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Revisit the Syntax of Nominal-Internal Phrases in Mandarin Chinese

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Title: Revisit the Syntax of Nominal-Internal Phrases in Mandarin Chinese
Language: English
Authors: Yanxiao Ma (ORCID 0000-0003-3707-4196)
Source: SAGE Open. 2024 14(3).
Availability: SAGE Publications. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks, CA 91320. Tel: 800-818-7243; Tel: 805-499-9774; Fax: 800-583-2665; e-mail: journals@sagepub.com; Web site: https://sagepub.com
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Evaluative
Descriptors: Phrase Structure, Mandarin Chinese, Structural Analysis (Linguistics), Form Classes (Languages), Algorithms, Language Patterns, Generative Grammar, Nouns, Computational Linguistics
DOI: 10.1177/21582440241271127
ISSN: 2158-2440
Abstract: The article revisits the canonical (Dem>Num>A>N) and non-canonical (A>Dem>Num>N & Dem>A>Num>N) prenominal patterns in Mandarin Chinese, from the perspective of the Labeling Algorithm. It shows that the syntactic distribution of adjectives are different, depending on the attributive-predicative sources and the presence or absence of the subordinator -de. The attributive adjective (with or without -de) and the de-less predicative adjective are analyzed as direct modification of the noun phrase, and it derives as a specifier of the noun, then falling into an agreement Agr projection. The non-canonical pattern undergoes AgrP-movement to the nominal left-periphery, which involves focus moving. However, the predicative adjective with -de is associated with a predicate of a reduced relative clause, and it undergoes successive focus-driven movement in the non-canonical pattern. The supporting evidence is illustrated in superlative and exclamatory adjectives as well as the CP-DP splitting hypothesis. The labeling-based explanation provides a specific picture to see the internal structure of adjectives, to look at how to package the informational constituents in the prenominal pattern, and to demonstrate the systematic parallelism between nominal and clausal domains in Mandarin Chinese.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1442700
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0180087717;[kbz6]01jul.24;2024Oct08.01:55;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0180087717-1">Revisit the Syntax of Nominal-Internal Phrases in Mandarin Chinese </title> <p>The article revisits the canonical (Dem>Num>A>N) and non-canonical (A>Dem>Num>N & Dem>A>Num>N) prenominal patterns in Mandarin Chinese, from the perspective of the Labeling Algorithm. It shows that the syntactic distribution of adjectives are different, depending on the attributive-predicative sources and the presence or absence of the subordinator - de. The attributive adjective (with or without - de) and the de- less predicative adjective are analyzed as direct modification of the noun phrase, and it derives as a specifier of the noun, then falling into an agreement Agr projection. The non-canonical pattern undergoes AgrP-movement to the nominal left-periphery, which involves focus moving. However, the predicative adjective with - de is associated with a predicate of a reduced relative clause, and it undergoes successive focus-driven movement in the non-canonical pattern. The supporting evidence is illustrated in superlative and exclamatory adjectives as well as the CP-DP splitting hypothesis. The labeling-based explanation provides a specific picture to see the internal structure of adjectives, to look at how to package the informational constituents in the prenominal pattern, and to demonstrate the systematic parallelism between nominal and clausal domains in Mandarin Chinese.</p> <p>Plain language summary: The article revisits two nominal orders in Mandarin Chinese: the canonical (Dem>Num>A>N) and non-canonical (A>Dem>Num>N & Dem>A>Num>N) patterns, from the perspective of the Labeling Algorithm. It shows that the syntactic distribution of adjectives are different, depending on the attributive-predicative sources and the presence or absence of the subordinator -de. The supporting evidence is illustrated in superlative and exclamatory adjectives as well as the CP-DP splitting hypothesis. The labeling-based explanation provides a specific picture to see the internal structure of adjectives, to look at how to package the informational constituents in the prenominal pattern.</p> <p>Keywords: labeling; focus; left-periphery; nominal-internal phrases; Mandarin Chinese</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-2">Ordering Variation of Prenominal Adjectives</hd> <p>Greenberg proposes three ordering patterns among Demonstrative (Dem), Numeral (Num), Adjective (A) and Noun (N) in 24 possible orderings ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref1">12</reflink>]). The order Dem>Num>A is observed (when these elements occur) in the prenominal position, and either Dem>Num>A or A>Num>Dem is found (when these elements all occur) in the postnominal position ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref2">12</reflink>]: 87). [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref3">13</reflink>] abandons the constraints of post-nominal orders and argues that every combination of post-nominal orders should be possible, given abundant counter examples under Greenberg's formulation. However, more empirically refined pictures are discussed in [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref4">10</reflink>], which extends the above 3 orders in <emph>Universal 20</emph> into 14 specific attested orders, when taking their occurring frequencies into consideration. In Mandarin Chinese, we can find three positions of the adjective in the prenominal pattern: the adjective right before the noun in (1a), before the demonstrative in (1b), or immediately preceding the number phrase in (1c).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(1)</td><td>a.</td><td><bold><italic>na liang-zhi maorongrong-de gou</italic></bold> dou tai ke'ai le.</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>that two-Cl fluffy-DE dog both too cute SFP</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"Those two fluffy dogs are just too cute."</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>Dem> Num> A> N</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><bold><italic>maorongrong-de na liang-zhi gou</italic></bold> dou tai ke'ai le.</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>fluffy-DE that two-Cl dog both too cute SFP</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"Those two fluffy dogs are too cute."</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>A>Dem>Num>N</td></tr><tr><td /><td>c.</td><td><bold><italic>na maorongrong-de liang-zhi gou</italic></bold> dou tai ke'ai le.</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>that fluffy-DE two-Cl dog both too cute SFP</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"Those two fluffy dogs are too cute."Dem></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>A>Num>N</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The order in (1a) follows Greenberg's Universal 20, but the orders in (1b) and (1c) do not. The current literature has widely discussed the semantic distinction between (1a) and (1b) in Mandarin Chinese ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref5">6</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref6">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref7">15</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref8">16</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref9">26</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref10">30</reflink>]), assuming that the pattern (1b) is a contrastively stressed modifier ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref11">6</reflink>]), with intersective and non-idiomatic interpretations ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref12">30</reflink>]). However, there is no direct discussion of the pattern in (1c), according to my knowledge. I show that the interpretation restrictions observed in (1b) are also found in (1c) in Mandarin Chinese, and both are listed as marked prenominal patterns in Mandarin Chinese.</p> <p>According to [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref13">6</reflink>]: 286), the pattern (2a) is contrastively stressed when it is represented by a capitalized modifier. The patterns (2b) and (2c) have the same readings of contrastive stress.