that first-year teachers experience. And I think, to some extent, it's to be expected, you know, you're new to the profession ... But I think to some extent, it's also a function of, just, how much we're asking teachers to do is unreasonable. And some people get used to it. And so we have this really high turnover rate in teaching. And we've taken that for granted. Like, "Why are so many people leaving after four years?" Why do you think!? You know, like, it's not an honest question. We know why people are leaving. You're asking people to do so much work ... oftentimes under, you know, really tenuous contracts, and you know, no reasonable expectation that you'll see an increase in your salary at a rate that's commensurate with the cost of living. And so these young people are 21 years old having to contend with this.</p> <p>Continuing, Clay implicated himself in under-preparing teachers for their role as laborers.</p> <p>And I keep coming back to this ... they're reaching back out to their professors who were supposed to have trained them and saying, "Hey, this is really hard. [Y]ou know, you taught me a lot about inequality and I see all of the things that you were saying. But, I'm really tired and there's a lot going on." And I've also had students I've taught in pre-service ed courses come back and say, "Some of the frameworks that you provided us to think about what was going on in schools don't really apply. These kids really <emph>don't</emph> care. These poor Black and Brown kids really, uh, you know, <emph>are</emph> anti-education." I mean, this is not to criticize these young folks. I think they knew that they could confide in me because they were folks who were in my pre-service classes that had very strong convictions about [social justice]. And I'm wondering, what kind of environment are we creating in schools of education where it leaves very well-intentioned, well-informed, yet inexperienced teachers to abandon those convictions?</p> <p>Part of these concerns animated the desire Clay had to prioritize learning around organizing and building collective power with pre-service students in the course we all collaborated on. Clay understood that the conditions that facilitated young people's retreat from social justice pedagogy weren't isolated but were part of a larger challenge faced by disempowered workers under capitalism.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-14">Opportunities for transformative learning</hd> <p>Kamat recalled noticing in students' weekly blogs and papers throughout the course, the ways in which they showed an increasing interest in these issues.</p> <p>Some people described Fabricant's book—you assigned them some chapters from the book: <emph>The Campaign for Public School Reform in the South Bronx</emph>. Right? So some people actually described that [the book] was what opened their eyes and allowed them to see that class, social class, ethnicity, race, gender, ... how those inequalities impact a student's learning experiences and community ... So many students described that before reading Fabricant, they were not aware of how, uh, communities could organize and fight ... And that book actually gave them some idea, like you said, it's a starting point, not the entire world of community organizing, but at least they could have that idea to start thinking about how communities can be organized and how they fight for their rights, how to make those issues visible to the world, and how they can be powerful in that sense.</p> <p>Clay facilitated lessons with his pre-service class that explored educational theory and politics, ethnographic portraits of youth in schools and in their communities, and histories of racialized housing and public policy. Michael Fabricant's ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref67">7</reflink>]) <emph>Organizing for Educational Justice: The Campaign for Public School Reform in the South Bronx</emph> was assigned to provide an entry point into conversations around community organizing for educational change. Students were introduced to the Ocean Hill-Brownsville model of parent organizing through this text, which is informed by the Saul Alinsky Industrial Areas Foundation organizing tradition. Although the book did <emph>not</emph> focus on teachers organizing or labor issues per se, Clay often emphasized the book's discussion of teachers' role in the parent organizers' coalition. Kamat recalled students demonstrating that they were able to draw some connections between educational inequality and the importance of collectivizing for transformative change. Additionally, with Nomi facilitating the service-learning component of the foundations pre-service course, it allowed students the opportunity to participate in grassroots coalition-building work to support a statewide campaign to equitably fund schools. Through the struggles as well as the successes of that experience, all three authors recognized that students learned important lessons about organizing. Still, Clay thought that he could have done a better job preparing students by focusing more on state labor policy and strategies for building power.</p> <p>Nomi and Kamat disagreed in their evaluations of Clay's efforts to advance students' local understanding of labor struggle. Nomi and Kamat argued that important lessons were learned, and seeds were planted that would hopefully allow the students to raise questions in their other classes and ultimately facilitate a deeper understanding of their roles, rights, risks, and power as workers. Although this course was an important point of entry, we agreed that it wasn't nearly sufficient to fully prepare teachers for engaging in labor organizing.</p> <p>Nomi:I think that there's this real issue that I've recently come to the realization of. You know, I graduated from [a] PhD program, and now I'm often the token activist. I get invited back to all the classrooms, and you are a rare exception, Kevin, where this [course] was truly a joint effort, but I'll get invited to classes where they're like, "And now Nomi will talk to you about teacher activism." And I'm just like, what is this very simplified reductive thinking about what it means to really be a professional or an activist or whatever. So, I would love for there to be more engagement for professors [as it relates to] preparing teachers to have a deeper understanding of labor.</p> <p>Nomi's comments suggest widening the focus of social justice in teacher education to include considerations of teacher educators' own learning. Schools of education play a crucial role in preparing teachers for the workforce, yet while so many teacher educators have done a great job of engaging "social justice" within the realm of pedagogy and practice, many teacher educators have not been trained to support students for their roles as workers. New or renewed conversations about our job in schools of education to prepare teachers for their roles as workers inevitably necessitate conversations about how we train faculty to do that work.