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Skill, Its Agencies and Institutions: The Formation of Human Capital in Nineteenth-Century Western India

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Title: Skill, Its Agencies and Institutions: The Formation of Human Capital in Nineteenth-Century Western India
Language: English
Authors: Dhiraj Kumar Nite (ORCID 0000-0003-3307-9205), Anjali Kumari, Shuchi Agrawal, Gaurav Setty
Source: Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education. 2024 60(5):845-866.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 22
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Human Capital, Skilled Workers, Skill Development, Educational History, Agencies, Institutions, Apprenticeships, Trade and Industrial Education, Vocational Education, Handicrafts, Illiteracy, Educationally Disadvantaged, Literacy, Colonialism
Geographic Terms: India
DOI: 10.1080/00309230.2023.2213184
ISSN: 0030-9230
1477-674X
Abstract: This article advances an explanation for the dynamics of agencies and institutions responsible for the formation of skills in nineteenth-century western India. It shows that multiple agencies - artisanal apprenticeship, indigenous schools, new "bazar" schools, modern vernacular and English schools, and institutes for technical, industrial and practical instructions - played a limited but responsive role in skill-and-knowledge development. These establishments sought to attend to the conundrum of shortage and obsolescence of and access to industrial and commercial skills in the context of modernisation and incipient industrialisation. Indeed, inherited crafts apprenticeship remained the vital agency of skill formation, despite some of the institutional experiments in and discourses of promotion and modernisation of skills. New agencies together, however, generated less than one-tenth literates in the total population, less than one-third (elementary) enrolment ratio, and less than one year of average schooling. They churned out a small but increasing number of skilled working-persons, thereby contributing over time to a slow spread of skills amongst non-artisanal communities and a small fall in skill premiums. This article modifies the narrative that has posited static, dichotomous images of indigenous and modern agencies of skill-and-knowledge development, and reframes the narrative of emergence and development of vocational/practical education.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1444669
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0180359574;j5401oct.24;2024Oct22.03:09;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0180359574-1">Skill, its agencies and institutions: the formation of human capital in nineteenth-century western India </title> <p>This article advances an explanation for the dynamics of agencies and institutions responsible for the formation of skills in nineteenth-century western India. It shows that multiple agencies – artisanal apprenticeship, indigenous schools, new bazar schools, modern vernacular and English schools, and institutes for technical, industrial and practical instructions – played a limited but responsive role in skill-and-knowledge development. These establishments sought to attend to the conundrum of shortage and obsolescence of and access to industrial and commercial skills in the context of modernisation and incipient industrialisation. Indeed, inherited crafts apprenticeship remained the vital agency of skill formation, despite some of the institutional experiments in and discourses of promotion and modernisation of skills. New agencies together, however, generated less than one-tenth literates in the total population, less than one-third (elementary) enrolment ratio, and less than one year of average schooling. They churned out a small but increasing number of skilled working-persons, thereby contributing over time to a slow spread of skills amongst non-artisanal communities and a small fall in skill premiums. This article modifies the narrative that has posited static, dichotomous images of indigenous and modern agencies of skill-and-knowledge development, and reframes the narrative of emergence and development of vocational/practical education.</p> <p>Keywords: Skill; human capital; vocational education; technical education; schooling; crafts apprenticeship</p> <hd id="AN0180359574-2">Introduction</hd> <p>There is little doubt that primary education among the masses ... has been very much neglected. ... I think primary education of the masses should be made compulsory up to a certain age, say at least 12 years. ... The text-books in use, both in the primary and Anglo-vernacular schools, require revision and recasting as much as they are not practical or progressive in their scope. Lessons on technical education and morality, sanitation and agriculture, and some useful arts, should be interspersed among them in progressive series. (J. Phule, "Memorial addressed to the Indian (WW Hunter) Education Commission in 1882")[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>]</p> <p>The discussion on skill development and access to agencies of skill formation to accelerate economic growth and raise welfare levels in western India in particular and generally the Indian subcontinent had its initial roots in the later nineteenth century, as represented by the foregoing memorial of Jotirao Phule. The effort at skilling Indians has, notably, received a new impetus in the wake of the recent initiative, known as "Skill India Mission", undertaken by the central government in contemporary India since 2015.[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>] The memorial cited above was submitted to the Indian Education Commission in 1882–83 by Jotirao Phule, an educationist and social reformer, when the Indian subcontinent came to epitomise the falling behind in the development of human capital in the nineteenth century. As compared to emerging centres of modern economic growth (the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and France, ex-colonies like the USA and Asian counterparts like Japan), India's level of (primary) education remained abysmally low and limited. India's skill formation was predominantly confined to crafts apprenticeship. The business world arguably grew and thrived;[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>] skill premium and returns on artisanal human capital were fairly substantial; it was significantly more as compared to that of the personnel possessing only (primary) education.[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>] The vast working masses, pejoratively described as coolies, bore the pains of an extremely narrow window of skill-and-knowledge development, and consequently earning of "depressed" wages. A few newly proposed initiatives like those by Phule, indeed, paralleled those found in industrialising countries to address the obsolescence of existing skills and skewed access to the agencies of skill formation. However, the emerging demand of formal education for the commoner, that is, the vast working peoples lost to the opposition from conservative groups, and the demand for vocational/practical education for some of the peasants and the artisans received official support and conservatives' endorsement. This article explains this pattern of skills formation amongst the working population particularly in the construction sector, focusing on its agencies and institutions in nineteenth-century western India, then the Bombay Presidency. The campaign for modernisation and democratisation of skill was relatively noteworthy in this region.