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(2)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>na yi-wei</italic><bold><italic>DAI YANJING -de</italic></bold><italic>xiansheng</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>Dem Num CL wear glasses –DE gentleman</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"that gentleman WEARING GLASSES"</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr6">Chao, 1968</xref>: 286; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr26">Williams, 1998</xref>:128)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>dai yanjing -de na yi-wei xiansheng</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>wear glass-DE that Num-Cl gentleman</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"that gentleman wearing glasses"</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr6">Chao, 1968</xref>: 286; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr26">Williams, 1998</xref>:128)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>c.</td><td><italic>na dai yanjing -de yi-wei xiansheng</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>that wearing glasses –DE Num-Cl gentleman</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"that gentleman wearing glasses"</td><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>In addition, the marked patterns have systematic restrictions on the intersective (3b) and non-idiomatic readings (3d).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(3)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>liang-wei naixin-de laoshi</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>Two-Cl patient –DE teacher</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"two teachers, who are patient persons" (intersective)</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"two teachers, who teach patiently" (nonintersective)</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr30">Zhang, 2015</xref>:382)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>(naixin-de) na (naixin-de) liang-wei laoshi</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>patient –DE that patient two-Cl teacher</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"two teachers, who are patient persons" (intersective)</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>*"two teachers, who teach patiently" (*nonintersective)</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr30">Zhang, 2015</xref>:382)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>c.</td><td><italic>na liu ben huangse de xiaoshuo</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>that six Cl yellow –DE novel</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"the six pornographic books" (idiomatic)</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr30">Zhang, 2015</xref>:383)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>d.</td><td><italic>(huangse-de) na (huangse-de) liu ben xiaoshuo</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>yellow –DE that yellow –DE six Cl novel</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"the six yellow books" (non-idiomatic)</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>*"the six pornographic books" (*idiomatic)</td><td>(Modified from <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr30">Zhang, 2015</xref>:383)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>This paper will revisit the derivational mechanism of the unmarked (1a) and marked prenominal patterns (1b) and (1c) in Mandarin Chinese from the labeling algorithm, showing that prenominal adjectives have different underlying representations, depending on the attributive/predictive sources and the presence/absence of the subordinator -<emph>de</emph> in adjectives. The attributive adjectives with/without -<emph>de</emph> are associated with direct modification of the noun; the predicative adjectives without -<emph>de</emph> is related to direct modification, but the predicative adjectives with -<emph>de</emph> is derived from the predicate of a reduced relative clause. The marked patterns involve AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs>-raising to the nominal left periphery, ending up with the direct modification, or first to the clausal left periphery then to the nominal left periphery, ending up with the predicative source of a reduced relative clause.</p> <p>The paper is organized as follows. In section 2, two syntactic sources of adnominal adjectives (attributive/predicative) are characterized, and the <emph>de</emph>-contained and <emph>de</emph>-less adjectives have different underlying representations in the prenominal structure. In section 3, the theoretical mechanism of labeling algorithm ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref14">8</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref15">9</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref16">22</reflink>]) is demonstrated. In section 4, the derivations of two sources of adjectives in unmarked and marked patterns are explained from the labeling algorithm. The source of direct modification is derived from Spec-nP, undergoing AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs>-raising to the nominal left periphery in the marked pattern. The predicative source of a reduced relative clause is generated at Spec-nP, but locating within a clausal domain, which involves AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs>-raising to the clausal left periphery, and then to the nominal left periphery at last. In section 5, the empirical and theoretical evidence of focus raising is demonstrated. The last section concludes the study.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-3">Characterization of Adnominal Adjectives</hd> <p>In this section, two syntactic sources of adnominal adjectives are introduced: attributive and predicative adjectives. Then, the semantic contrast of <emph>de</emph>-contained and <emph>de</emph>-less adjectives are differentiated in Mandarin Chinese.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-4">Two Major Sources of Adjectives</hd> <p>The adjectives are traditionally divided into two types: attributive and predicative adjectives ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref17">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref18">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref19">24</reflink>]), and Chinese adjectives falls into the same distinction ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref20">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref21">31</reflink>]). Attributive adjectives cannot be used as predicates and are usually analyzed as modifiers of the noun in the nominal phrase, but predicative adjectives have the potential to be used as a predicate in an independent copular construction ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref22">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref23">18</reflink>]: 40).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(4)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>yi-ge yuanlai-de jihua</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>one-Cl original-DE plan</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"one original plan" (attributive)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>yi-ge piaoliang-de wuzhe</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>one-CL beautiful dancer</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"one beautiful dancer" (predicative)</td></tr><tr><td>(5)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>*yi-ge jihua shi yuanlai-de.</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>one-Cl plan BE original (*predicate)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>Tamen shi piaoliangde.</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>they BE beautiful</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"they are beautiful." (predicate)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The two sources of adnominal adjectives are associated with different interpretative properties. As in (<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref24">6</reflink>), the attributive adjective is interpreted with nonrestrictive, nonintersective, individual-level, literal or idiomatic meanings, etc; the predicative adjective is analyzed with restrictive, intersective, stage-level or individual-level, literal readings, and so on ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref25">11</reflink>]: 2).