Solidarity Movement in the School History Textbooks in Poland -- Selected Contexts of Gender, Religion and Politics
Saved in:
| Title: | Solidarity Movement in the School History Textbooks in Poland -- Selected Contexts of Gender, Religion and Politics |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Daria Hejwosz-Gromkowska (ORCID |
| Source: | Pedagogy, Culture and Society. 2024 32(5):1109-1126. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 18 |
| Publication Date: | 2024 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Information Analyses |
| Education Level: | Secondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Foreign Countries, Secondary School Students, Secondary School Teachers, History, Textbooks, Textbook Bias, Textbook Content, Textbook Evaluation, Textbook Standards, Social Bias, Gender Bias, Religious Discrimination, Political Issues, Political Socialization, Social Action, Activism, Educational Change |
| Geographic Terms: | Poland |
| DOI: | 10.1080/14681366.2022.2142651 |
| ISSN: | 1468-1366 1747-5104 |
| Abstract: | The aim of the study was to analyze the narratives of the Solidarity movement in upper-secondary level history textbooks, published between 1991 and 2018. Quantitative methods were used to measure different categories of historical figures in terms of their frequency and textual space, as well as any changes in representation over time. To explore the values and ideologies embedded in the textbook narratives of Solidarity, the study was guided by the qualitative approach and the critical discourse analysis of both verbal and visual texts. It seems that the content of the Polish history textbooks is not as susceptible to governmental and/or policy changes as initially assumed. Women consequently remain outside the historical narrative of Solidarity as a marginalized group. The study noticed oversimplification of historical and political complexity of Solidarity, with its major cost being the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities and gender stereotypes. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2024 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1439787 |
| Database: | ERIC |
|
Full text is not displayed to guests.
Login for full access.
|
|
| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwF9hQCw5ArmtCVJuw4Xa929AAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDGsymBQ1WJG34drr-gIBEICBmygF44gcSP_PxxjXTqjHobT_N7PZGKrg56Ze_tthCQo2l_0122ihsrLRp0lkTWTXc29Og_DgdPU7vLCh6PnSJ__7lsKNDsE01RlAX6mINDRJrUxlS0Utotugml51YJ8a7-PMnhps7CLJTdxqpRnyVzfd0TZX1eLJN5lCI6ZQnlB0uwmw9LEK0Za0QdfosmKl2t3av8fHcy0-o_sU Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0179710250;nt901oct.24;2024Sep20.03:17;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0179710250-1">Solidarity Movement in the School History Textbooks in Poland - Selected Contexts of Gender, Religion and Politics </title> <p>The aim of the study was to analyze the narratives of the Solidarity movement in upper-secondary level history textbooks, published between 1991 and 2018. Quantitative methods were used to measure different categories of historical figures in terms of their frequency and textual space, as well as any changes in representation over time. To explore the values and ideologies embedded in the textbook narratives of Solidarity, the study was guided by the qualitative approach and the critical discourse analysis of both verbal and visual texts. It seems that the content of the Polish history textbooks is not as susceptible to governmental and/or policy changes as initially assumed. Women consequently remain outside the historical narrative of Solidarity as a marginalized group. The study noticed oversimplification of historical and political complexity of Solidarity, with its major cost being the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities and gender stereotypes.</p> <p>Keywords: History school textbooks; Solidarity movement; Poland; gender; politics; religion</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-2">Introduction</hd> <p>History textbooks play a vital role in school education as a powerful cultural, ideological and political socialisation tool. They are widely used to present and build historical knowledge which is transmitted throughout official and hidden curricula. Knowledge in the school curricula is fixed in its form, structure, and underlying normative assumptions, universalised beyond the realm of historical contingency or critical analysis (Giroux [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref1">25</reflink>]). Recently research by Repoussi and Tutiaux-Guillon ([<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref2">61</reflink>]), Fuchs ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref3">22</reflink>]), Fuchs and Sammler ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref4">23</reflink>]), Earles ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref5">17</reflink>]), Zajda, Tsyrlina-Spady, and Lovorn ([<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref6">87</reflink>]), Bharath and Bertman ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref7">5</reflink>]), Ahonen ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref8">1</reflink>]), Trošt ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref9">74</reflink>]), Ognjenović and Jozelić ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref10">49</reflink>]), and Nair ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref11">48</reflink>]) has contributed to the development of comparative perspectives in studies of history textbooks. Growing evidence suggests that school history textbooks play a fundamental role in political socialization, developing a sense of nationhood, promoting patriotism, and building national identity (Han [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref12">30</reflink>]; Janmaat [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref13">33</reflink>]; Zajda [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref14">85</reflink>]; Zajda, Tsyrlina-Spady, and Lovorn [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref15">87</reflink>]; Grever and van der Vlies [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref16">28</reflink>]; Trošt [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref17">74</reflink>]; Ognjenović and Jozelić [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref18">49</reflink>]).</p> <p>The Solidarity movement was the protoplast of civic society in Poland (Krzemiński [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref19">41</reflink>]). Since some of the former Solidarity activists are involved in political life, the presentation of this movement in school textbooks may be influenced by certain ideologies or governmental policies. Recent history is sensitive to political influence, understanding, and also biases. The competing and contested discourses in the historiography of Solidarity, different political and historical approaches, and interpretations of the role of its prominent figures pose a challenge to textbook content. Our study tries to fill the gap in comparative perspectives of specific issues of national histories, focusing mainly on war, racism, national disasters, or victories.</p> <p>The aim of this study is the analysis of the narratives of the Solidarity movement, focusing on its leading activists and symbols, in the history textbooks used in upper-secondary schools between 1991 and 2018. The assumption was made that the systemic transformation of the 1990s marks a turning point in changes in the curricula. It was in the early 1990s that facts about the Solidarity movement started to be integrated into teaching materials. The early textbooks from the 1990s serve as a starting point for Solidarity's presence in history curricula and the subsequent changes taking place in more recent textbook editions. Thus, this study focuses on the representation of the Solidarity movement in selected history textbooks and an examination of the extent the narratives have changed over time (early 1990s – late 2010s).</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-3">History education as a nation-building and political socialization tool</hd> <p>History lessons are often compared to journeys through the ages. The teacher's role is to help students to understand the past and make connections to the present. School history is also perceived as a journey that can develop national identity and an informed citizenry. From the 19<sups>th</sups> century onwards, one of the aims of compulsory schooling has been to build a sense of nationhood through history education (Kymlicka [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref20">43</reflink>]). In the post-Cold War era, Western liberal governments were challenged to protect their nation-building projects against new phenomena such as globalisation, mass migration, and identity politics (Keynes [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref21">35</reflink>]). However, the Eastern European countries which replaced Marxist-Leninist ideologies with pluralism and diverse narratives continued to promote patriotism and nationalism in the school system in order to preserve the idea of the nation-state (Zajda [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref22">86</reflink>]; Trošt [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref23">74</reflink>]). National identity can be built through myths displayed in history textbooks. In that sense, historiography is often nationalised in the school curricula (Fetahagić [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref24">19</reflink>]) and school history textbooks play the role of myth-makers, agents of national collective memory, and a 'glue' to stick the nation together (Smith [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref25">66</reflink>]; Hobsbawm [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref26">32</reflink>]; Trošt [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref27">74</reflink>]).</p> <p>Since the late seventies, researchers have studied the representation of women in history school textbooks, as well as students' perceptions of gender (O'Kelly [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref28">50</reflink>]). From this perspective, textbook representations of gender roles (Earles [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref29">17</reflink>]) has had an impact on the perception of social order and relationships, in particular suitable behaviours for boys and girls (Stupica and Cassidy [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref30">70</reflink>]), consistent with classical studies of gender schema theory (Martin and Halverson [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref31">46</reflink>]). As suggested by a UNESCO ([<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref32">76</reflink>]) report, school textbooks can produce false perceptions of gender equality.