</p> <p>A body of extant scholarship argues that the necessity of development of human capital and its logistical requirement remained neglected in colonial India. Socio-economic inequality and heterogeneity along the lines of caste, ethnicity, gender, religion and class caused hurdles in the spread of education. It imposed a skewed policy design that accorded priority to secondary and tertiary education for small numbers, at the cost of a broad-based (primary) education and training.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref5">5</reflink>] While this scholarship criticises the value of the modernist initiative of educational development undertaken by British rule in India,[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref6">6</reflink>] the dynamics of agencies associated with skill formation remains out of its purview.</p> <p>Another interpretation suggests that modern educational establishments improved vocational and employment chances, even though they often pursued a rigid social disciplinary agenda.[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref7">7</reflink>] Returns on literacy and primary schooling were not low; however, it was neither as significant as that of skilled workers, nor was it high enough to attractively offset the opportunity costs of primary schooling in a peasant society.[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref8">8</reflink>] However, the emphasis on education and, thereof, formation of human capital underestimates the sustained importance of crafts apprenticeship, on-job-training and learning by doing.</p> <p>Again other scholars have critically noted that a mixed schema of skill-and-knowledge development unfolded in the nineteenth century: The overall level of (primary) education stagnated.[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref9">9</reflink>] Educational curricula and institutions underwent modernisation, although it prioritised merely the transmission of knowledge.[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref10">10</reflink>] Most crucially, access to formal education became partially and slowly liberalised for Dalits and girls.[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref11">11</reflink>] Private enterprises and state officials came up with two varied responses – conservation and modernisation – to the problem of the misery confronting Indian artisans and the decline in their trades.[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref12">12</reflink>] A number of industrial schools and crafts centres thus opened up, attracting students largely belonging to the lower middle class and privileged castes.[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref13">13</reflink>] Though documenting the recognisable apathy of artisans towards modern training centres, this narrative underplays the success of these centres in transferring technical and practical skills amongst non-artisanal groups. It stops short of reflecting on the dynamics of crafts apprenticeship resilient among artisans.</p> <p>Our discussion below outlines the slow but responsive role played by multiple agencies responsible for skill development – crafts apprenticeship, indigenous schools, new <emph>bazar</emph> schools, modern vernacular and English schools, and special schools for technical, industrial and practical instructions. It challenges the dichotomous narrative in the existing literature on the roles played by indigenous schools, crafts apprenticeships and modern schools. Agencies of formal education and practical training were expanded from the 1840s by private enterprises, and were later supported by the colonial state. However, this approach proved very limited. It generated less than one-tenth literates in the total population, less than one-third (elementary) enrolment ratio, and less than one year of schooling on average. At the same time, it churned out a small but increasing number of skilled persons, thus conducive to the slow spread of skills amongst new social groups, that is, Dalits, other lower castes and girls, and a small fall in skill premiums over time. The article maintains that crafts apprenticeship, with its caste-wise and ethnically restrictive attributes and regulations by community and family, remained the vital agency of skill formation.[<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref14">14</reflink>] Its fruitful integration with agencies of formal education began to develop only at the dawn of the twentieth century. The skills-cum-labour-intensive method generally defined the early phase of modern economic growth in successfully industrialising countries. This study argues that, in contrast, the policy design in India moved at a lumbering pace to foster such a skills-cum-labour-intensive path of development; notwithstanding, some overtures towards the promotion and modernisation of skills existed. This article underscores that the awfully low investment in skill formation by both public and private sectors remained central, despite the growing demand for skill-and-knowledge development amongst the productive classes.</p> <hd id="AN0180359574-3">Indigenous and modern schooling</hd> <p>The formation of skills has globally been attributed to different factors: arrangements for training and education, interest rates and the efficiency of capital market, the factors shaping the demand for skills, real wages and productivity, the family pattern and its approach towards human capital formation, technological intensity, and bargaining capacity of workers.[<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref15">15</reflink>] This article advances the discussion on the quality and dynamics of agencies and institutions responsible for imparting skills-and-knowledge through the combination of formal education and crafts apprenticeship.</p> <p>A range of educational establishments imparted formal education and training – indigenous schools, <emph>bazar</emph> schools, missionary schools, aided vernacular schools, departmental schools, night schools and a few artisanal/technical schools. Their number, curriculum, student enrolment and social horizon underwent a favourable shift over time. Such a shift bore the imprint of the competing zeal of modernisers and conservatives. Reports regularly prepared by revenue officers of the provincial government of the Bombay Presidency since 1824 and its educational department officers since 1842, along with other survey reports and campaign materials, are the sources for our discussion. Additionally, survey reports prepared by the Bombay Native Education Society in the early 1820s shed light on the pre-colonial educational agencies and institutions. Indigenous schools, called <emph>pathsala</emph> or <emph>maktabs</emph>, traditionally dotted the educational landscape. Its existence is now recognised, without a presumption that its presence and contribution diminished fast in the wake of modernisation of schools in the nineteenth century.[<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref16">16</reflink>] Its dynamics has yet not received sufficient attention. Between 1824 and 1882, when surveys were undertaken to map these institutions, along with the numbers of these institutions, the enrolment numbers, too, increased over three-fold, from approx. 