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(6) Different interpretations of two sources of adnominal adjectives</td><td /></tr><tr><th align="left">Direct Modification Source</th><th align="center">Reduced Relative Clause Source</th></tr><tr><td>nonrestrictive reading</td><td>restrictive reading</td></tr><tr><td>non-intersective reading</td><td>intersective reading</td></tr><tr><td>modal reading of "possible"</td><td>implicit RC reading of "possible"</td></tr><tr><td>absolute (to a comparison class) reading</td><td>relative (to a comparison class) reading</td></tr><tr><td>absolute reading (of superlatives)</td><td>comparative reading</td></tr><tr><td>evaluative reading of "unknown"</td><td>epistemic reading of "unknown"</td></tr><tr><td>NP-dependent reading of "different"</td><td>discourse anaphoric reading of "different"</td></tr><tr><td>specific reading</td><td>specific or nonspecific reading</td></tr><tr><td>individual-level reading</td><td>stage-level or individual-level reading</td></tr><tr><td>literal or idiomatic reading</td><td>literal reading</td></tr><tr><td /><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr11">Cinque, 2010</xref>: 2)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The syntactic derivation of adnominal adjectives is controversially debated, with two accounts on the market: all deriving from a relative clause ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref26">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref27">24</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref28">25</reflink>]), or from different derivational positions, for example, either as modifiers of nouns or as predicates of reduced clauses ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref29">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref30">18</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref31">20</reflink>]). Actually, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref32">32</reflink>] mentions the controversy of treating the -<emph>de</emph> absent attributive adjectives as involving modification at the lexical instead of phrasal level in that some <emph>de</emph>-absent adjectives can be explained at the lexical level, such as <emph>baicai</emph>"cabbage,"<emph>baijiu</emph>"wine,"<emph>xiaomai</emph>"wheat" with an idiomatic interpretation, and the lexical word as a whole does not allow any constituents to be inserted between the adjective and the noun without changing the meaning. However, there are many <emph>de</emph>- absent attributives as involving modification are allowed to insert -<emph>de</emph> without changing the meaning, such as <emph>piaoliang guniang</emph>"beautiful girl" or <emph>piaoliang-de guniang</emph>"'beautiful girl". Thus, we need to distinguish different types of <emph>de</emph>-absent attributive adjectives. I will show that the first view of assumption is problematic, following [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref33">20</reflink>].</p> <p>First, the suggestion of all adjectives from a relative clause is mainly based on the presence of subordinator -<emph>de</emph>. [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref34">24</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref35">25</reflink>]) argued that all adjectives in Chinese are derived from relative clauses, because the subordinator -<emph>de</emph> following the adjective can be also an obligatory marker of a relative clause in Chinese, as in (7a). However, this argument is problematic, because the subordinator-<emph>de</emph> in adjectives is not always obligatory and can be deleted, as in the absent-<emph>de</emph> modification (<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref36">7</reflink>) ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref37">20</reflink>]: 760).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(7)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>juemi (-de) wenjian</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>top-secret –DE document</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"top-secret documents"</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr20">Paul, 2005</xref>: 760)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>yi-ge fang (-de) panzi</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>one-Cl square –DE plate</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"a square plate"</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr20">Paul, 2005</xref>: 760)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Second, the assumption of adjectives deriving from a predicative source is based on the fact that the adjective can function as a predicate in an independent clause ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref38">25</reflink>]). In fact, we can find that a lot of adjectives, either with presence or absence of -<emph>de</emph>, are unable to constitute the predicate of a clause by itself, and must be supported by the copular <emph>shi</emph> and the particle <emph>de</emph> ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref39">20</reflink>]: 759). However, the copular <emph>shi</emph> and the particle <emph>de</emph> are prohibited in the Determiner Phrase (DP) ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref40">20</reflink>]: 759).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(8)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>zhe-ge panzi *(shi) fang *(de)</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>This-Cl plate be square DE</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"This plate is square."</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr20">Paul, 2005</xref>:760)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>Ta mai-le [<sub>DP</sub>yi-ge (*shi) fang de panzi]</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>3SG buy-PERF one-Cl be square –DE plate</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"He bought a square plate"</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr20">Paul, 2005</xref>:760)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Considering a large sample of <emph>de</emph>-less and non-predicative adjectives, the assumption of adjectives unanimously from a relative clause is not acceptable. Instead, in this paper, I adopt that attributive and predicative adnominal adjectives are associated with different syntactic distributions: either as modifiers of a noun or as predicates of a reduced relative clause.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-5">The Syntactic Nature of de-Contained and de-Less Adjectives</hd> <p>The <emph>de</emph>-contained and <emph>de</emph>-less adjectives make the two sources of adnominal adjectives more complex. In this section, following [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref41">18</reflink>], I will show that all attributive adjectives are direct modifiers of the noun, but not all predicative adjectives are derived from the predicate of a reduced relative clause, depending on the presence or absence of the subordinator -<emph>de</emph> in Mandarin Chinese.</p> <p>First, consider the attributive adjectives with or without -<emph>de</emph>, they both express the characteristics and properties of the noun they modify ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref42">19</reflink>]: 81; [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref43">18</reflink>]: 47). In (<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref44">9</reflink>), the adjective <emph>zhuyao (de)</emph>"major DE" and <emph>gongtong (de)</emph>"common DE" is used to characterize the properties of the nouns <emph>jihua</emph>"plan" and <emph>pengyou</emph>"friend," and it is associated with the interpretations of direct modification. The meaning does not change regardless of the presence or absence of the subordinator -<emph>de</emph>.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(9)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>Zhe liang-ge zhuyao (de) jihua hen shouhuanying</italic>.</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>this two-Cl major DE plan very popular</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"These two major plans are very popular."</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>Women you liang-ge gongtong (de) pengyou.