</p> <p>We argue that historical narratives and understanding are strongly associated with power and knowledge (Foucault [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref33">20</reflink>]). Textbook content, discourses, narratives, and language reinforce and reproduce the power of the dominant group (Bourdieu [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref34">7</reflink>]; Green [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref35">27</reflink>]) the state apparatus employs through its institutions' diverse policies towards history education and textbooks (Zajda [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref36">86</reflink>]). In Poland, school textbooks are regulated and authorised for use by the Minister of Education. The degree of state monitoring usually focuses on the content: what to include and what to exclude. Parker suggests that those who have the power to control what is taught in school history, support the dominant ideology of the state by labelling what is 'real' and what is 'the truth': 'those who control the content of school history, therefore, control the official version of reality, which they may use to support particular political or ideological goals' (Parker [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref37">54</reflink>], 48). 'Silent moments' or 'silent heroes' of history in the school curricula are necessary to sustain national stability, cohesiveness, and generally the survival of the nation. History is sanitised of inconvenient facts or the stories of subjugated groups to promote the victories, myths, and great ideas of the dominant group (Gounari [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref38">26</reflink>]). History education is meant to produce the type of civic identity necessary to reproduce the dominant culture and sustain political stability. One of the key representations of the aforementioned trend is textbook gender dynamics. The inclusion of men – especially in military and power contexts – acknowledges their dominant and privileged roles, while the exclusion of women or portraying them mostly in the traditional feminine and domestic environments - 'silences' their role as historical subjects.</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-4">Context of the study: the Solidarity movement</hd> <p>Solidarity is considered to be the fundamental freedom and democratic movement of the 20<sups>th</sups> century. In the literature, it is analysed as a historical event, a social and a symbolic phenomenon (Ash [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref39">2</reflink>]; Taras [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref40">72</reflink>]; Penn [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref41">55</reflink>]; Krzemiński [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref42">41</reflink>]; Bilewicz [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref43">6</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although many historians acknowledged that the birth of Solidarity as an official movement was in August 1980, it was long before when Polish citizens rose up against the communist authority. It was best described by Timothy Garton Ash ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref44">2</reflink>]), who proposed the following formula 'August 1980 = June 1956 + March 1968 + December 1970 + June 1976'. August 1980 was a breakthrough moment when the so-called August Agreement was signed, and the first free Trade Union was established in communist Poland. It is estimated that 50 to 80% of the workforce joined Solidarity, mostly in large factories. Within one year the movement gained almost 9 million members, and half of them were women (Ash [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref45">2</reflink>]; Taras [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref46">72</reflink>]; Penn [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref47">55</reflink>]). In the beginning, the main tasks of Solidarity, i.e., the demands for an increase in wages and improvements in working conditions were typical of trade unions. Later its actions went far beyond conventional trade union activities, including demands for economic and social reforms, the release of political prisoners, and freedom of speech (Ash [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref48">2</reflink>]).</p> <p>From a sociological perspective, Solidarity may be viewed as a working-class revolt and a national uprising. However, as an analytical category, it may be considered a civil, religious, moral, revolutionary, and national independence movement, or even a symbol of legitimisation of the power change (Latoszek [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref49">44</reflink>]; Ciżewska [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref50">12</reflink>]; Hałas [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref51">29</reflink>]; Brzechczyn [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref52">8</reflink>]). Solidarity's actions may be perceived as a long uprising, lasting almost a decade, that ended in success with the collapse of the communist regime and the introduction of democracy and independence (Słodkowska [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref53">65</reflink>]).</p> <p>Solidarity created its own material and non-material symbols that are still held in the collective memory. All social groups were gathered under the Solidarity banner: intellectuals, workers, artists, farmers, and students. Undoubtedly the most prominent figure of Solidarity was Lech Wałęsa. However, the links established between the workers and the intellectuals in 1976 within the Committee for Workers' Defense resulted in the distinguishing trait of the Polish anti-communist uprising: the social and ideological diversity of the democratic opposition in Poland. Due to its pluralistic character, Solidarity was able to reach an unprecedented level of organisational ability (Paczkowski and Byrne [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref54">52</reflink>]). The second distinctive element was the role of the Catholic Church, not only in offering an alternative ideology and worldview to communism but also in defending victims and acting as a protective umbrella for many dissidents' activities. As Paczkowski and Byrne summarised ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref55">52</reflink>], 5), 'the Church over time became both a player in the growing crisis and a mediator of sorts between much of society and the communist-run state'. Its prominence rose considerably after the 1978 election of the pope from Poland, who – in a single moment – became both a national hero and a spiritual leader.</p> <p>The available historiographic data emphasise the contribution of women and their symbolic roles as mothers, workers, wives, consumers, and forces of resistance in communist Poland (Reading [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref56">60</reflink>]; Kenney [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref57">34</reflink>]; Penn [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref58">55</reflink>]). Women played a vital role during the period of martial law, transforming themselves into professional oppositionists. While many male Solidarity leaders were arrested and detained, women took responsibility for leadership. One of its female leaders, Helena Łuczywo, was not only the editor of the workers' newspaper <emph>Robotnik</emph>, but also ran – from 1980 to 1981 – the Solidarity Press Agency, the first uncensored national news service for journalists in Poland. Using the regime's gender-biased understanding of the opposition as being male, women's engagement as opposition players was a clever tactic. Women were not in fact targeted as a group for investigation by the communist regime, secret police or military, while they organised their underground actions and kept the Solidarity ethos alive (Penn [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref59">55</reflink>]).</p> <p>Jan Kubik ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref60">42</reflink>]) suggests that Solidarity became such a formidable opponent of communism because it managed to mobilise millions of people through a set of 'apolitical' symbols and discourses. They were neither 'left' nor 'right'; neither authoritarian nor democratic. But they allowed the huge mass of people to win back their self-respect and dignity. Solidarity survived and attracted so many people through symbols including the cross, the Virgin Mary, the Pope, the Gdańsk Shipyard, the flowers, the crowned eagle, slogans, and monuments erected in Poznań and Gdańsk to commemorate workers of the uprising in 1956 and 1970, and finally the Round Table Talks (Ash [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref61">2</reflink>]; Kubik [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref62">42</reflink>]; Hałas [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref63">29</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-5">Methodology</hd> <p>For this study, we used both quantitative methods and qualitative analysis of the selected history textbooks, published between 1991 and 2018 for general upper-secondary education schools.</p> <p> <emph>Investigation objectives</emph>. Quantitative methods in textbook research are used to measure aspects of the text in terms of frequency and space. The authors of the textbooks emphasise selected topics, events, or figures and make them significant to the readers. Some historical figures or groups are included while others are excluded or marginalised, thus the textbooks will convey a message about what is seen as important and what is not (Pingel [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref64">56</reflink>]). Thus, we set out to answer the questions: what figures are mentioned? Are women mentioned? Does the frequency of the names of the mentioned figures change over the years in the textbooks analyzed?</p> <p>To explore the values and ideologies embedded in the textbook narratives of Solidarity, the study was guided by qualitative approaches and critical discourse analysis (CDA). Using CDA as a multidisciplinary approach to discourse (Wodak [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref65">82</reflink>]) the objective was to analyse how textbook language used in Solidarity narratives functions as a form of social practice that enacts power and reproduces dominance. In the critical investigation of Solidarity discourse, the historical context is intrinsically linked to extralinguistic factors: culture, society, and ideology (Fairclough and Wodak [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref66">18</reflink>]). The textbooks were perceived as intentional spaces for ideas represented through language. What language was used to demonstrate dominance, power struggle, and inequality between the representatives of 'Solidarity', 'church', and 'the communist party'? The use of specific vocabulary, metaphors, parallels, assumed 'truths', and selected, implied, or missing ideas were analysed in order to reveal the narrative portrayals of the Solidarity movement. Was the textbook Solidarity narrative constructed as a story of success, a story of failure, or an ambivalent experience? How was the transformative role of the church within the Solidarity narrative constructed? How was the communist party represented as the antagonist force and the suppressor of the Solidarity movement?