1,280 to 4,085 and 26,052 to 82,303 respectively, before shrinking (see Table 1 and Figure 1). It received a fillip from the government policy announced in 1855: providing aid (half salary of teachers) to rural schools if villagers maintained the school building, mostly one classroom. Notably, the presence of these indigenous schools was still grossly limited: in 1858–59, education officers reported that almost 90% of villages in the Bombay province were without any such establishment.[<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref17">17</reflink>] The number of schools and the enrolment of boys slowly increased in response to the growing demand for formal education amongst cultivators, artisans, belonging to underprivileged/lower castes, and others, previously known as untouchables or now as Dalits.</p> <p>Table 1. Educational establishments in the Bombay Presidency.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Years</td><td>Name of the maintaining agency</td><td>Arts college</td><td>Professional school</td><td>Secondary school</td><td>Primary school</td><td>Indigenous school</td><td>Normal school</td><td>Total</td></tr><tr><td>No.</td><td>Pupils</td><td>No</td><td>Pupils</td><td>No.</td><td>Pupils</td><td>No</td><td>Pupils</td><td>No</td><td>Pupils</td><td>No.</td><td>Pupils</td><td>No</td><td>Pupils</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1824</td><td /><td>1</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>2</td><td /><td>1280</td><td>26,052</td><td /><td /><td>1283</td><td>26,052</td></tr><tr><td>1828–29</td><td>Departmental</td><td>1</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>25</td><td>1315</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Extra-departmental</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>1</td><td /><td /><td /><td>1,680</td><td>33,838</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>1</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>25</td><td>1,315</td><td>1,680</td><td>33,838</td><td /><td /><td><bold>1,706</bold></td><td><bold>35,153</bold></td></tr><tr><td>1842</td><td /><td>2</td><td /><td /><td /><td>9</td><td>1,902</td><td>99</td><td>5,554</td><td><bold>1,430</bold></td><td>32,014</td><td /><td /><td>1,540</td><td>39,470</td></tr><tr><td>1847–48</td><td /><td>2</td><td /><td /><td /><td>7</td><td>668</td><td>163</td><td>9,811</td><td>1,751</td><td>38,267</td><td /><td /><td>1,923</td><td>48,820</td></tr><tr><td>1855–56</td><td>Departmental</td><td>2</td><td>103</td><td>7</td><td>311</td><td>23</td><td>3,183</td><td>220</td><td>17,669</td><td /><td /><td>5</td><td>76</td><td>257</td><td>21,342</td></tr><tr><td>Aided and inspected</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>7</td><td>395</td><td>36</td><td>2,342</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>43</td><td>2,737</td></tr><tr><td>Extra-departmental</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>12</td><td>2,022</td><td>176</td><td>9,425</td><td>2,387</td><td>70,514</td><td /><td /><td>2,575</td><td>81,961</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>2</td><td>103</td><td>7</td><td>311</td><td>42</td><td>5,600</td><td>432</td><td>29,436</td><td><bold>2,387</bold></td><td>70,514</td><td>5</td><td>76</td><td>2,875</td><td>106,040</td></tr><tr><td>1870–71</td><td>Departmental</td><td>3</td><td>250</td><td>4</td><td>399</td><td>147</td><td>9,045</td><td>2,307</td><td>129,653</td><td /><td /><td>9</td><td>490</td><td>2,470</td><td>130,837</td></tr><tr><td>Aided and inspected</td><td>2</td><td>47</td><td>2</td><td>213</td><td>62</td><td>6,482</td><td>431</td><td>29,975</td><td>5</td><td>55</td><td /><td /><td>501</td><td>36,772</td></tr><tr><td>Extra-departmental</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>240</td><td>... ....</td><td>240</td><td>12,184</td><td>2,922</td><td>77,000</td><td /><td /><td>3,162</td><td>89,184</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>5</td><td>297</td><td>6</td><td>612</td><td>209 + 240</td><td>15,527</td><td>2,978</td><td>171,812</td><td><bold>2,927</bold></td><td>77,055</td><td>9</td><td>490</td><td>6,134</td><td>265,793</td></tr><tr><td>1881–82</td><td>Departmental</td><td>3</td><td>311</td><td>11/(27)</td><td>1061/(1001)</td><td>147</td><td>11,170</td><td>3,811</td><td>243,959</td><td /><td /><td>6</td><td>433</td><td>3,994</td><td>235,890</td></tr><tr><td>Aided and inspected</td><td>3</td><td>164</td><td>4</td><td>360</td><td>109</td><td>9,373</td><td>1,454</td><td>85,182</td><td>73</td><td>3,548</td><td>3</td><td>120</td><td>1,642</td><td>98,386</td></tr><tr><td>Extra-departmental</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>10</td><td>2,715</td><td>6</td><td>2,000</td><td>4,012</td><td>78,755</td><td /><td /><td>4,028</td><td>83,470</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>6</td><td>475</td><td>15/(27)</td><td>1421/(1001)</td><td>266</td><td>23,258</td><td>5,271</td><td>331,140</td><td><bold>4,085</bold></td><td><bold>82,303</bold></td><td>9</td><td>553</td><td>9,664</td><td>437,746</td></tr><tr><td>1897–98</td><td>Departmental</td><td>11</td><td>1656</td><td>4</td><td>868</td><td>463</td><td>41,979</td><td>9,390</td><td>533,577</td><td /><td /><td>18</td><td>761</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Aided and inspected</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>31</td><td>209</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Extra-departmental</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>90</td><td>3,236</td><td>2672</td><td>64,550</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>11</td><td>1656</td><td>4</td><td>868</td><td>463</td><td>41,979</td><td>9,480</td><td>536,813</td><td>2762</td><td>64,550</td><td>49</td><td>770</td><td>12,679</td><td>648,641</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 Sources: Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education</emph>; Bruce, <emph>RBEBP 1840–42</emph>, 1842; Perry, <emph>RBEBP 1847–48</emph>, 1849; Khanolkar, <emph>Indigenous Elementary Education</emph>; Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1857</emph>; Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 36; Giles, <emph>RDPIBP 1899</emph>.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Agencies of skill formation and its enrolment.</p> <p>These <emph>pathsalas</emph> and <emph>maktabs</emph> were mostly elementary and primary schools. The curriculum at a <emph>pathsala</emph> principally included reading, writing, mental arithmetic, accounts and versified Puranic tales.[<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref18">18</reflink>]<emph>Maktabs</emph> concentrated on Persian, Hindustani and Arabic languages, and Quranic verses.[<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>] While the colonial sources highlight the religious and oral form of instruction, we could equally note that the <emph>pathsalas</emph> maintained some curriculum very much keeping in mind a caste-based vocation. They provided elementary instruction in subjects of mental arithmetic and those of practical utility, such as farming and crafts to students of these productive classes in their respective caste-based occupations.[<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref20">20</reflink>] Indigenous schools were usually interlaced with the customary caste orders operating in villages. Schools beyond the primary level were exclusively open to male students belonging to the privileged castes, that is, Brahmans, Prabhus (Kayasthas) and Wanees/Vaniks. The <emph>pathsala</emph> admitted all boys but those children belonging to Dalits and some of the underprivileged castes who were condemned as having a "polluting" effect on pupils of privileged castes.