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-15">Discussion and conclusion: expanding the purview of social justice teacher preparation</hd> <p>As researchers studying teacher preparation and social justice teacher preparation have noted, what it means to train pre-service students as social justice practitioners is far from a settled matter. While identity-based frameworks like CRT (including intersectionality), anti-racism, multiculturalism, and culturally relevant teaching are valuable approaches to guide pre-service students' development into social justice practitioners (Weideman, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref68">41</reflink>]), these areas often elide a focus on class, capitalism, and relationships to production that are central to understanding issues of labor alienation and workers' collective power building. Literature also reveals that pre-service students learn that to be a social justice educator is to embrace a disposition of service to students and their community in their pedagogy and practice. As it stands, the literature that conceptualizes social justice teacher education has fundamentally disregarded labor organizing.</p> <p>We hope that scholars and practitioners build on our introductory work here to develop scholarship and resources that support greater and deeper engagement with labor studies in social justice teacher preparation. Future research examining whether and how pre-service teachers are envisioning the labor politics they might confront as they project ahead to their futures as classroom teachers is a crucial next step for research. The answers that this work can provide should inform additional research and practice to improve social justice teacher education.</p> <p>To respond to the challenges that the authors of this article identified across their various experiences in teacher preparation, we argue that schools of education must introduce coursework and curricula that specifically address issues of teacher labor and power building. This shift would require an expanded curriculum that recognizes the comorbid nature of labor disempowerment and educational lack; public schooling—specifically in historically resource-deprived communitiessuffers when teachers, as a subset of public-sector labor, wield very little power to influence system-level change. Todd-Breland ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref69">33</reflink>]) and others have attuned readers to the battles fought and won by the uniquely strong and predominantly Black Chicago Teachers Union against the rise of anti-unionism and neoliberal education reform touted by Democratic Party leadership throughout the twentieth century into the twenty-first. These contested victories demonstrate that teachers fighting for shared governance, a living wage, and better working conditions are not engaged in a fight independent of the fight for better schools and community control. In fact, they overlap.</p> <p>An elaboration of the intimate and historical role that race and anti-blackness, specifically, have played in labor oppression within the teaching profession is required in an expanded curriculum on social justice teacher preparation. That is, the historiographical work of Vanessa Siddle Walker ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref70">38</reflink>]) and Tondra L. Loder-Jackson ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref71">20</reflink>]), typically relegated to courses on educational history in schools of education, must become foundational texts in social justice pre-service education as they illuminate the profundity of Black teachers organizing in the face of anti-labor, anti-black, persecution, particularly in the segregated South. For the same reason, Harry and Harriette Moore must become foundational to the social justice pre-service curriculum.[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref72">4</reflink>] The comprehensive nature of their struggle reminds us that RTW and other state government policies aimed at undercutting the power of collective labor are reciprocal to anti-blackness and thus must be collectively fought.</p> <p>Finally, teacher-educators must commit themselves to deeper engagement in labor organizing and community organizing if they are to teach their pre-service students with any authority about how to build, maintain, and wield power as they enter the profession. Lois Weiner's work (e.g., Weiner, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref73">39</reflink>]) and others who study teacher power building through unions and other forms of collective agency can guide this re-education. Organizations like the Abbott Leadership Institute in New Jersey and various national teachers' union organizations across the country, offer important trainings in areas that facilitate this kind of leadership and expertise, principally with K-12 educators; however, teacher education faculty also would substantially benefit from this kind of experience. As crucial as it is for pre-service students to understand and commit to a social justice practice as educators so, too, must faculty submit to training that would enable them to support their pre-service students to understand how to build and maintain power in coalition with students and families.</p> <p>Without understanding how to build their power as workers, teachers who attempt advocacy may embrace martyrdom advocacy or "lone wolf" tactics that are likely to leave them alienated and even more vulnerable to worker repression. As educational corporations and nonprofits increasingly gain access to teacher preparation and drill a narrative that normalizes anti-unionism, neoliberal individualism, and teaching in poor Black neighborhoods as a stepping stone to selective terminal degree programs and lucrative financial sector opportunities (Rooks, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref74">29</reflink>]; Trujillo & Scott, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref75">35</reflink>]), it is important that schools of education actively resist market logics and normalize preparing teachers to develop a formidable organized base of power to advance material justice.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-16">Acknowledgement</hd> <p>A huge thank you to graduate student, Andy Kane, at VCU School ofEducation for supporting our literature review efforts.