</p> <p> <emph>The research focus</emph> was on the frequency of historical figures in order to check whether there had been change over time, their gender, values, and ideologies embedded in the textbook narratives of Solidarity.</p> <p> <emph>Sample, selection, and representativeness</emph>. Due to structural reforms of the educational system of 1999 and 2017 and associated changes to the national curriculum, the content of textbooks in general-secondary education schools seems to be least susceptible to change. The most recent Polish history, including the history of Solidarity, is covered in the last year of general upper-secondary education. We analysed 22 textbooks in total, all of them were approved for use by the Ministry of Education as being compliant with the national curriculum. Our study can't claim generalisability to all textbooks over the selected time. However, the textbooks were chosen to provide a diverse sample. There are at least two strategies that can be employed in defining a textbook sample. The first relies on the market data of publishing houses, and the second, on teachers' preference for textbook use. For most of the textbooks, we could not employ these strategies due to a lack of archival market data and the limitations in accessing information from teachers on their past textbook choices. Hence, we chose a sample with diverse house publishers from different years. We analyzed that part of the material which covered the period from the August strikes of 1980 to the elections of June 1989.</p> <p> <emph>Information collection tools and information processing</emph>. The first stage of the analysis employed a quantitative strategy. We generated three categories of people who appeared in the textbooks: 'Solidarity people', 'people of church' and 'people in power'. Each mention of every historical figure (including their visual images) was assigned to a category and the total calculated. Each figure's name was recorded as female or male. Then the number of each person's mentions was calculated as a percentage, forming a ranking of people mentioned in all categories. This procedure enabled us to select the most frequently represented figures, as well as to trace any quantitative changes over time.</p> <p>In the second stage, guided by a qualitative approach, the first level of the analysis was inductive, focused on the search for patterns emerging in the process of textual analysis in order to uncover the main themes. At this point, each reference to Solidarity was noted with the aim to treat the texts as areas of discursive struggle marked by traces of different discourses and ideologies (Wodak [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref67">81</reflink>]). The second level of analysis was deductive coding to both reduce the initial data and abstract them. Dominant themes were the power struggle between 'Solidarity', 'church' and 'the communist party'; narrative portrayals of Solidarity (success – failure – ambivalence); the role of church within the Solidarity narratives.</p> <p>The notions of ideology, hierarchy, power, and gender are all seen as crucial for an interpretation of the text. Attention was paid to the main levels of discourse (the form, i.e., grammar, syntax, semantics, pragmatics), as well as style and elements of rhetoric. Other semiotic dimensions (pictures, layout, text-image ratio) were also taken into account. As indicated by Wooffitt([<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref68">83</reflink>]) our analysis was also based on the emancipatory principle of CDA: unmasking the discursive disadvantage of powerless groups (i.e., women).</p> <p>During CDA analyses and Derrida's 'close reading' text, we were searching for regularities in the analysed texts as well as some kind of patterning in the aforementioned categories. Thus, illustrative quotations were collected and used to enhance the leading narratives. Selected textbook fragments included in our findings exemplify the main discursive representations of Solidarity, based on the use of specific language (repeated words, phrasing, drawing on particular sources, etc.) or visual imaginary.</p> <p>The data were gathered not only from verbal but also from visual texts, such as pictures, illustrations, or photographs. Including other semiotic modes than a language was related to the significant theme in CDA: the idea of images conveying ideologies. Inspired by the views of Kress and van Leeuwen ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref69">40</reflink>]) that the production of meaning through visual texts stems from the ability of any semiotic system to project a particular social relation between the producer, the viewer, and the object represented, we focused on the visual articulations of social meanings, as well as the special organisation of images. The analysis of visual images also revealed ideological meanings and the legitimisation of power, dominance, and subordination. Such characteristics as the size and the position of an image, the layout, the representations of bodies (e.g., age, gender), key places or people, reflect certain ideological choices and signify particular socio-political purposes of the textbook authors.</p> <p>The result of the adopted procedure was a table containing quantitative data with both the counted names (percentage) and qualitative data referring to the main themes.</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-6">Results</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0179710250-7">Prominent figure(s) of solidarity: the 'saints' and the silenced heroines</hd> <p>The most frequent figure appearing in all analysed textbooks was Lech Wałęsa. In the category of 'Solidarity people' his percentage of mentions was above 30%. It seems that the frequency of mentions depended on the authors' choice because there was no significant evidence suggesting it depended on the textbook's date of publication. This could suggest that the frequency of appearance of a particular person is conditioned politically. However, this seemed to be contradicted by the case of General Wojciech Jaruzelski. His name was mentioned more often than Wałesa's in the textbook from 1991 and in the textbook from 1993 (written by the same author), the percentage of the occurrences of Wałęsa and Jaruzelski was equal. The political transformation of that time, including the active and important political role of the aforementioned figures, may be the reason for these results. It must be noted that at the beginning of the 90s there was only one textbook for history education in general upper-secondary schools. Although the name 'Jaruzelski' appears most frequently in the textbooks in the category of people in power, its frequency slightly decreased over time.</p> <p>We also distinguished two more names most frequently mentioned in the category of 'Solidarity people': Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Solidarity activist Bronisław Geremek (later Minister of Foreign Affairs). Both of them were usually mentioned as intellectuals and experts who supported Solidarity.</p> <p>Although Lech Wałęsa is the figure most frequently mentioned, he is not portrayed as a national hero or symbol of Solidarity. Nor is he portrayed as a visionary; rather he is presented as an 'accidental' hero. The tone of the language describing him is sober. He is usually portrayed in reference to his position (i.e., the leader of the Strike Committee (MKS), the chairman of Solidarity), or his occupation (an electrician). It is interesting to note that Wałesa's award of the Peace Nobel Prize was not mentioned in any of the textbooks analysed; nine out of 22 did not mention that event at all. In most cases, there was only a brief note that Wałesa was awarded the prize in 1983. Only in three textbooks did the authors give meaning to that event, indicating that the distinction strengthened Wałesa's position: 'in the fall of the same year there was an unpleasant surprise for the communist regime given by the Nobel Committee. On November 5, the Committee announced the award Wałęsa of the Nobel Peace Prize' (Ustrzycki [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref70">78</reflink>], 249); 'after receiving the Peace Nobel Prize in 1983, Wałesa became the unquestionable opposition leader. The organisation which could start a dialog with authority has emerged' (Dolecki, Gutowski, and Smoleński [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref71">14</reflink>], 370). This narrative suggests that Wałęsa's position as a leader was strengthened not by his own merits or internal political factors but by external, international forces.</p> <p>The analysed pictures portrayed Wałęsa in two settings: after signing the August Agreements in 1980 and during the meeting with governmental representatives prior to the Round Table Talks. Although the narrative of the text does not present Wałesa as a national hero or even as the most important person in Solidarity, the pictures may suggest that he was the leading man at the beginning of the movement.</p> <p>From the category of the 'people of the church' we distinguished the two most frequently mentioned names: John Paul II and Jerzy Popiełuszko. The latter was murdered by the secret police and became the symbol of communist tyranny and the struggle of the communist power with the Catholic Church. Although some of the authors of the analysed textbooks gave a broader meaning to the Popiełuszko assassination, most of them delivered only brief information on that event. An illustrative example would be the picture of Popiełuszko during a mass with the description from the authors: 'the hero of the moment' (Brzozowski and Szczepański [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref72">9</reflink>]), the copy of the leaflet calling people to take part in the funeral of the 'nation's priest' (Dolecki, Gutkowski and Smoleński [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref73">14</reflink>], 369) or the picture of the crowds during the funeral of Popiełuszko (Kozłowska, Unger, and Zając [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref74">39</reflink>]).</p> <p>As mentioned earlier, the textbook authors were reluctant to construct Wałęsa as a national hero. It is often Popiełuszko who is created as the Solidarity hero: 'the figure of the priest Popiełuszko is strongly associated with the cult of PRL regime's victims' (Ustrzycki [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref75">78</reflink>], 251); the 'bestial homicide' (Kłaczkow and Zielińska [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref76">37</reflink>]) of Popiełuszko may be treated as a part of the Polish martyrdom. The acceptance of the group's martyrdom is used to protect their own value. Focusing attention on the harm experienced by this particular group may be a way of showing appreciation or glorification of that group (Baryła and Wojciszke, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref77">4</reflink>]).