</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>We have two-Cl common DE friend</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"We have two common friends"</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Turn to the predicative adjectives in (<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref45">10</reflink>), the meaning changes, depending on the presence or absence of –<emph>de</emph>. In (10a), the adjective <emph>piaoliang-de</emph>"beautiful-DE" with -<emph>de</emph> expresses an intersective reading, indicating the looking of the dancer is also beautiful, and the adjective <emph>piaoliang</emph>"beautiful" without -<emph>de</emph> expressing a non-intersective reading, that is, the dancing action is beautiful. In (10b), the adjective congming-de "smart-DE" with -<emph>de</emph> has the restrictive meaning (i.e., the particular student is smart, but not all are smart), and the adjective without -<emph>de</emph> has the nonrestrictive reading (i.e., the students in the class are smart). The predicative adjectives with -<emph>de</emph> are associated with the predicate of a reduced relative clause, but those without -<emph>de</emph> have the readings of a direct modification. Thus, the predicative adjective has two underlying representations: a direct modification of a noun or a predicate of a reduced relative clause.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(10)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>Ta shi yi-wei piaoliang (de) wuzhe</italic>.</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>she BE one-Cl beautiful DE dancer</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"She is dancer, who is beautiful." (with -de)</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>Or "She is dancer, who dances beautifully." (without –de)</td><td>(Adapted from Liu, 2006: 44)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>Ta shi ban li congming (de) xuesheng</italic>.</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>he BE class IN smart DE student</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"He is a student, who is smart in the class." (with -de)</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>Or "He is a student, who is smart, in the class." (without -de)</td><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>It makes sense that different syntactic distributions may lead to different interpretations in semantic interface. The assumption of the reduced relative structure explains the predicate interpretation, and the after-moving landing site corresponds to the modifier usage, ending up with the intersective readings. The assumption of the direct modification only leads to the non-intersective reading. Thus, these double association have been corroborated each other. Moreover, the sources of attributive and predicative adjectives have been extended, depending on the subordinator -<emph>de</emph>. When considering the sequential order of two sources of adjectives, it is widely accepted that the direct modification of adjectives is closer to the noun than the adjective in a reduced relative clause ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref46">11</reflink>]). In my proposal, the general sequence of two sources of adjectives is represented in (11a), and the underlying hierarchy is demonstrated in (11b). The attributive adjective with or without -<emph>de</emph> is analyzed as the direct modification, deriving from the specifier of the noun. The predicative adjective without -<emph>de</emph> is associated with the direct modification, base generated in the specifier of the noun. The predicative one with -<emph>de</emph> is deriving from the predicate of the reduced relative clause, and may undergo an informational feature-driven moving-operation to the specifier position (and the derivational details will be specified later in section 4).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(11)</td><td>a.</td><td>Sequential order of two sources:</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>[DemonstrativeP...[NumeralP...[AP<sub>ReducedRC</sub> ]...AP<sub>DirectMod</sub>...NP...[AP<sub>ReducedRC</sub> ]]]]</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td>Underlying representation of adnominal adjective</td></tr><tr><td /><td colspan="2"><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img2.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0180087717-6">Remnant and Phrasal Raising of AP</hd> <p>After introducing different sources of adjectives, let us turn to different locations of the adjective in the adnominal structure. The adnominal adjectives can occur in a non-canonical position, in addition to the regular position right before the noun. In Mandarin Chinese, the <emph>de</emph>-contained (attributive and predicative) adjectives can appear right before the number-classifier phrase or immediately precede the demonstrative, which is interpreted as foci with an emphatic effect. However, the <emph>de</emph>-less (attributive and predicative) adjectives can only occur in the canonical position: between the number-classifier phrase and the noun (12a-b).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(12)</td><td>a.</td><td>[<bold><italic>gongtong *(de) ] na [gongtong *(de) ] liang-ge [gongtong (de)</italic></bold>] <italic>pengyou dou feichang hao</italic>.</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>common-DE that original-DE two-Cls original-DE friend both very good</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"Those two common friends are very good."</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><bold><italic>[Congming *(de) ] na [congming *(de) ] liang-ge [congming (de) ]</italic></bold><italic>xiaohai shi wo-de pengyou</italic>.</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>Smart that smart two-Cl smart child BE my friend</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"Those two smart children are my friends."</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The non-canonical pattern is discussed with remnant movement ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref47">10</reflink>]) or phrasal movement ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref48">30</reflink>]), both providing a direct derivational relation between unmarked and marked patterns, since they share a common underlying base. Based on these two methods, I will show that the derivational mechanism becomes more complex, when taking the sources of adjectives into consideration. Besides, I will explain how the focus-driven movement is involved in two non-canonical patterns.</p> <p>[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref49">10</reflink>] argues that the order Dem>Num>A>N is fixed as the unmarked prenominal pattern, which is base-generated with nothing moving. In the marked prenominal pattern, a combination of NP-raising and remnant movement is necessary. If NP moves beyond AP, and then moves the remnant phrase across NumP and DemP, it will end up with the order A>Dem>Num>N. The underlying structure in line with [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref50">10</reflink>] is organized in (<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref51">13</reflink>).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img3.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr10">Cinque, 2005</xref>)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Unlike the remnant moving analysis, phrasal movement is assumed for the marked pattern in Mandarin Chinese. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref52">30</reflink>] focuses on the marked order A>Dem>Num>N, assuming AP-raising to a position higher than that of the Demonstrative (Dem). The <emph>de</emph>-marker of the adjective (or relative modifier) is analyzed as a function head (F<sups>H</sups>), and the numeral and the classifier are respectively generated at the specifier and the head of a functional projection UnitP ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref53">7</reflink>]: 406). The <emph>de</emph>-marker and the adjective (or relative modifier) finally raise to the position higher than the demonstrative, ending up with the marked order A>Dem>Num>N. The detailed structure is formulated:</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(14)</td><td>[<sub>FP</sub> Adj<sub>k</sub> FH<sub>j</sub> [<sub>DP</sub> Dem D [<sub>UnitP</sub> Num Unit [<sub>FP</sub> t<sub>k</sub> t<sub>j</sub> [<sub>NP</sub> N]]]]]</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr7">Cheng & Sybesma, 1998</xref>: 406)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The remnant analysis ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref54">10</reflink>]) and phrasal movement ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref55">30</reflink>]) provide a direct derivational relation between unmarked and marked patterns, but it provides no explanation for the semantic contrast, since both unmarked and marked patterns start from the same underlying base. Based on remnant and phrasal movement, I will explain that the marked pattern involves focus moving to nominal left periphery, or first to clausal left periphery and then to nominal left periphery at last, depending on the attributive/predicative sources and the presence/absence of -<emph>de</emph> in adjectives. The derivational mechanism will be explained in the labeling algorithm.