[<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>] The anxiety related to the control of women's sexuality, and the sexist assumptions of lower intelligence possessed by women, meant that girls across castes remained out of the ambit of these schools (see Table 3).[<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref22">22</reflink>]</p> <p>Merchants in towns found indigenous schools indifferent, and unsuitable for the practical wants of their children. In response, merchants set up <emph>bazar</emph> schools in towns which provided instruction in reading, writing of letters and bills, book-keeping, accounts and a particular script (<emph>Munda</emph>) and language of trade (called <emph>Mahajani</emph>) followed by some mercantile communities.[<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref23">23</reflink>] As early as 1824, observers in the Deccan initially termed them as Marwarry and Telingee schools, while those in Surat were called Banian and Shroffs schools.[<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref24">24</reflink>] Since then, their numbers grew in urban pockets, where mercantile families were concentrated. The phenomenon was readily noticeable in Gujarat. E.I. Howard, Director of Public Instruction, enumerated 176 such schools, and 3,351 pupils enrolled in 1862–63, and reported about them as private native schools that were not listed within indigenous schools.[<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref25">25</reflink>]</p> <p>Social reformers, philanthropic private enterprises and the provincial government increasingly declared indigenous schools inadequate, "inefficient" and "indifferent".[<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref26">26</reflink>] As an alternative, private schools, government-aided vernacular schools and fully departmental schools were established. Such an establishment initially began with missionaries' initiatives for girls' education in the 1820s. M. Elphinstone's policy of promoting education among the traditional literati, and additionally raising their standards, led to the opening up of a few government vernacular district schools from 1824.[<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref27">27</reflink>] It received a new impetus from the government policy adopted in 1841–42: one rural school for every 2000 persons, that is, 110 boys as per the Munro principle implemented in the Madras province. This resulted in the first round of increases in schools, before the impact of Wood's Despatch in 1854. The amendment to the policy in 1855 relaxed its population parameter to provide aid to private initiatives and opening up a rural school for the people in every radius of 2 miles or one <emph>koss</emph>.[<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref28">28</reflink>] Other stakeholders seized the opportunity offered by the government aid to private initiatives, and accelerated the drive. The number of total schools and students enrolled therein grew between 1842 and 1898, from 1,540 to 12,679 (about 8-fold) and 39,470 to 648,641 (approx. 16-fold), respectively (See Table 1).</p> <p>These modern establishments distinguished themselves by their claim of being secular, and open to all social groups. Some scholars have rightly demonstrated that public educational establishments in both pre-colonial and colonial periods were socially conservative, and exclusionary.[<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref29">29</reflink>] The officials of the Bombay government initially promoted modern education for the traditional groups of literati and well-off, described as "natives of good castes and the superior classes".[<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref30">30</reflink>] They justified it by falling back upon caste prejudices shared by these Indians against what Elphinstone's Minute in 1823/24 described as "the lowest castes", that is, Dalits and other labouring poor.[<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref31">31</reflink>] The controversial episode around the rejection of admission of Erloo bin Narayan, a Mahar boy, at the Dharwar vernacular government school saw the formulation of twin policies: an abstract policy of openness of government schools, irrespective of creed, caste and race, and practical measures of not harming the objective of educating respectable natives. Paik calls it the contradictory policy of opening and discriminating at the same time,[<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref32">32</reflink>] which meant the accommodation of prejudices and objections against the presence of pupils of "vile" lower castes.[<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref33">33</reflink>] Some of the government schools and missionary schools reported the admission of Dalits/Depressed classes (Mahars, Mangs, Parwarees and Chamahars). However, they segregated them from privileged castes, and assigned the verandah (courtyard) of schools for their attendance. The Bombay government further hallowed this segregationist approach by entertaining a proposal of separate, special schools under "native management" for Dalits in 1859.[<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref34">34</reflink>]</p> <p>Over time, the curriculum in these schools included instruction in reading, writing, grammar, arithmetic (with geometry and trigonometry), history, geography, systems of government and physical and mathematical sciences. Optional subjects included elementary drawing and field instruction in agriculture. At some centres, this optional field instruction covered printing, carpentry, joinery and smithery.[<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref35">35</reflink>] Some girls' schools were set up to promote girls' education within the overall custom of gender segregation. Girls' schools frequently taught needlework, in addition to subjects taught in government schools.[<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref36">36</reflink>] Some vernacular night schools were also set up in large towns. These attracted labouring classes and factory workers, especially Mahars. These schools ignored remonstrations registered by the townspeople of privileged castes against the entry of Dalits and other lower castes into schools. In Bombay, there were 3,919 students attending 134 night schools in 1881–82. Here, the instruction was limited to bare rudiments of reading, writing and deciphering. W.W. Hunter, Chairman of the Indian Education Commission of 1882, observed that "these schools have proved a great success, and more are demanded than the department can supply".[<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref37">37</reflink>]</p> <p>At the turn of the twentieth century, the establishment of formal education and training of all varieties reached nearly one-quarter of all villages, that is, all large villages inhabited by over 1,000 persons.