</p> <p>The figure of John Paul II is portrayed as a moral hero, mediator, and also as a politician, e.g.,</p> <p>finally, the role of the Holy Father cannot be overestimated, both his spiritual inspiration, as well as subsequent visits and direct talks that he had with the leaders of the People's Republic of Poland and politicians from other countries</p> <p>(Wróbel [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref78">84</reflink>], 408). The figure of the pope is represented as the moral cement in Polish society under the communist regime: 'in an atmosphere of tension and terror, the visit of Pope John Paul II acquired a special dimension. The pope showed society the way to regain sovereignty through moral self-rebirth' (Pankowicz [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref79">53</reflink>], 306). The role of the pope as a Solidarity supporter was clearly defined: 'Solidarity could also count on the support of John Paul II' (Kłaczkow and Zielińska [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref80">37</reflink>], 230). However, the authors did not explain what kind of support the pope delivered implying that his role was symbolic in nature. Again, the narrative presents the representatives of the church as national heroes, while refraining from creating heroes among the group of 'Solidarity people'. As in the fragment: 'in the fact of the primate's fatal disease and an attack in which the pope was seriously wounded, Poles faced the possibility of losing two of the greatest personalities of the Polish church' (Kłaczkow and Zielińska [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref81">37</reflink>], 222). The 1981 assassination attempt on the pope marked a critical moment, and – as one of the textbooks puts it – 'caused a particular upheaval' (Dolecki et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref82">14</reflink>], 362). The language associated with the category of the 'people of church' is passionate and designed to stir readers' emotions. According to the narrative given in the textbooks it was the pope – not solidarity activists – who brought hope to a 'tired society' (Ustrzycki [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref83">78</reflink>]).</p> <p>The most striking data obtained in our study indicated the absence of women. The under-representation of women in history textbooks has been well documented. Generally, women are portrayed in stereotypical female roles, usually inside homes (O'Kelly [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref84">50</reflink>]; Osler [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref85">51</reflink>]; Durrani et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref86">16</reflink>]). In most textbooks, the number of women's names mentioned was between one and two, which gives about 1–4% frequency to all the names appearing in analysed textbooks. Strikingly, 7 of the 22 textbooks did not mention a single female name, completely marginalising the historically proven presence of women in Solidarity. Secondly, many female historical figures appear accidentally, without a clear relation between textbooks. There are however two female figures that stand out: Anna Walentynowicz and Danuta Wałęsa.</p> <p>Walentynowicz – the 'Mother of the Polish Independence' (Time [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref87">73</reflink>]) – is usually situated next to Wałęsa as one of two people whose dismissal from the shipyard initiated the August 1980 strikes. In earlier textbooks the role of Walentynowicz is merely mentioned, e.g., 'A wage increase and the demand for the reinstatement of Anna Walentynowicz, dismissed for her activity in Free Trade Unions, were raised' (Tusiewicz [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref88">75</reflink>], 289). Ten years later we can still read this most common narrative, where Walentynowicz appears in the context of 'workers' strikes' (<emph>strajki robotników</emph>, without the reference to female workers – <emph>robotnice</emph>): 'In Gdańsk, workers demanded the reinstatement of Anna Walentynowicz and Lech Wałęsa dismissed for union activities' (Przybyliński [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref89">57</reflink>], 242). Whereas Wałęsa reappears many times in the textbook narrative as a political actor, Walentynowicz – if she appears at all – is mentioned only once, and in the context mentioned above.</p> <p>In textbooks published after 2010, there is a visible change in narrative. Apart from the still clearly 'uneven' representation of Walentynowicz compared to other heroes of Solidarity, her textbook narrative visibly strengthens. The comparison of six 2012 textbooks shows that Walentynowicz's role as a heroine of Solidarity is 'forgotten' in two textbooks. The other two 2012 textbooks refer to her dissident activities in the conventional and over-simplistic manner outlined above. The last two 2012 textbooks, however (<emph>Nowa Era</emph> and <emph>Operon</emph>) changed their narrative completely. In the 2012 Nowa Era textbook, Walentynowicz no longer appears next to Wałęsa; her agency as a union activist is referred to in a separate passage (Kłaczkow and Roszak [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref90">36</reflink>], 332). In the same textbook her appreciation as a political figure also occurs visually. The opening of chapter VII 'The Fall of Communism' is illustrated with her full-page photograph. The visual semiotics of the image is powerful: a petite figure standing in the centre of the frame, wearing a patterned dress, a bun, and a purse slung over her shoulder. She is holding a huge megaphone to her mouth with both hands, shouting to the crowd of people around her. With large, white-and-red flags waving on the left side of the frame and Wałęsa standing next to her with a serious expression on his face, the image communicates a clear message: this woman was at the centre of events as a trade unionist and a female activist fighting for the nation's freedom (Kłaczkow and Roszak [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref91">36</reflink>], 323). The 2012 Operon textbook also presents Walentynowicza first, before Wałęsa. Her portrait photograph and a caption beneath indicating that her commitment to defending workers' rights was already clear in the early 70s, appears at the beginning of the chapter 'The Birth of Solidarity' (Ustrzycki [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref92">77</reflink>], 331).</p> <p>In later textbooks, the narrative marking Walentynowicz's presence as an independent political actress continues: 'The impulse for the strike action at the Gdańsk Shipyard was the dismissal of Anna Walentynowicz from her work on the crane' (Kłaczkow and Zielińska [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref93">37</reflink>], 217). Moreover, there appeared a new argumentative element in Walentynowicz's biography (captioned on almost half of the page) - a reference to her conflict with Wałęsa: 'From the beginning of 1980. She did not agree with Wałęsa's too conciliatory policy towards communists, which led to informal agreements between the Polish United Worker's Party and part of the Solidarity team in 'Magdalenka" (Kłaczkow and Zielińska [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref94">37</reflink>], 218). This clear indication of the ideological division in the Solidarity movement may also function as an implicit explanation of her 'cancellation' from being recognised as an important figure of the 'Solidarity' movement after 1989. This symbolic division between Walentynowicz and Wałęsa appears when reading two images in another 2015 textbook. Two same-size photos constitute two semiotic resources deployed on two sides of the description of the 'August 1980' events. Both figures are depicted with their right hand raised. However, Walentynowicz raises her hand holding a cross, and Wałęsa raises his hand clenched into a fist. Considering posture and gesture as key visual signifiers, her stereotypical femininity (pious and modest) was contrasted with his 'typically masculine' attitude (bold and strong). In the captions to both photos Walentynowicz's dedication and collective opposition activity ('the co-founder of the Free Trade Unions and Solidarity'; 'died in the plane crash in Smolensk') was juxtaposed with Wałęsa's leadership and self-standing ('the strike leader and gifted speaker') (Ustrzycki [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref95">78</reflink>], 240–241).</p> <p>Danuta Wałęsa appears in the textbooks as a Wałęsa's wife and if her name was mentioned – usually only once – it was when she and her son received the Nobel Prize on behalf of Lech Wałęsa. There is also the interesting case of Zofia Romaszewska. Together with her husband Zbigniew Romaszewski they founded Radio 'Solidarność' in 1982. In the 1999 textbook they are both mentioned- Zofia Romaszewska and Zbigniew Romaszewski (Tusiewicz [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref96">75</reflink>]) - whereas in the 2012 textbook (Brzozowski) they are mentioned as a married couple (Romaszewscy) and in the second 2012 textbook (Kozłowska, Unger, and Zając [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref97">39</reflink>]) only the name of the male figure – Romaszewski – is mentioned. This example shows that women's roles in Solidarity was portrayed as behind-the-scenes roles; even when their names occur in the narrative there are usually associated with the stereotypical role of being the 'wife'.</p> <p>In only two textbooks was the absence of individual women in the descriptive text supplemented with a description of women's collective experience. However, again there was no reference to Polish women's political activism, already recognised in the scholarly discourse on the role of women in Solidarity (Penn [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref98">55</reflink>]). In both cases, the reference to women as a 'collective entity' is reduced to their roles in acquiring food and managing households. In the 1994 textbook, there appears one significant sentence: 'Particularly poor supplies in Łódź caused protests by desperate women, who bore the main burden of queuing for food, clothing and hygiene products' (Radziwiłł and Roszkowski [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref99">59</reflink>], 300). In the 1999 textbook there is no verbal text and the word 'women' does not appear in the Solidarity context. Instead, there is a clear visual message: a huge, half-page photograph depicting a marching crowd of women, with the front row holding a banner with the inscription: 'What to give to eat to our children – food rationing cards?' (Tusiewicz [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref100">75</reflink>], 307). In both cases, verbally and visually, women's power was reduced to the private sphere of 'feeding' the family and undertaking household responsibilities. Both textbooks refer to the social myth of the Polish Mother as a pattern of women's participation, not only in the Polish national community but also in emerging civil society. On these two rare occasions, women of the Solidarity period are represented in a stereotypical manner, as a homogenous group of 'gastronomic mothers' (Walczewska [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref101">79</reflink>]), emerging into the public sphere only to tackle the difficulties of the 'shortage economy' for the well-being of their families.