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-7">The Labeling Mechanism of Head and Phrase</hd> <p>This section introduces the theoretical mechanism of Labeling Algorithm, which will be used to explain the derivational model of nominal-internal phrases. A generative grammar is generally discussed as a formal and computational system, in which the Merge operation combines two syntactic objects and Labeling is an operation to determine and label the new syntactic object. The tree of underlying representation must be labeled before it is transferred to the (PF and LF) interface, otherwise it will crash. The labeling algorithms for lexical level and phrasal level are distinguished ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref56">22</reflink>]).</p> <p>First, in the labeling assumption, the lexical word enters the derivation as an unlabeled root but bears the feature "lex" (borrowed from [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref57">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref58">22</reflink>]). The "lex" feature is contained in the head, so both the root and the functional head (e.g., v and n) are lex. The merged result (of the root and the functional head) is labeled by the functional head with lex, rather than the root with lex, because the root does not carry categorical feature, as in (<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref59">15</reflink>).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(15)</td><td>The head-head labeling</td></tr><tr><td /><td><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img4.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The diagram in (<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref60">13</reflink>) demonstrates the labeling of the head-head merger, the feature lex is passed on to the mother category in the lexical level, but it is only constrained within the lexical level. The lex mechanism is parallel to the intermediate X' level in generative grammar, defining the (sub) lexical and phrasal line. Beyond the lexical process, the lex feature cannot transmit to the mother category in the phrasal level, which is known as Lexical uniformity.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(16)</td><td>Lexical uniformity: a lex category cannot contain non-lex material</td><td>(<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr22">Rizzi, 2016</xref>)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Beyond the lexical level (i.e., head-head merger), the head-phrase and phrase-phrase merger are also accounted in the labeling-based approach. In the head-phrase merger, the label is created by the closest head in a minimal configuration ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref61">22</reflink>]). For instance, in (<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref62">17</reflink>), T is the label when it merges with an Asp without any intervention; V is the label when it immediately merges with an DP; C is the label when it merges with an TP in a minimal configuration.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(17)</td><td>head-phrase labeling</td></tr><tr><td /><td><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img5.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>In the phrase-phrase merger, two alternative operations happen in the labeling algorithm ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref63">8</reflink>]). In the configuration {XP, YP}, if there is a shared feature between X and Y, then the shared feature is the label, which is known as a criterial feature. If no shared feature, one of the phrases must move out. The labeling algorithm takes the head of the remaining phrase as the label. In this case, the movement operation is a remedy to a structure that will crash and cannot undergo the interface transfer. Movement in this configuration falls into the anti-symmetry approach (), in which the symmetry of {XP, YP} must be broken, and one of them must move out for the labeling purpose.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(18)</td><td>phrase-phrase labeling</td></tr><tr><td /><td><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img6.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>In the labeling perspective, the motivation of the core syntactic operation (internal/external-merger) is fundamentally triggered by the labeling purpose. Any syntactic object, which cannot be labeled, is not allowed to undergo the interface transfer and will crash for linearization.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-8">Labeling Analyses of Prenominal Patterns</hd> <p>In this section, the attributive and predicative adjectives in unmarked and marked prenominal patterns are demonstrated from a labeling-based approach, although they are subject to fall into the same configurational pressures. First, a nominal hypothesis is proposed for the direct modification to explain the attributive adjective (with or without -<emph>de</emph>) and the <emph>de</emph>-less predicative adjective in section 4.1, in which the adjective phrase is originated in Spec-nP, then moving to Spec-AgrP, with the overt subordinator -<emph>de</emph> as the morphological realization of functional head Agr°. The merged AP<subs>complex</subs> (AP-Agr) undergoes movement to the informational focus packaging right before Spec-CL or further to the left periphery before DemP. Second, a clausal hypothesis is proposed for the <emph>de</emph>-containing predicative adjective in section 4.2, in which the adjective phrase is analyzed as a predicate of a reduced relative clause, and involves AP-raising to Spec-CP or further to nominal Spec-DP, ending up with the marked predicative patterns.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-9">Derivation of Direct Modification</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0180087717-10">Analysis of the Unmarked Pattern</hd> <p>The (<emph>de</emph>-contained or <emph>de</emph>-less) attributive and the <emph>de</emph>-less predicative adjectives are assumed from the source of direct modification (as in section 2.2). Take the attributive adjective (19a) for example. The adjective is generated in the specifier of a noun phrase, and then moves to the specifier position of a higher functional AgrP, which is triggered by labeling requirement. The labeling-based representation is illustrated in (19c).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(19)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>na liang-ge yuanlai-de jihua</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>DEM two-CL original-DE plan</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"those two original plans"</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>na liang-ge congming xiaohai</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>DEM two-Cl smart child</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>'those two smart children</td></tr><tr><td /><td>c.</td><td>Derivational mechanism of direct modification</td></tr><tr><td /><td colspan="2"><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img7.