[<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref38">38</reflink>] The number of schools grew 10-fold and their students 25-fold in this period. Notwithstanding this, (elementary) enrolment ratio of the boys and girls in the relevant age group (6–10 years) merely oscillated between 23.7, 26.3 and 20% in the last three census periods of 1881–1901. The progress of formal education even in its basic sense of literacy and numeracy was awfully low and slow to advance. The estimated number of literate persons was lower than one-tenth of the whole population, including less than one pe rcent of total women in the nineteenth-century Bombay province (see Tables 2 and 3). Most of the literates had only elementary and primary schooling. The average duration of schooling per person remained less than one year. Indians categorically lagged behind those of the centres of modern economic development, including its Asian counterpart, Japan (see Table 2).</p> <p>Table 2. Years of Education, Literacy and Enrolment Ratio.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Average Yeras of Education (Per Person Employed*/Of total Population)</td><td>Literacy (percentage)</td><td>Under Instruction (of total population) & Elementary Enrolment (of pupils aged 06/07–10/12)</td></tr><tr><td>Year</td><td>Britain</td><td>USA</td><td>Japan</td><td>India</td><td>Year</td><td>England and Wales</td><td>Bombay Province</td><td>England and Wales</td><td>Bombay Province</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1820</td><td>2/1.8</td><td>1.75</td><td>1.5</td><td>n.a</td><td>1820s</td><td>53</td><td>approx. 6</td><td>6.25 and ...</td><td>0.75 and 23(?)</td></tr><tr><td>1830</td><td>... /1.9</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>1840</td><td>... /2.2</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td>1842</td><td /><td /><td /><td>... and 17.3</td></tr><tr><td>1850</td><td>... /2.6</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>1860</td><td>... /3.1</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td>n.a.</td><td>1860</td><td /><td /><td /><td>0.9 and ...</td></tr><tr><td>1870</td><td>4.44/ 3.6</td><td>3.92/ 5.6</td><td>1.5/ 01</td><td>... / 0.1</td><td>1872</td><td>77.3</td><td>5.07</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>1880</td><td>... /4.4</td><td>... /6</td><td>... /1.1</td><td>... /0.1</td><td>1881</td><td>85</td><td>5.7</td><td>12 and 100</td><td>3.43 and 23.7</td></tr><tr><td>1890</td><td>6.11/ 4.8</td><td>5.43/ 6.6</td><td>2.71/ 1.5</td><td>... / 0.2</td><td>1891</td><td>95</td><td>7</td><td /><td>3.64 and 26.3</td></tr><tr><td>1900</td><td>... /5.3</td><td>... /7.1</td><td>... /2.2</td><td>... /0.3</td><td>1901</td><td>99</td><td>6.45</td><td /><td>... and 20.03</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>2 Sources: * A. Maddison, <emph>Contours of the World Economy</emph> (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 305, 384; Jan Luiten van Zanden, Joerg Baten, Marco Mira d'Ercole, Auke Rijpma, Canal Smith and Marcel Timmer, eds., <emph>How Was Life: Global Well-Being Since 1820</emph> (IISH: OECD, 2014), 96; the Census Reports of the Bombay Presidency in 1872, 1881, 1891 and 1901, section on Education; Parulekar, <emph>Literacy in Pre-British Days</emph>, 8–9; Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education</emph>, xIii–iii. (?): 23% of the boys, or 11.5% of both girls and boys, for 3 years of schooling in the actual school-going age from 7/8 year to 12 year. Few girls attended the indigenous school, and a good number of boys and some Muslim girls pursued elementary education at home; therefore, the actual number of pupils under instruction could have been, suggests Parulekar, nearly double of what European investigators enumerated from attendance of formal schools in the 1820s–30s.</p> <p>Table 3. Education: number and percentage of (a. total male or female, b. total population).</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td>Males</td><td>Female</td><td>Total literate</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Under instruction</td><td>Literate</td><td>Illiterate</td><td>Under instruction</td><td>Literate</td><td>Illiterate</td><td>(M + F)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1881</td><td>244,058 (a. 3.2)</td><td>572,895 (a. 7.9)</td><td>6,340,920 (a. 88.9)</td><td>16,259 (a. 0.23)</td><td>29,799 (a. 0.41)</td><td>6,813,645 (a. 99.36)</td><td>602,694 (b. 5.8)</td></tr><tr><td>1891</td><td /><td>a. 13.1</td><td>a. 86.9</td><td /><td>a. 0.87</td><td>a. 99.13</td><td>b. 7</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>3 Sources: Baines, <emph>Census of Bombay Presidency 1881</emph>, Vol. 1: 150–51 and Vol. II: 66; W.W. Drew, <emph>Census of Bombay Presidency for 1891</emph>, Vol. 1 (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1892), 104.</p> <p>The demand for formal education grew amongst cultivators, artisans and other Dalit boys and girls in general.[<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref39">39</reflink>] Initially, the access of Dalits and a few lower castes to formal education was frequently confined to the availability of missionary schools,[<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref40">40</reflink>] and those schools set up by persons of public spirit and social reform like Jotirao Phule and Savitribai Phule in the Pune region.[<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref41">41</reflink>] The establishment of vernacular (secular) schools, English schools and night schools by the provincial government, especially following the establishment of the Education Board in 1840–42, gradually attracted Dalits and members of underprivileged castes to such learning centres.[<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref42">42</reflink>] Similarly, girls slowly accessed formal education when missionaries, reformers and the government set up girls' schools.[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref43">43</reflink>] This new window of opportunities was, nonetheless, an extremely narrow opening in their case. Girls, traditionally, bore the brunt of child marriage, which restricted their participation in skilled occupations.[<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref44">44</reflink>] And yet, the opening up of the social horizon of formal education for Dalits and women, and the modernisation of its curricula, were indubitably modernist claims of progress in skill formation. This development was reflected in Tarabai Shinde's feminist tract that appreciated modern educational opportunities made available to women.[<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref45">45</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0180359574-4">Crafts apprenticeship and on-job training</hd> <p>Crafts apprenticeship remained a vital instrument of skill formation in the nineteenth century,[<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref46">46</reflink>] while its accessibility and effectiveness came under sharp scrutiny. A good number of those classified as "illiterates" were proficient in their hereditary crafts, trades and vocations. They acquired and sharpened vocational skills through artisanal apprenticeship undertaken under the guidance of a master craftsperson and tradesman. Many apprentices managed either reading or mental arithmetic. Often they were able to write at least their names. However, they could not comfortably demonstrate these skills together, before census enumerators.