</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-8">Solidarity as mass social movement in everyday reality</hd> <p>In the textbooks analysed Solidarity is portrayed as a single entity. In numerous cases the focus shifts from particular Solidarity activists' actions to the anonymous or collective actions made by Solidarity itself. For instance, the textbook narrative on the August Agreement usually shows the document was signed by Solidarity on one side, and the particular representatives of the government (Barcikowski and Jagielski – communist party officials) on the other. Whereas the communists are mentioned by name, 'Solidarity people' constitute a collective entity, coded in the following, particularly common terms: 'Solidarity leaders', 'Solidarity activists', 'underground Solidarity authorities', 'Solidarity experts', and 'Solidarity advisers'.</p> <p>Individual communist leaders are rarely identified with the same narrative strategy on the Solidarity side. Solidarity is presented as a unified organisation and is often constructed in textbooks as an amalgam, a mass movement opposing the (individually identified) communists. One important feature of the narrative change over time is a marked reduction in the individualised presentation of the 'people of Solidarity' in favour of a collective approach. The quantitative comparison of the occurrence of historical figures mentioned by surnames depending on the time of publication of the textbook shows large differences. Early textbooks, published before or around the structural and program reform of 1999 (1994–2002), individually address about 24 'Solidarity people'. In later published textbooks, there is a clear reduction in the number of individually presented activists: on average by at least a half. One of the key reasons is a noticeable simplification of the narrative and reduction of facts in history textbooks as a result of the structural and curricular changes made in 1999.</p> <p>There may be another reason for the textbooks being less willing to isolate 'the names' on the Solidarity side in confrontation with the communist side. This reluctance may lie in internal ideological contradictions, as well as open political conflicts within Solidarity. Its internal breakdown, which deepened throughout the 1980s, was addressed in the minority of – predominantly earlier – textbooks. The early clash between the radical and the moderate wings in Solidarity is addressed. Divisions in Solidarity were also noticed at end of the decade, in 1987, e.g., 'The revival of Solidarity was accompanied by escalating conflicts in its leadership' (Radziwiłł and Roszkowski [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref102">59</reflink>], 319). The strongest critical evaluation of internal (dis)integrity of the Solidarity movement is addressed in a 2002 textbook: 'Personal games, intrigues, and a struggle for power began. The radical wing of the Solidarity (...) criticised the union leadership, including Wałęsa, for cowardice, procrastination and manipulation of the union. Conflicts between regions and workers' distrust of intellectuals emerged. (...) such a large and young organisation must be torn by internal conflicts' (Garlicki [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref103">24</reflink>], 355).</p> <p>A rare example of explicitly linking the name to the ideological 'side' of the conflict in 'the Solidarity camp' is a fragment from the 2013 textbook, describing the controversy over the Round Table Talks:</p> <p>The question arose on how much Solidarity, that in the 1989 election proved its overwhelming support of the citizens, should stick to the Round Table agreements. A symbol of these two different approaches may be, e.g., Tadeusz Mazowiecki the first non-communist Prime Minister in post-war Poland, and Lech Kaczyński, the president of the Republic of Poland between 2005 and 2010.</p> <p>(Pytlińska, Markiewicz, and Wyroda [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref104">58</reflink>])</p> <p>The majority of textbooks published after 2012 did not address the ideological differentiation within the movement, while at the same time avoiding explicit reference to the 'leaders' of Solidarity, focusing mainly on the collective nature of the movement. Again, the reason may be the above-mentioned simplification of the narrative and a reduction of facts in the analysed history textbooks after the 1999 reform. Together with the focus on a one-dimensional historical narrative comes the pressure to avoid any 'counter-narratives' that might stir controversies. That is why the above-mentioned discussion on the ideological divisions within Solidarity is a rare example of a more complex, challenging, and informed way of constructing history textbook narratives.</p> <p>Solidarity is portrayed not only as a typical trade union but as a mass social and political movement, political party and opposition, local government, or even parliament. It is also described as a transmitter of a particular ideology. Although the authors describe Solidarity in terms of political organisation, they do not perceive it in terms of power. The data gathered suggests that the authors had divergent opinions on the political possibilities of taking power at the beginning of the Solidarity era. Some of them suggested that Solidarity could take power providing the movement's activists were able to agree with the reformed wing of the communist party (Kochanowski and Matusik [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref105">38</reflink>]), while the others maintained that it was impossible due to internal factors: self-limitation of the national and revolutionary movement. These limitations arose out of the fear of a Soviet Union invasion' (Stola [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref106">68</reflink>]), as a preventive measure against violence and terror acts (Wróbel [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref107">84</reflink>]).</p> <p>The condition of Polish society during the development of Solidarity is characterised as a struggle with mundane everyday life. The word 'apathy' is a key one that was used to describe society after the introduction of martial law: 'some Poles were tired of living in the constant tension and permanent conflict' (Ustrzycki [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref108">77</reflink>], 336) or 'the saddest symptoms of withdrawal were social apathy and pathological forms of escaping from the reality – especially the spreading plague of alcoholism' (Stola [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref109">68</reflink>], 205). The weariness of society was semantically eminent, not only during the time of martial law, but also at the end of the '80s: 'as tired, divided and frustrated which was unable to reorganise itself (...) In the spring of 1988, both the authorities and a large part of the society were dominated by a feeling of powerlessness (Radziwił and Roszkowski [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref110">59</reflink>] , 320).</p> <p>The achievements of Solidarity are not presented as a story of success. The textbooks' narratives are associated with Polish martyrdom and the myth of Polishness anchored in a biblical comparison to Christ of the Passion. In other words, Polish history is portrayed as representing and replicating the story of Jesus Christ's sacrifice (Domańska [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref111">15</reflink>]). It may be surprising, that even Solidarity, which eventually led to the collapse of the communist regime in Poland, is not displayed in school historiography as a story of success or as the protoplast of civic society and democracy.</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-9">No solidarity without catholicism</hd> <p>The third actor within Solidarity narratives is the Catholic Church represented by its individual heroes including the Pope, the priest Jerzy Popiełuszko, as well as by the collective representation of the church's influence within the state: the Episcopate. Students learning about Solidarity are presented with fragments of sermons, and numerous photos containing religious symbols. The central message regarding the political role of the church during the Solidarity period is recapitulated by the following fragment, reappearing in other textbooks in a modified form, but with a similar meaning: 'In the second part of 1980, the catholic church became the huge moral authority and the most important element of Polish society cohesion, not only believers and active Catholics' (Dolecki, Gutkowski and Smoleński [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref112">14</reflink>], 371). This view is acknowledged in official historiography, as indicated by Hannah Diskin ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref113">13</reflink>], 237), 'In the case of Solidarity, the church indeed played a central role, with Solidarity being nurtured by the power of the church'.</p> <p>However, not many textbooks explicitly highlight the church's activity in criticising the imposition of martial law and violations of civil freedoms. In early textbooks, the main role of the Episcopate is as one of the observers, the guarantor of non-violence, and a conciliatory party:</p> <p>The Roman Catholic Church, which in 1981 frequently undertook mediation between the authorities and Solidarity, found itself in a particularly delicate situation. (...) The Episcopate called for the defence of human rights, the release of internees and detainees, and the restoration of Solidarity's ability to act.</p> <p>(Radziwiłł and Roszkowski [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref114">59</reflink>], 304–305)</p> <p>Textbooks from the early 2000s also mention the mediating role of the church, albeit with less elaboration on the issue of political involvement and the church's demands: 'The Church was not formally involved in the Round Table, although it played a very large role (...) It was undoubtedly the Great Mediator' (Garlicki [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref115">24</reflink>], 379). Avoiding civil war and open confrontation is typically discussed in a non-critical, non-confrontational tone, recognising the social responsibility of the church, e.g., 'In 1981 a particularly difficult role fell to the Church which tried to act as a mediator between the authorities and opposition' (Dolecki, Gutkowski and Smoleński [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref116">14</reflink>], 362).</p> <p>Some history scholars point to the church's preservation of the status quo, e.g., in relation to the event of August 1980. 'Some of the strikers, and even certain priests, expressed disappointment at the 'passive attitude of the Polish Episcopate towards the fundamental matters facing the Polish nation'. But, as is further highlighted, 'Wyszyński upheld the Church's image as a mediator" (Paczkowski and Byrne [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref117">52</reflink>], 8). However, these considerations are not represented in any history textbook narrative. There is no conversation around the one-dimensional role of the church as a mediator, appealing for reconciliation, peace, and inner order. The church's decision to exert a mediating role, focusing on conflict resolution and bringing the communist Party and Solidarity into dialogue is presented as the only available strategy.