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>In (19c), the √root <emph>jihua</emph>"plan" merges with the categorizing n, creating a nominal category n<subs>lex</subs> ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref64">8</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref65">9</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref66">22</reflink>]). The adjectival phrase AP <emph>yuanlaide</emph>"original" enters the derivation, and the labeling algorithm takes the closest head n<subs>lex</subs> in the minimal configuration. The functional Agr acts as an agreeing probe and bears uninterpretable φ-features in the nominal system, but it cannot be labeled by itself, like the Root and T in the clausal system; it must be strengthened by the movement of the subject in the specifier of its complement (following), so the adjectival phrase AP has to move to the spec of Agr, labeling it the shared features <φ,φ><(=AgrP). The Agr is morphologically realized as the marker -<emph>de</emph> at the PF interface. Afterward, the classifier <emph>ge</emph>"Cl<subs>lex</subs>" merges with AgrP, with the NumP <emph>liang</emph>"two" as its specifier. The idea of Num<subs>lex</subs> in the specifier of Cl is in the line of [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref67">7</reflink>], in which the classifier projects a phrase, with the numeral as the specifier. The shared feature between NumP and ClP is relevant to number-feature (as part of φ-features), thus the label is created <φ,φ><(=ClP). Lastly, the phasal head D<subs>lex</subs> enters the derivation, and the Dem phrase merges in its specifier, following [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref68">27</reflink>] and [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref69">30</reflink>]. In the configuration [DemP, D<subs>lex</subs>P], the shared φ-features and specific feature [SPEC] are the label of the whole phrase. Through this derivation, the adjective immediately precedes the head noun, forming the unmarked pattern.</p> <p>In the derivation, two operating hypotheses need to be noted: the AgrP-hypothesis and the M-merger hypothesis. For the AgrP-assumption, the AgrP is an agreement domain for the adjective modifier between DP and nP, based on [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref70">3</reflink>]and [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref71">27</reflink>]. We can find agreement evidence between the attributive adjective and the head noun across languages, although this is not overt and shows no direct influence in Mandarin Chinese. For instance, the honorific marker in Korean <emph>si</emph> and <emph>nim</emph> are respectively attached to the adjective modifier (emha) and a head noun (sensayng), indicating the agreement relationship between the modifying adjective and the noun, as in (20a). More agreement examples are found on the (plural) number agreement tul on the genitive NP and the head noun in Korean, as in (20b). Both examples show the agreement relationship between the modifier and its head noun, which is analyzed as AgrP between the DP and NP ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref72">3</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref73">29</reflink>]; cited in Ma, 2016: 45).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(20)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>Ku emha-(si)-n sensayng-nim-i o-si-ess-ta</italic>.</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>the strict-HON-AM teacher-HON-NOM come-HON-PST-DEC</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"the strict teacher came"</td><td>(Ma, 2016: 45)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>Sonnim-tul-uy tochakkwangkyeng-tul</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>guest-PL-GEN arrival scene-PL</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"the scenes of the guests" arrival'</td><td>(Ma, 2016: 45)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The AgrP-assumption also facilitates to distinguish the <emph>-de</emph> and <emph>de</emph>-less adjectival modifiers in Chinese nominal system. The functional head Agr provides an ideal host for the morphological realization of the subordinator <emph>-de</emph>, while a null spell-out is realized for <emph>de</emph>-less modification.</p> <p>In addition, for the hypothesis of Morphological merger (M-merger), it applies between the adjective base and the subordinator, resulting in AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs> ("AP+Agr" complex). The M-merger operation is supported by inability of inserting any constituent between the adjective and the subordinator -<emph>de</emph>, for example, <emph>yuanlai (*hao)-de jihua</emph>"original good -DE plan."</p> <p>If the Agr-hypothesis and M-merger assumption are in the correct line, the modifier should derive from a functional head Agr, with the adjective AP in its specifier position. The head-specifier relation falls into a morphological merger (M-merger) operation, creating the combined Agr<subs>COMPLEX</subs> (AP+Agr), which does not allow any constituent to insert in between.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-11">Analysis of the Marked Pattern</hd> <p>The adjectives, which appear in an atypical distribution, are widely assumed as foci, expressing emphatic interpretation, and only the <emph>de</emph>-contained adjectives are possible in the non-canonical pattern, as in (19a-b). The reordering of attributive/predicative adjectives in marked patterns, are triggered by one-step or successive cyclic AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs> ("AP+Agr" complex) movement respectively, both of which are motivated by the [FOC] feature checking. An example of the marked attributive pattern (21a) is demonstrated in (21c).</p> <p>As in (21c), the adjectival phrase AP <emph>yuanlai</emph>"original" initially enters the derivation in the specifier position of n<subs>lex</subs>P, and then moves to the specifier node of the Agr<subs>lex</subs>, creating the shared <φ,φ><(=AgrP) feature as its label. The AgrP-assumption and the M-merger hypothesis are adopted to analyze the syntactic distribution of adjectives (like the unmarked pattern). Following the classifier Cl and the number phrase NumP, the informational head Foc is projected with strong focus feature [FOC]. The [FOC] feature in the head Foc looks down to search its focused goal within its minimal domain, and it locates AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs>, rather than NumP, when the adjective modifier AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs> emphasizes the characterizing property of the thing it modifies (e.g., the plan is original, rather than recently changed). Thus, the Foc triggers AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs> to its specifier. Then, the phasal head D<subs>lex</subs> enters the derivation, and the Dem phrase merges in its specifier, following [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref74">27</reflink>] and [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref75">30</reflink>], ending up with the marked Dem>A>Num>N pattern. In nominal phrases, in addition to the position right before the numeral phrase (i.e., ClP), the AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs> can further successively raise up to the left periphery, immediately preceding the demonstrative phrase, which is motivated by the [FOC] feature in the functional discourse head Foc higher than the demonstrative phrase, resulting in the marked A>Dem>Num>N pattern. The focus packaging right before the Cl or before the Dem is supported by CP-DP parallelism, which theoretically permits an informational projection in the nominal left periphery.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(21)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>(yuanlai-de) na (yuanlai-de) liang-ge jihua</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>original-DE that original two-Cl plan</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"those two original plans"</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td><italic>(congming-de) na (congming-de) liang-ge xiaohai</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>smart-DE that smart two-Cl child</td></tr><tr><td /><td colspan="2"><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img8.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0180087717-12">Derivation of Reduced Relative Clause</hd> <p>The predicative adjective with -<emph>de</emph> in Mandarin Chinese is associated with the predicate of a reduced relative clause (as discussed in section 2.1). The adjective in the canonical pattern is derived in Spec-nP, moving to Spec-AgrP, but within a clausal structure. The AgrP (containing the adjective) first raises to the clausal left periphery, then to the nominal left periphery, as a result of successive focus-driven moving.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-13">Analysis of the Unmarked Pattern</hd> <p>The adjective in (22a) is initially derived in Spec-nP, moving to Spec-AgrP, and the subordinator -<emph>de</emph> is realized in the functional head Agr. The AgrP (containing the adjective) locates within a clausal structure, as presented in (22b).