[<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref47">47</reflink>] Their partial and hesitant ability in writing, reading, or mental arithmetic resulted from dropping out of elementary schools within a year or two. Many belonging to artisans, cultivators and other depressed classes, before dropping out, usually had an early initiation into the customary, caste-specific vocations at the indigenous schools. Subsequently, they devoted their childhood to learning practical knowledge of crafts and trades, through apprenticeship undertaken on the shop floor. Those from the trading and banking backgrounds completed two–three years of elementary schooling. Subsequently, they did a significant period of apprenticeship in shops and/or houses of bankers and merchants to acquire proficiency in account-keeping and commercial correspondence. Thus T.C. Hope, the Educational Inspector of Gujarat Division, noted in 1855–56:</p> <p>As was the case 25 years ago, so it is now, moderate proficiency in reading and writing is acquired after the boys leave the schools, either by attending the shops of bankers and merchants, where accounts and commercial correspondence are learned, or by studying at home.[<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref48">48</reflink>]</p> <p>Pupils expecting to join the industry were taken by their guardians, generally at the age of six or seven, on some auspicious day to a master artisan, usually a relative or friend. The apprentice, customarily, joined the shop floor without payment of a fee, or proof of literary or other qualifications. They or their guardians usually made a small present to the master craftsman or foreman. In some trades, a religious initiation ceremony took place.[<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref49">49</reflink>] For some time, apprentices were expected to perform menial duties of the shop floor, such as opening and cleaning of the shop and keeping the master's tools in proper order. They were put to work on the simplest operation in the trade. They initially received no regular pay; however, they usually received enough for their subsistence in return for services. As soon as they began to execute valuable work, the master craftsman granted them allowances on a rising scale corresponding to the growing usefulness of the apprentices' performance. This allowance, normally, reached up to 50% of the wage-income of the regular craftsperson.[<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref50">50</reflink>] In a period of 10 to 12 years, with constant practice, apprentices attained some degree of efficiency according to their ability and opportunities.[<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref51">51</reflink>] At this stage, they either went out into the world as a workman, or they secured a place on the permanent roll of the shop floor. The standard of apprenticeship largely depended on the skill of instructors and the interest they took in their apprentices.</p> <p>Customarily, the benefit of artisanal apprenticeship was conferred, mostly, on those who were relatives of the master artisan or of the employees. Such persons had a prior claim to being trained. Consequently, artisanal apprenticeship as an opportunity for skilling and growth was, frequently, confined to members of the same caste groups.[<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref52">52</reflink>] Apprenticeship would also take the shape of the training of children by the parents in the family trade itself, resulting in the hereditary nature of vocations.</p> <p>It was difficult, but not impossible, for individuals of non-artisanal groups to become apprentices in the <emph>bazar</emph> in the later nineteenth century. In the construction sector, traditionally, Sutars (carpenters), Gaundis, Kadias and Kadlas (masons) and Kumahars (earthen-workers, tile- and brick-makers) constituted this artisanal segment.[<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref53">53</reflink>] They enjoyed the status of skilled persons, as a special class needed for complex construction necessitating the use of brick, stone, tiles and timbers. Even members of the Lonari community – lime-cum-shell burners – could also be considered a part of the construction sector.[<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref54">54</reflink>] The later nineteenth century saw members of the cultivating caste (Koonbees) and the general worker (Waddars) taking up masonry. These groups were outside the traditional mason community, and began to perform the "lower description" of building construction. The latter included the making of huts, houses of mud and thatched roof, stone walling and stone fences.[<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref55">55</reflink>] The business in infrastructure building of the railways, metalled roads, bridges and public buildings, and that of private houses spurred by the population growth, called for new entrants to suit cost-effectiveness. Now, new entrants hired on the large construction projects worked under the technical command of the certified personnel, called civil engineer, overseer and <emph>maistry</emph>, who were pass-outs of the new technical institutes.[<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref56">56</reflink>] These entrants mastered construction skills primarily through learning by doing and on-job training. They worked under the command and instructions from both the personnel trained at the new institutions and craftspersons trained through traditional apprenticeship.</p> <p>In the emerging hierarchies, master artisans were pushed down in their roles and oversight.[<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref57">57</reflink>] However, the later nineteenth century witnessed a remarkable development: some of the master artisans composed, published and circulated artisanal manuals to popularise good techniques of masonry, smithy and carpentry. Riyasat Ali Sarshar's <emph>Tazkirah al-Aiwan</emph> (Recollections of Buildings, 1875) and Sayyid Muhab Ali Khan's <emph>Dastur al-Bana</emph> (the Rules of Building, 1869) were some such initiatives in the field of masonry construction.[<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref58">58</reflink>] Through these knowledge enterprises, the master craftsperson introduced a modern dimension to apprenticeship, and the generation and transmission of relevant skills-and-knowledge. Among other aims, they sought to encourage the artisanal class to sharpen their skills, share pride in their profession, and bargain for a respectable socio-economic standing. The new artisan manuals projected that the skill-and-knowledge of master artisans was valuable, up-to-date and, at the same time, truly tradition-bound. Their manuals integrated the modern masonry techniques, such as concrete lime plastering on stone, usage of burned bricks and concrete-lime-water ratios. All these would help them negotiate newly emerging hierarchies between institutionally educated personnel (architect, engineer, overseer, draughtsperson and <emph>maistry</emph>), on the one hand, and apprenticeship-trained artisans, on the other. This new epiphenomenon slowly developed alongside the scenario that the established mason communities exercised monopoly over brick masonry, and apprenticeship thereof. Through this, they sought to preserve the advantages of wage-income and social status against new entrants. The discourse of social rigidity in the crafts apprenticeship, articulated by Clibborn,[<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref59">59</reflink>] overlooks the emerging reality of differential construction skills slowly being acquired by new social groups.