</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-10">Conclusions</hd> <p>This study did not reveal significant changes in the representation of prominent Solidarity figures over time. It seems that the content of Polish history textbooks was not as susceptible to governmental and/or policy changes as we had assumed they would be and, compared with the other international studies e.g., South Eastern European Countries (Ognjenović and Jozelić [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref118">49</reflink>]), they appear to be less politicised. Lech Wałęsa is presented as the unquestionable leader of Solidarity. However, at the semantic level, he is not presented as a national hero, this role is assigned to Jerzy Popiełuszko, the Solidarity priest. Polish identity is anchored in the myth of Jesus Christ's sacrifice, as well as the 'Pole-Catholic'[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref119">1</reflink>] pattern. According to the study by Wawrzyński and Marszałek-Kawa ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref120">79</reflink>]) during the process of transformation, democratic role-models were not developed in the way they were in other post-authoritarian societies. In agreement, our study confirms the lack of democratic and civic role-models in history textbooks, however, there is a tendency to essentialise the myth of self-sacrifice as part of Polish identity. Perhaps herein lies the answer to why the history of Solidarity is not presented in terms of success, as a mass movement that has led Poland to democracy, freedom, and independence.</p> <p>Consequently, women remain as a marginalised group, outside the historical narrative of Solidarity. Even in later textbooks the only woman recognised and presented visually are stereotyped. The disregard for the historically proven presence of women in Solidarity contributes to the building of a distorted view of women's agency in society, both in the past and the present. Our research stands in line with the national (Hildebrant-Wypych [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref121">31</reflink>]; Chmura-Rutkowska, Głowacka-Sobiech, and Skórzyńska [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref122">11</reflink>]; Szymczak [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref123">71</reflink>]) and international (Durrani et. al. [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref124">16</reflink>]; Frisk [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref125">21</reflink>]; Bagdasarova and Marchenko [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref126">3</reflink>]; Williams and Bennett [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref127">80</reflink>]; Schrader and Wotipka [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref128">64</reflink>]; Schoeman [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref129">63</reflink>]) studies on the underrepresentation of women, seeing them portrayed in stereotypical roles in history textbooks.</p> <p>The study also reveals the reduction and oversimplification of content in the textbooks analysed. Perhaps the reduction of content is a consequence of structural reforms in the school system, curriculum changes, and new facts in recent history. In the newest books (especially after 2012) there are more images at the expense of the text and a decrease in the use of historical names. Multiple interpretations, alternative viewpoints, and conflicting perspectives appear more frequently in earlier textbooks published in the 1990s and early 2000s. Similar conclusions can be drawn from South African (Bharath and Bertman, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref130">5</reflink>]; Morgan and Henning [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref131">47</reflink>]), Greek (Stroescu and Popa [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref132">69</reflink>]), Balkan countries (Ognjenović and Jozelić [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref133">49</reflink>]), Romanian (Bujorean [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref134">10</reflink>]), and Spanish (Ruiz [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref135">62</reflink>]) studies in the sphere of presenting context in a superficial and oversimplified manner, without exploring the different perspectives and interpretations of the past as well as a finished process.</p> <p>Simplifying history for students and selecting key narratives within a given historical event is both intellectually appealing and politically useful. However, without diverse and often conflicting perspectives being recognised, students lack access to contrasting narratives and interpretations. We believe that students' historical literacy should be based on openness to the marginalised groups' perspectives. Oversimplification of historical complexity often comes with a cost, e.g., the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities and gender stereotypes.</p> <hd id="AN0179710250-11">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0179710250-12"> <title> Note </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref8" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Historically, the stereotype of the Pole-Catholic refers to the nostalgic interpretation of Polish national identity in the 19. century, when – in the absence of clearly defined territorial boundaries – it constituted symbolic and moral grounds for the idea of homeland and political sovereignty. In post-war communist Poland, it came 'to epitomise the authenticity and legitimacy of ethnic Poles as opposed to the illegitimate Soviet-groomed elites' (Stanley [67]).</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0179710250-13"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Ahonen, S. 2020. " The Construction and Deconstruction of National Myths. A Study of the Transformation of Finnish History Textbook Narratives After World War II." European Politics and Society 21 (3): 341 – 355. doi: 10.1080/23745118.2019.1645427.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref39" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Ash, T. G. 1983. The Polish Revolution: Solidarity 1980-82. London : Jonathan Cape Ltd.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref126" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Bagdasarova, N., and L. Marchenko. 2017. " Resurfaced and Disappearing Past: National Heroes in History Textbooks of Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan." In Globalisation and Historiography of National Leaders Symbolic Representations in School Textbooks, edited by J. Zajda, T. Tsyrlina-Spady, and M. Lovorn, 229 – 260. Dordrecht : Springer.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref77" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Baryła, W., and B. Wojciszke. 2000. " Struktura I Korelaty Poczucia Krzywdy Polaków W Roku 1994 I 1998." Czasopismo Psychologiczne 6 : 267 – 276.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref7" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Bharath, P., and C. Bertman. 2018. " Analysing Historical Enquiry in School History Textbooks." Perspectives in Education 36 (1): 145 – 161. doi: 10.18820/2519593X/pie.v36i1.10.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref43" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Bilewicz, M. 2020. " Moving Beyond the Past: The Role of Historical Closure in Conflict Resolution." Social Psychological Bulletin 14 (4): 1 – 10. doi: https://doi.org/10.32872/spb.v14i4.2437.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref34" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> Bourdieu, P. 1986. " The Forms of Capital." In Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, edited by J. G. Richardson, 241 – 258. New York : Greenwood Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref52" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Brzechczyn, K. 2018. " From Proletarian Revolution to National Uprising. An Overview of Conceptualizations of Polish Solidarność." Humaniora Czasopismo Internetowe humaniora Czasopismo Internetowe 3 (23): 15 – 50.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref72" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> Brzozowski, A., and G. Szczepański. 2012. Historia. Ku Współczesności. Warszawa : Stentor.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bujorean, E. 2015. " Discourse of Majority in Romanian Textbooks: Nationalism versus Europeanism." Social and Behavioral Sciences 180 : 502 – 509. doi: 10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.02.151.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Chmura-Rutkowska, I., E. Głowacka-Sobiech, and I. Skórzyńska. 2015. Niegodne Historii? O Nieobecności I Stereotypowych Wizerunkach Kobiet W Świetle Podręcznikowej Narracji Historycznej W Gimnazjum. Poznań : Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ciżewska, E. 2010. Filozofia Publiczna Solidarności. Warszawa : Narodowe Centrum Kultury.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Diskin, H. 2001. The Seeds of Triumph. Church and the State in Gomułka's Poland. Budapest : Central European University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Dolecki, R., K. Gutowski, and J. Smoleński. 2018. Historia. Po Prostu. Warszawa : WSiP.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Domańska, E. 2000. " [Re]creative Myths and Constructed History (The Case of Poland)." In Myth and Memory in the Construction of Community. Historical Patterns in Europe and Beyond, edited by B. Stråth, 249 – 262. Brussels : P.I.E./Peter Lang.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Durrani, N., A. Cohen Miller, Z. Kataeva, Z. Bekzhanova, A. Seitkhadyrova, and A. Badanova. 2022. " 'The Fearful Khan and the Delightful Beauties': The Construction of Gender in Secondary School Textbooks in Kazakhstan." International Journal of Educational Development 88 : 2 – 17. doi: 10.1016/j.ijedudev.2021.102508.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Earles, J. 2017. " Reading Gender: A Feminist, Queer Approach to Children's Literature and Children's Discursive Agency." Gender and Education 29 (3): 369 – 388. doi: 10.1080/09540253.2016.1156062.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Fairclough, N., and R. Wodak. 1997. " Critical Discourse Analysis." In Discourse as Social Interaction, edited by T. van Dijk, 258 – 284. London : Sage.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Fetahagić, S. S. 2020. " The Most Golden Age: A Discourse Analysis of Representations of Medieval Bosnia in Secondary-School History Textbooks in the Federation of BiH." In Nationhood and Politicization of History in School Textbooks Identity, the Curriculum and Educational Media, edited by G. Ognjenović and J. Jozelić, 181 – 211. Cham : Palgrave Macmillan.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Foucault, M. 1980. Power/Knowledge. Sussex : The Harvester Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Frisk, K. 2019. " What Makes a Hero? Theorising the Social Structuring of Heroism." Sociology 53 (1): 87 – 103. doi: 10.1177/0038038518764568.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Fuchs, E. 2011. " Current Trends in History and Social Studies Textbook Research." Journal of International Cooperation in Education 14 (2): 17 – 34.