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(22)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>na liang-ge congming-de xuesheng</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>DEM two-Cl smart student</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"those two smart student"</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td>Predicative labeling in reduced relative clause</td></tr><tr><td /><td colspan="2"><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img9.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Unlike direct modification, one different operation is noted in the predicative source of a reduced relative clause. An empty PRO is assumed in the predicative source of a reduced relative clause, co-referring with Spec-RootP. The PRO assumption theoretically conforms that the adjectives (either predicative or attributive) are structurally derive in the fixed specifier of a nominal phrase (headed by either a overt noun or an empty PRO), and the predicative-attributive difference is depending on whether the AgrP (containing the adjective phrase) merges with the verbal root phrase in a clausal domain (as in the predicative adjective pattern) or merges with the classifier phrase in a nominal domain (as in the attributive adjective pattern).</p> <p>In the configuration [AP, nP], LA takes the shared feature as its label, that is, nP. When Agr enters the derivation, AP moves to its specifier, taking the shared feature as its labeling, that is, AgrP. The non-phasal heads R(oot) merges into the derivation with v, creating a verbal category. The DP <emph>xuesheng</emph>"student," base-generated in Spec-R (i.e., the Spec of R+v), is labeled as RP. Afterward, in the configuration [T, RP], with T being a non-phasal head, the subject in [Spec, RP] moves to [Spec, T], strengthening the non-phasal head. The raised subject DP <emph>xuesheng</emph>'student' and the non-phasal head T agree in the φ-features, and labeled as such. Later, informational constituent packages into the derivation between the force phrase and the inflectional phrase, that is, between CP and TP, following the CP-split hypothesis ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref76">21</reflink>]). Outside the clausal projection, the classifier enters the derivation, with the numeral phrase in its specifier position. At last, the covert determiner is generated, and the demonstrative phrase enters in the nominal left periphery.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-14">Analysis of the Marked Pattern</hd> <p>Successive focus moving is proposed in the marked pattern. The AP (to be precise AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs>) is generated within the Root phrase, first undergoing raising to the clausal left periphery between CP and TP, as discussed in section 4.2.1, then to the nominal left peripheries, right before the number-classifier phrase or immediately before the demonstrative phrase.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(23)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>(congming-de) na (congming-de) liang-ge xuesheng</italic></td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>smart DEM smart two-Cl student</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"those two smart students"</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td>Predicative labeling in reduced relative clause</td></tr><tr><td /><td colspan="2"><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img10.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The AP<subs>COMPLEX</subs> (i.e., AP+Agr) raising to the focus projection between CP and TP is similar to the unmarked predicative pattern in section 4.2.1. The focalized constituent further moves from the clausal left periphery to the nominal domain: preceding the number-classifier phrase or further to the nominal left periphery right before DemP. The informational focus packaging in the nominal left periphery is theoretically supported by the CP-TP split hypothesis, both of which permit the focus in the left peripheries.</p> <p>The syntactic analysis assumed in this paper is consistent with the differences in semantic relations. It is noted that only <emph>de</emph>-containing adjectives may appear in the noncanonical pattern. This might be relevant to the semantic relation between the adjective and the noun it modifies. The <emph>de</emph>-absent adjectives show a much closer semantic relation with the noun, and no constituent is allowed to be inserted in between; while the <emph>de</emph>-present adjectives bear a relatively loose semantic relation with the noun, and the demonstrative, the numeral and the classifier can be added in between.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-15">Investigation of Nominal Left-Periphery Focus</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0180087717-16">Empirical Investigation of Left-Periphery Focus</hd> <p>The assumption that the nominal periphery is related to the emphatic interpretation and the movement of the adjective in the marked pattern involving focus is supported by superlative and exclamatory NP adjectives, which express speakers' extreme and strong feelings ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref77">14</reflink>]). Next, I will introduce two pieces of evidence from [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref78">14</reflink>].</p> <p>First, the superlative adjective is associated with extreme and emphatic interpretation ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref79">14</reflink>]), and it is much better to appear at the nominal periphery right before the demonstrative instead of preceding the noun, as in (<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref80">24</reflink>). The superlative example indicates that the nominal left periphery provides an informational focus phrase to express the extreme and exhausted readings in this position.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(24)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>Zui-gui-de na yi-liang che shi ta-de.</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>Most-expensive-DE that one-CL car BE his</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"The most expensive car is his."</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td>?<italic>Na yi-liang zui-gui-de che shi ta-de.</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>that one-CL most-expensive-DE car BE his.</td><td>(Adapted from <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr14">Hsu, 2014</xref>: 153)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Second, the exclamatory NP adjective usually expresses the extreme degree of unexpectedness and strong feelings of speaker, and it generally locates at the clause-initial position ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref81">14</reflink>]). The exclamatory adjective must reverse its order to the left of the article, as in (25a-b), which is assumed involving A'-movement ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref82">14</reflink>]). The similar phenomenon is also found in Mandarin Chinese, as in (25c-d), in which the exclamatory adjective usually appears at the nominal left-periphery.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(25)</td><td>a.</td><td>So beautiful a day!</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td>*A so beautiful day!</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td>c.</td><td>Duome/Ruci meili-de yi-jian wuzi!</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>how/so beautiful one-Cl room</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"How/So beautiful a room!"</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td>d.</td><td>?Yi-jian duome/ruci meili-de wuzi</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>one-Cl how/so beautiful room</td><td>(Adapted from <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr14">Hsu, 2014</xref>: 154)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Both superlative and exclamatory adjectives emphasize speakers' extreme and strong feelings, which is associated with focus in the readings. The syntactic distribution of these adjectives usually occur at the left-periphery of a nominal phrase. The above empirical evidence suggests that movement of adnominal adjectives in the left-periphery involves focalized constituents.