</p> <p>The problematic and restrictive features, inter alia, of customary apprenticeship, drew sharp criticism in the later nineteenth century. Another aspect of indigenous apprenticeship facing critical scrutiny was the perpetuation of inferior tools, outdated design, and the absence of theoretical instruction. Critics called for the promotion and establishment of, variously called, industrial, crafts, practical, technical education for the promotion and improvement of industrial and commercial skills, as elaborated below.</p> <hd id="AN0180359574-5">Industrial schools and vocational education</hd> <p>A very small number of the working population benefited from an opportunity for skill-and-knowledge development through technical and practical education. Some of these establishments started in the 1850s (see Table 4). Their number shot up, and the range of their curricula broadened from the late nineteenth century, following the announcement of a government policy to promote technical and vocational education in 1885–86. These establishments existed at broadly three levels: collegiate, i.e. after matriculation, industrial schools after primary schooling, and practical courses in secondary and primary schools. The Bombay Presidency was a leading province in British India in terms of adoption and promotion of instruction in technical subjects at secondary schools, with options available even at the level of upper primary schools before the mid-1880s.[<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref60">60</reflink>]</p> <p>Table 4. Agencies of technical and practical education in 1884–1885.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td /><td /><td>Bombay</td><td>India</td></tr><tr><td>Level of education</td><td>Subject area</td><td>No. of schools</td><td>No. of students</td><td>No. of schools</td><td>No. of students</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Classes in high school</td><td>Art</td><td>36</td><td>2,713</td><td>80</td><td>2713</td></tr><tr><td>Agriculture</td><td>8</td><td>289</td><td>8</td><td>280</td></tr><tr><td>School education</td><td>School of arts</td><td>1 since 1857</td><td>251</td><td>4</td><td>655</td></tr><tr><td>School of law</td><td>.</td><td>.</td><td>1</td><td>71</td></tr><tr><td>Medical schools</td><td>9</td><td>257</td><td>17</td><td>1,403</td></tr><tr><td>Engineering schools</td><td>2</td><td>098</td><td>20</td><td>755</td></tr><tr><td><bold>Industrial schools</bold></td><td>7 (1 since 1855)</td><td>307</td><td>45</td><td>1,970</td></tr><tr><td>Schools of agriculture</td><td>1</td><td>046</td><td>2</td><td>142</td></tr><tr><td>University education</td><td>Law</td><td>2</td><td>244</td><td>19</td><td>1,131</td></tr><tr><td>Medicine</td><td>1 (since 1845)</td><td>277</td><td>3</td><td>533</td></tr><tr><td>Engineering</td><td>1 (since 1854)</td><td>102</td><td>4</td><td>318</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td /><td>68 (33.4% of total schools in India)</td><td>4,584 (46% of total students India)</td><td>203</td><td>9,971</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>4 Sources: Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 5.</p> <p>At these establishments, pupils learnt drawing (free-hand, model, object and geometrical), mathematical and natural sciences, and both theoretical and practical engagement with one of the chosen trades, like agriculture, carpentry, woodwork, iron-smithery, mechanical arts, weaving, tailor work, masonry, leather work, shoe-making, and the like. They received practical lessons at experimental farms and workshops maintained by these establishments (see Table 5). The <emph>Maistree</emph> Classes at the Poona College of Engineering offered instruction in construction of buildings and roads, practical mathematics, surveying, and the use of chain and compass. Its students mostly came from the community of carpenters.[<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref61">61</reflink>] J. Clibborn, Investigator of the Commission on Industrial Education in India, found that there were four industrial schools dedicated to instruction in masonry as late as 1902.[<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref62">62</reflink>]</p> <p>Table 5. Subjects of instruction and pedagogy.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Indigenous schools</td><td>Elementary level (3 years)</td><td>Vernacular instructions in reading, rudimentary writing, mental calculation, accounting, religious lessons and caste-based crafts.</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><italic>Bazar</italic> schools</td><td>Primary level</td><td>Vernacular instructions in reading, writing, arithmetic, accounting and book-keeping.</td></tr><tr><td>Artisanal apprentices</td><td /><td>Initiation and training into crafts, accounting and book-keeping.</td></tr><tr><td>Vernacular modern schools</td><td>Primary level</td><td>Vernacular instructions in reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar, history, geography, the system of government, physical sciences, and optional subjects of elementary drawing, field instruction in agriculture, printing, carpentry, joinery and smithery.</td></tr><tr><td>English modern schools</td><td>Mostly secondary level and some primary level</td><td>Instructions in reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar, history, geography, the system of government, and physical sciences, and drawing.</td></tr><tr><td>Night schools</td><td>Elementary</td><td>Vernacular instructions in rudimentary reading, writing and mental calculation.</td></tr><tr><td>Industrial schools and crafts institutes</td><td>Secondary level</td><td>Some liberal education alongside theoretical and practical instructions in carpentry, smithery, painting, fitting and turning, embroidery, tailoring, shoe-making, masonry, cabinet-making, inlyaing and carving, weaving, etc.</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>5 Sources: Bruce, <emph>RBEBP 1842</emph>; General Department Reports of 1824 and 1825; Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1855</emph>; Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>; Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>; Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education</emph>; Khanolkar, <emph>Elementary Indigenous Education</emph>.</p> <p>The establishments of technical and practical education grew as a result of initiatives undertaken initially by missionaries and private enterprises, and later supported by the colonial state. The challenges associated with the construction of canals, metalled roads, railways and built architectures necessitated trained personnel for surveying and civil engineering under the auspices of the Public Works Department. This meant the setting up of a few technical colleges and institutes in India to meet the requirement of construction personnel. In the Bombay Presidency, two such institutes were the College of Science at Poona, later known as the Poona College of Civil Engineering, opened in 1854, and the Institute of Civil Engineering at Bombay University.[<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref63">63</reflink>] The workshops of these institutes, additionally, functioned as technical schools for preparing overseers and surveyors, and as industrial schools for <emph>maistrys</emph> and others. For instance, the College of Science at Poona offered instruction in carpentry, masonry, smithy and moulding.