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Fuchs, E., and S. Sammler. 2016. Textbooks Between Tradition and Innovation: A Journey Through the History of the Georg Eckert Institute. Braunschweig : Georg Eckert Institute.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Garlicki, A. 2002. Historia 1939-2001. Warszawa : Scholar.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giroux, H. A. 1980. " Critical Theory and Rationality in Citizenship Education." Curriculum Inquiry 10 (4): 329 – 366. doi: 10.1080/03626784.1980.11075229.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Gounari, P. 2008. " Unlearning the Official History: Agency and Pedagogies of Possibility." In Ideologies in Education. Unmasking the Trap of Teaching Neutrality, edited by L. I. Bartolome, 97 – 116. New York : Peter Lang.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Green, B. 1986. " Reading Reproduction Theory: On the Ideology and Education Debate." Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 6 (2): 1 – 31. doi: 10.1080/0159630860060201.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Grever, M., and T. van der Vlies. 2017. " Why National Narratives are Perpetuated: A Literature Review on New Insights from History Textbook Research." London Review of Education 15 : 2. doi: 10.18546/LRE.15.2.11.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hałas, E. 2010. " Symbolic Construction of 'Solidarity': The Conflict of Interpretations and the Politics of Memory." Polish Sociological Review 170 (2): 219 – 232.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Han, C. 2007. " History Education and 'Asian' Values for an 'Asian' Democracy: The Case of Singapore." Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education 37 (3): 383 – 398. doi: 10.1080/03057920701330271.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hildebrant-Wypych, D. 2017. " Religious Nation or National Religion: Poland's Heroes and the (Re) Construction of National Identity in History Textbooks." In Globalisation and Historiography of National Leaders Symbolic Representations in School Textbooks, edited by J. Zajda, T. Tsyrlina-Spady, and M. Lovorn, 103 – 121. Dordrecht : Springer.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hobsbawm, E. J. 1997. On History London. London : Weidenfeld and Nicholson.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Janmaat, J. 2007. " The Ethnic 'Other' in Ukrainian History Textbooks: The Case of Russia and the Russians." Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education 37 (3): 307 – 324. doi: 10.1080/03057920701330180.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kenney, P. 1999. " The Gender of Resistance in Communist Poland." The American Historical Review 104 (2): 399 – 425. doi: 10.2307/2650371.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Keynes, M. 2020. " History Education, Citizenship, and State Formation." In Handbook of Historical Studies in Education, edited by T. Fitzgerald, 621 – 636. Singapore : Springer International Handbooks of Education.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kłaczkow, J., and S. Roszak. 2012. Poznać Przeszłość. Warszawa : Nowa Era.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kłaczkow, J., and A. Zielińska. 2015. Zrozumieć Przeszłość. Warszawa : Nowa Era.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kochanowski, J., and P. Matusik. 2004. Człowiek I Historia. Warszawa : WSiP.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kozłowska, Z. T., I. Unger, and S. Zając. 2012. Historia. Poznajemy Przeszłość. Toruń : SOP Oświatowiec.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kress, G., and T. van Leeuwen. 1996. Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design. London and New York : Routledge.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Krzemiński, I. 2013. Solidarność. Niespełniony Projekt Polskiej Demokracji. Gdańsk : Europejskie Centrum Solidarności.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kubik, J. 1994. The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland. Pennsylvania : The Pennsylvania State University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kymlicka, W. 2002. Contemporary Political Philosophy. An Introduction. Oxford : Oxford University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Latoszek, M. 2006. " 'Solidarity' – a Contribution to Social Movement Theory." Polish Sociological Review 153 (1): 39 – 53.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Marszałek-Kawa, J., and P. Wawrzyński. 2018. " Promotion of National Heroes as Civic Role-Models During Democratisation." New Educational Review 52 (2): 101 – 111. doi: 10.15804/tner.2018.52.2.08.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Martin, C. L., and C. F. Halverson. 1981. " A Schematic Processing Model of Sex-Typing and Stereotyping in Children." Child Development 52 (4): 1119 – 1132. doi: 10.2307/1129498.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Morgan, K., and E. Hennin. 2011. " How School History Textbooks Position a Textual Community Through the Topic of Racism." Historia 56 (2): 169 – 190.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Nair, D. 2021. " The 'Imagined Other'." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 13 (2): 72 – 94. doi: 10.3167/jemms.2021.130204.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ognjenović, G. J., and Jozelić J., edited by. 2020. Nationhood and Politicization of History in School Textbooks Identity, the Curriculum and Educational Media. Cham : Palgrave Macmillan.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> O'Kelly, C. G. 1983. " Gender Role Stereotypes in Fine Art: Content Analysis of Art History Books." Qualitative Sociology 6 (2): 136 – 148. doi: 10.1007/BF00987084.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Osler, A. 1994. " Still Hidden from History? The Representation of Women in Recently Published History Textbooks." Oxford Review of Education 20 (2): 219 – 235. doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/0305498940200206.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Paczkowski, A. M., and M. Byrne. 2007. From Solidarity to Martial Law: The Polish Crisis of 1980-1981. A Documentary History. Budapest – New York : Central European University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pankowicz, A. 1993. Historia. Polska I Świat Współczesny. Warszawa : WSiP.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Parker, C. 2004. " History Curriculum Reform During Educational Transition in Poland." Political Crossroads 10 11 (1): 43 – 62.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Penn, P. 2005. Solidarity's Secret: The Women Who Defeated Communism in Poland. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pingel, F. 2010. UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision. Paris-Braunshweig : Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Przybyliński, M. 2009. Poznać Przeszłość. Warszawa : Stentor.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pytlińska, O., M. Markiewicz, and A. Wyroda. 2013. Historia I Społeczeństwo. Warszawa : WSiP.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Radziwiłł, A., and W. Roszkowski. 1994. Historia 1945-1990. Warszawa : PWN.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Reading, A. 1992. Polish Women, Solidarity and Feminism. Houndmills : Macmillan.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Repoussi, M., and N. Tutiaux-Guillon. 2010. " New Trends in History Textbook Research: Issues and Methodologies Toward a School Historiography." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 2 (1): 154 – 170. doi: 10.3167/jemms.2010.020109.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ruiz, G. R. 2022. " Representations of the Spanish Hunger Years (1939–1952) in Recent Secondary School History Textbooks." Paedagogica Historica. doi: 10.1080/00309230.2022.2039241.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Schoeman, S. 2009. " The Representation of Women in a Sample of Post-1994 South African School History Textbooks." South African Journal of Education 29 (4): 541 – 556. doi: 10.15700/saje.v29n4a295.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Schrader, C. E., and C. M. Wotipka. 2011. " History Transformed? Gender in World War II Narratives in U.S. History Textbooks, 1956-2007." Feminist Formations 23 (3): 66 – 88. doi: 10.1353/ff.2011.0037.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Słodkowska, I. 2005. " Najdłuższe Polskie Powstanie." Więź 7 : 18 – 28.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Smith, A. 1999. Myths and Memories of the Nation. Oxford, New York : Oxford University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Stanley, B. 2016. " Defenders of the Cross." In Saving the People: How Populists Hijack Religion, edited by N. Marzouki, D. McDonnell, and O. Roy, 109 – 128. London : Hurst Publishers.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Stola, D. 2012. Historia. Wiek XX. Warszawa : PWN.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Stroescu, O. C., and D. Popa. 2012. " Ethnic Stereotyping in the Greek History Textbooks, 1974-1988. Main Aspects of the Educational Language Used for Depicting the Turks." Social and Behavioral Sciences 46 : 5124 – 5127. doi: 10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.06.394.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Stupica, B., and J. Cassidy. 2014. " Priming as a Way of Understanding Children's Mental Representations of the Social World." Developmental Review 34 (1): 77 – 91. doi: 10.1016/j.dr.2013.12.003.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Szymczak, M. 2011. Kobiety W Polskich Programach I Podręcznikach Do Nauczania Historii Dla Szkoły Średniej Po Drugiej Wojnie Światowej. Zielona Góra : Uniwersytet Zielonogórski.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Taras, R. 1995. Consolidating Democracy in Poland. Boulder : Westview Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Time. 1980. 100 Women of the Year. https://time.com/5793658/anna-walentynowicz-100-women-of-the-year</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Trošt, T. P. 2019. " Remembering the Good: Constructing the Nation Through Joyful Memories in School Textbooks in the Former Yugoslavia." Memory Studies 12 (1): 27 – 45. doi: 10.1177/1750698018811986.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tusiewicz, R. 1999. Historia 1944-1993. Warszawa : WSiP.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> UNESCO. 2020. " A New Generation: 25 Years of Efforts for Gender Equality in Education." Gender Report of the Global Education Monitoring Report. Accessed 1, 2022. https://en.unesco.org/gem-report/2020genderreport</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ustrzycki, J. 2012. Historia. Ciekawi Świata. Gdynia : Operon.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ustrzycki, J. 2015. Historia. Ciekawi Świata. Gdynia : Operon.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Walczewska, S. 1999. Damy, Rycerze I Feministki. Kobiecy Dyskurs Emancypacyjny W Polsce. Kraków: 'eFKa'.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Williams, F. J., and L. B. Bennet. 