</p> <hd id="AN0179220877-17">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0179220877-18"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> States that infringe on labor unions' collective bargaining ability and ability to collect funding</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref7" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Slave trails are historical sites that memorialize significant locations and land routes of the American slave trade.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref18" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Throughout the same time period, Black schools and teachers in the American South faced similar forms of economic alienation and racialized violence as the vanguard of both tax-payer funded public education <emph>and</emph> interracial teacher labor organizing in the region (Anderson, [1]; Walker, [38]).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref35" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> The Black Floridian educator-activists were murdered in 1951, after fighting throughout the 1940s not only for Black educators' pay equity but also against the pervasively inadequate conditions of segregated schooling and housing.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0179220877-19"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Anderson, J. 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Clay is an assistant professor of Black Studies in Education at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey. His research involves the study of political education, youth organizing, and youth activism, particularly as these areas confront the neoliberal capitalist political economy.</p> <p>Brionna Nomi is a labor organizer based in Richmond, Virginia. She is a former public-school teacher and received her PhD from Virginia Commonwealth University.</p> <p>Preeti Kamat is an independent educational psychologist based in Richmond, Virginia. She is a former lecturer/instructor who has taught undergraduate and professional courses in Business Management. Preeti received her PhD from Virginia Commonwealth University.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref69"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref70"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref71"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref74"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref75"></nolink>
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  Label: Title
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  Data: Are We Preparing Teachers to Fight Labor Oppression?: A Critical Community Autoethnography Interrogating Social Justice Teacher Education
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Kevin+L%2E+Clay%22">Kevin L. Clay</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8339-9237">0000-0001-8339-9237</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Brionna+Nomi%22">Brionna Nomi</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Preeti+Kamat%22">Preeti Kamat</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0009-0004-0326-3209">0009-0004-0326-3209</externalLink>)
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  Label: Source
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Equity+%26+Excellence+in+Education%22"><i>Equity & Excellence in Education</i></searchLink>. 2024 57(2):197-209.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
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  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 13
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2024
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Evaluative
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Transformative+Learning%22">Transformative Learning</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+Experience%22">Teaching Experience</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Preservice+Teacher+Education%22">Preservice Teacher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Justice%22">Social Justice</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Reflection%22">Reflection</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Labor+Problems%22">Labor Problems</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Power+Structure%22">Power Structure</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+%28Occupation%29%22">Teaching (Occupation)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Disadvantaged%22">Disadvantaged</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Labor+Legislation%22">Labor Legislation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Burnout%22">Teacher Burnout</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/10665684.2023.2248145
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1066-5684<br />1547-3457
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Teachers in public schools regularly face labor oppression. Despite this reality, in research and practice, "social justice teacher preparation" has largely neglected the topic of "labor struggle." We offer this community auto-ethnography as a collective reflection on how we came to our own understandings around these issues and what we learned from supporting students' development around these topics as we co-taught a Foundations pre-service teacher preparation course. We unpack the experiences that shaped our individual relationships to issues of social justice and labor that were prioritized in the class with implications for expanding the purview of social justice teacher preparation.
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: EJ1437015
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  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/10665684.2023.2248145
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 13
        StartPage: 197
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Transformative Learning
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teaching Experience
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Preservice Teacher Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Justice
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Reflection
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Labor Problems
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Power Structure
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teaching (Occupation)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Disadvantaged
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Labor Legislation
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teacher Burnout
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Are We Preparing Teachers to Fight Labor Oppression?: A Critical Community Autoethnography Interrogating Social Justice Teacher Education
        Type: main
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            NameFull: Preeti Kamat
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              Y: 2024
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