</p> <hd id="AN0180087717-17">Theoretical Investigation of Left-Periphery Focus</hd> <p>The nominal left-periphery involving focus is also theoretically supported by the CP-DP parallelism hypothesis. The syntactic evidence that the informational structure can link the highest DP and the lower inflectional system (e.g., Num-Cl for numeral information, Dem for deixis information) is demonstrated by CP-DP parallelism. Parallel to split-CPs ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref83">21</reflink>]), the split-DP structure has been proposed by [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref84">4</reflink>] for English and Romance, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref85">1</reflink>] for Gungbe, and [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref86">23</reflink>] for Bangla. For instance, the Romance example in (26a) shows a basic word order, with the unmarked and neutral interpretation. However, in (26b), the post-nominal demonstrative pattern indicates a focus reading, with main stress.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(26)</td><td>a.</td><td><italic>Este libro interesante</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>this book interesting</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"This interesting book"</td><td>(Spanish: <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr4">Bernstein, 2001</xref>:2)</td></tr><tr><td /><td>b.</td><td>El libro interesante este</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>The book interesting this</td><td /></tr><tr><td /><td /><td>"This interesting book"</td><td>(Spanish: <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr4">Bernstein, 2001</xref>:2)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>According to [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref87">4</reflink>], the peripheral positions inside noun phrases are correlated with discourse interpretation. The split-DP system contains topic and focus constituents in the specifier position of left peripheries. [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref88">1</reflink>] further argued that the TopP and FocP project between the highest projection of the system (i.e., DP, parallel to CP in the clausal system), and the lower projection, which is linked to the nominal inflectional system (e.g., number, deixis). When the information packaging is directly linked the highest DP to the number information, the focus may appear right before the classifier projection. When the information packaging is directly related the highest DP to the deixis, the focus can immediately precede the Dem. These two focus packaging positions are both in the nominal-external system, and are named as higher information packaging and lower information packaging in (<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref89">27</reflink>).</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(27)</td><td>Multiple Information Packaging in nominal phrases</td></tr><tr><td /><td><graphic href="10.1177_21582440241271127-img11.tif" content-type="Graph" /></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Applying the inflectional configuration, the reversed adjectival phrase is associated with the emphatic reading, syntactically realized before the Dem, or before the Cl. When the adjective appears right before the noun, it expresses a neutral and unmarked interpretation. Thus, the adnominal adjective can appear in three syntactic positions.</p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><tbody><tr><td>(28) Syntactic nature of attributive adjectives</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><th align="left">Distribution Domain</th><th align="center">Multi-functionality</th><th align="center">Syntactic Representation</th></tr><tr><td>Nominal-external adjectives</td><td>Higher focus packaging</td><td>[<sub>FocP</sub> Focus Dem...]</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Lower focus packaging</td><td>[<sub>FocP</sub> Focus Cl...]</td></tr><tr><td>Nominal-internal adjectives</td><td>Non-focus packaging</td><td>[<sub>AgrP</sub> AP<sub>i</sub> Agr t<sub>i</sub> N]</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0180087717-18">Concluding Remarks</hd> <p>A complex derivational analysis of the canonical and non-canonical prenominal patterns is discussed from the perspective of labeling algorithm. In the canonical pattern, the attributive and the <emph>de</emph>-less predicative adjective are analyzed as direct modification, but the <emph>de</emph>-contained predicative adjective is derived from the predicate of a reduced relative clause. In the non-canonical pattern, the (successive) focus raising is proposed. The focus-hypothesis is empirically supported by superlative and exclamatory adjectives and also theoretically conforms to the parallel properties between clausal CPs and nominal DPs, both of which can host the discourse constituents in the left peripheries.</p> <p>The paper is independently written by the author</p> <ref id="AN0180087717-19"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref85" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Aboh E. O. (2004). The morphosyntax of complement-head sequences. Clause structure and word order patterns in Kwa. Oxford University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref22" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Alexiadou A. 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Nominal-internal phrasal movement in Mandarin Chinese. Linguistic Review, 32(2), 375–425.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Zhu D. (1982). Yufa ji ang yi [Lectures on grammar]. Beijing: Commercial Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Zhuang H. (2016). Ying qu fen han yu zhong de "Ju fa ci". Zhong guo she hui ke xue bao [China social science newspaper], 957.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0180087717-20"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibtext> The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.and/or publication of this article.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The author disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The paper is supported by Beijing Higher Education Association (MS2022079), China University of Mining and Technology- Beijing (SZ230901) (2023SKPYWF01) and Beijing Municipal Social Science Foundation (22YYC015).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> It is not applicable to involve the ethics statement</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> theoretical linguistics, generative syntax, language comparison</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Yanxiao Ma</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext>Graph https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3707-4196</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Data sharing not applicable to this article as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Yanxiao Ma</p> <p>Reported by Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref77"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref86"></nolink>
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  Data: Revisit the Syntax of Nominal-Internal Phrases in Mandarin Chinese
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  Data: 10.1177/21582440241271127
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  Data: The article revisits the canonical (Dem>Num>A>N) and non-canonical (A>Dem>Num>N & Dem>A>Num>N) prenominal patterns in Mandarin Chinese, from the perspective of the Labeling Algorithm. It shows that the syntactic distribution of adjectives are different, depending on the attributive-predicative sources and the presence or absence of the subordinator -de. The attributive adjective (with or without -de) and the de-less predicative adjective are analyzed as direct modification of the noun phrase, and it derives as a specifier of the noun, then falling into an agreement Agr projection. The non-canonical pattern undergoes AgrP-movement to the nominal left-periphery, which involves focus moving. However, the predicative adjective with -de is associated with a predicate of a reduced relative clause, and it undergoes successive focus-driven movement in the non-canonical pattern. The supporting evidence is illustrated in superlative and exclamatory adjectives as well as the CP-DP splitting hypothesis. The labeling-based explanation provides a specific picture to see the internal structure of adjectives, to look at how to package the informational constituents in the prenominal pattern, and to demonstrate the systematic parallelism between nominal and clausal domains in Mandarin Chinese.
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      – SubjectFull: Phrase Structure
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      – TitleFull: Revisit the Syntax of Nominal-Internal Phrases in Mandarin Chinese
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