2016. " The Progressive Era: How American History Textbooks' Visuals Represent Women." Social Studies Research and Practice 11 (1): 124 – 135. doi: 10.1108/SSRP-01-2016-B0008.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wodak, R. 2001. " What CDA is About – a Summary of Its History, Important Concepts and Its Developments." In Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, edited by W. R and M. Meyer, 1 – 13. London : Sage Publications.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wodak, R. 2007. " Pragmatics and Critical Discourse Analysis: Cross-Disciplinary Inquiries." Pragmatics and Cognition 15 (1): 203 – 225. doi: 10.1075/pc.15.1.13wod.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wooffitt, R. 2005. Conversation Analysis and Discourse Analysis: A Comparative and Critical Introduction. London : SAGE.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Wróbel, J. 2003. Odnaleźć Przeszłość. Warszawa : WSiP.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Zajda, J. 2007. " The New History School Textbooks in the Russian Federation: 1992–2004." Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education 37 (3): 291 – 306. doi: 10.1080/03057920701330164.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Zajda, J. 2009. " Teachers and the Politics of History School Textbooks." In International Handbook of Research on Teachers and Teaching, edited by L. J. Saha and A. G. Dworkin, 373 – 387. New York : Springer.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Zajda, J., T. Tsyrlina-Spady, and M. Lovorn, edited by. 2017. Globalisation and Historiography of National Leaders Symbolic Representations in School Textbooks. Dordrecht : Springer.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Daria Hejwosz-Gromkowska and Dobrochna Hildebrandt-Wypych</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib87" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib74" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib85" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib86" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib66" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib70" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib76" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib72" firstref="ref40"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref49"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib65" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib60" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib82" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib81" firstref="ref67"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib83" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref69"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib78" firstref="ref70"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref71"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref74"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib84" firstref="ref78"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref79"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref85"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl52" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref86"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl53" bibid="bib73" firstref="ref87"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl54" bibid="bib75" firstref="ref88"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl55" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref89"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl56" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref90"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl57" bibid="bib77" firstref="ref92"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl58" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref99"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl59" bibid="bib79" firstref="ref101"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl60" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref103"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl61" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref104"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl62" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref105"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl63" bibid="bib68" firstref="ref106"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl64" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref111"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl65" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref113"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl66" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref121"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl67" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref122"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl68" bibid="bib71" firstref="ref123"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl69" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref125"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl70" bibid="bib80" firstref="ref127"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl71" bibid="bib64" firstref="ref128"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl72" bibid="bib63" firstref="ref129"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl73" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref131"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl74" bibid="bib69" firstref="ref132"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl75" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref134"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl76" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref135"></nolink> |
|---|---|
| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1439787 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
| IllustrationInfo | |
| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Solidarity Movement in the School History Textbooks in Poland -- Selected Contexts of Gender, Religion and Politics – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Daria+Hejwosz-Gromkowska%22">Daria Hejwosz-Gromkowska</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2144-9600">0000-0003-2144-9600</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Dobrochna+Hildebrandt-Wypych%22">Dobrochna Hildebrandt-Wypych</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2422-6405">0000-0002-2422-6405</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Pedagogy%2C+Culture+and+Society%22"><i>Pedagogy, Culture and Society</i></searchLink>. 2024 32(5):1109-1126. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 18 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Information Analyses – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Secondary+Education%22">Secondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Secondary+School+Students%22">Secondary School Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Secondary+School+Teachers%22">Secondary School Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22History%22">History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Textbooks%22">Textbooks</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Textbook+Bias%22">Textbook Bias</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Textbook+Content%22">Textbook Content</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Textbook+Evaluation%22">Textbook Evaluation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Textbook+Standards%22">Textbook Standards</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Bias%22">Social Bias</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Gender+Bias%22">Gender Bias</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Religious+Discrimination%22">Religious Discrimination</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Political+Issues%22">Political Issues</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Political+Socialization%22">Political Socialization</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Action%22">Social Action</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Activism%22">Activism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Change%22">Educational Change</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Poland%22">Poland</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/14681366.2022.2142651 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1468-1366<br />1747-5104 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: The aim of the study was to analyze the narratives of the Solidarity movement in upper-secondary level history textbooks, published between 1991 and 2018. Quantitative methods were used to measure different categories of historical figures in terms of their frequency and textual space, as well as any changes in representation over time. To explore the values and ideologies embedded in the textbook narratives of Solidarity, the study was guided by the qualitative approach and the critical discourse analysis of both verbal and visual texts. It seems that the content of the Polish history textbooks is not as susceptible to governmental and/or policy changes as initially assumed. Women consequently remain outside the historical narrative of Solidarity as a marginalized group. The study noticed oversimplification of historical and political complexity of Solidarity, with its major cost being the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities and gender stereotypes. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2024 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1439787 |
| PLink | https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1439787 |
| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/14681366.2022.2142651 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 18 StartPage: 1109 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Secondary School Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Secondary School Teachers Type: general – SubjectFull: History Type: general – SubjectFull: Textbooks Type: general – SubjectFull: Textbook Bias Type: general – SubjectFull: Textbook Content Type: general – SubjectFull: Textbook Evaluation Type: general – SubjectFull: Textbook Standards Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Bias Type: general – SubjectFull: Gender Bias Type: general – SubjectFull: Religious Discrimination Type: general – SubjectFull: Political Issues Type: general – SubjectFull: Political Socialization Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Action Type: general – SubjectFull: Activism Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Change Type: general – SubjectFull: Poland Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Solidarity Movement in the School History Textbooks in Poland -- Selected Contexts of Gender, Religion and Politics Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Daria Hejwosz-Gromkowska – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Dobrochna Hildebrandt-Wypych IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2024 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1468-1366 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1747-5104 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 32 – Type: issue Value: 5 Titles: – TitleFull: Pedagogy, Culture and Society Type: main |
| ResultId | 1 |