</p> <p>Private enterprise fostered industrial schools in the same time period when the collegiate technical institutes took shape. There were seven such establishments, training 4,584 students, in Bombay province by the mid-1880s. The oldest of these was the Sewree Industrial School, later renamed as the David Sassoon Reformatory & Industrial School in 1857, for both jail inmates and free apprentices in Bombay. It trained pupils in carpentry, smith's work, painting, fitting and turning, embroidery, tailoring and shoe-making.[<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref64">64</reflink>] Its historical journey paralleled the well-known J.J. School of Arts and Industry set up in 1857 in Bombay. Another better-known establishment was located in Ratnagiri from 1879. It trained pupils in carpentry, cabinet-making, inlaying and carving, turning and polishing. The aided FCM industrial school at Poona offered training in printing from 1878.</p> <p>A number of concerns, sometimes poles apart, drove the campaign of industrial and practical education. Private enterprises and social reformers sought to promote and improve production skills through these establishments. Some of them aimed to modernise the manufacturing capacity of Indian artisans. Their efforts were geared towards enabling artisans to meet competition and the demands of modern tastes. Others, additionally, sought to promote industrial skills amongst the working masses, thereby contributing to industrial advances. This view equally critiqued the predominance of liberal or literary education, which did not prepare pupils for independent industrial and commercial pursuits.[<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref65">65</reflink>]</p> <p>As mentioned above, J. Phule submitted a memorial to the Indian Education Commission of 1882, also known as the Hunter Commission, asking for the promotion of practical and industrial education amongst cultivators, artisans and others, from primary school onwards. Phule argued such education would prepare the children of the productive classes to improve and expand their vocations.[<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref66">66</reflink>] Hunter's report of the Indian Education Commission in 1883 recommended providing instruction in non-literary or practical and commercial subjects from high-school level, and also in special schools (see Table 5). In agreement with some of the memorials received, Hunter's report underlined the necessity of practical and technical education, "which shall fit boys for commercial or industrial pursuits".[<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref67">67</reflink>] The Government of India approved of this recommendation, and accorded significance to it by asking the concerned department to execute the corresponding plan from 1885–86.[<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref68">68</reflink>]</p> <p>This approach of the government in the late nineteenth century discernibly differed from its approach in the mid-nineteenth century. In the late 1850s, the Education Department entertained the policy of providing industrial and practical education, instead of liberal, literary education, to Dalits and tribes in special schools. The proposal addressed the objection registered by members of privileged castes against the entry of what they termed as polluting, "vile" castes, and intended to prepare traditional labouring masses for modernised, efficient vocations.[<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref69">69</reflink>] A (conservative) nationalist, B.G. Tilak, maintained a similar logic in his advocacy of practical learning for cultivating classes and Dalits. Tilak expressed reservations against mass education and secular, open schools. He called for religious and technical education for the upper castes, and separate practical instruction for children of peasants, artisans and other depressed castes.[<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref70">70</reflink>] M.G. Ranade, a (liberal) nationalist, advocated the necessity of mass education that would be differential: modern liberal education for the well-off, and elementary indigenous education as well as practical learning for the productive classes.[<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref71">71</reflink>] A feminist reformer, P. Ramabai, contributed to this debate when she called for efforts to educate women to uplift them from suffering, dependence and misery. She highlighted and, additionally, took initiatives in 1887 to prepare high-caste widows as native women teachers, who would be successful in providing instruction in the zenana (female precincts in the houses) and special houses to the high-caste girls. The latter were supposedly anxious about losing their caste status in the common girls' schools.[<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref72">72</reflink>]</p> <p>It should be noted that the demand for technical education and practical training was stronger in the Bombay province than in other Indian regions[<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref73">73</reflink>] Provincial officials, initially, responded unenthusiastically to such a demand. They maintained that, unlike Europe, India was essentially an agricultural country, with pre-eminently small peasant-holders with little or no capital at their disposal. The development of industry, manufacturing and mining was still very low and backward. In these circumstances, W. Wedderburn (Chief Secretary, Government of the Bombay Presidency) stated:</p> <p>technical education cannot create manufacture; it forms merely the adjunct of good general education for the supply of skilled labour to the demand of capital which is our indispensable factor and of the enterprising spirit which does not shun incurring the risk which attends such investments of capital.[<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref74">74</reflink>]</p> <p>Under public pressure and demand, local and provincial departments increased their involvement over time in industrial and non-literary education. The number of industrial schools grew to 16, having approximately 800 pupils, besides those practical courses attached to ordinary schools, by 1892.[<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref75">75</reflink>] It further doubled to become 32, with 1,774 students, by 1902 in the Bombay province: they accounted for a quarter of such establishments and students in colonial India.[<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref76">76</reflink>]</p> <p>These vocational schools and courses were initially lauded for attracting and training boys belonging to a range of social groups, including a large number of Brahman boys, and some of those from cultivators and artisans.[<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref77">77</reflink>] Industrial schools and practical courses, although extremely limited in numbers, were fairly popular among the lower middle class belonging to privileged castes. These social groups grabbed this as an opportunity to acquire formal education without fees and also enjoying a stipend up to Rs 4 a month for such a study. They showed greater enthusiasm towards instruction in theoretical, literary and drawing subjects, and a half-hearted engagement with practical lessons organised in the workshop, shop floor and farms. Students passing out from these courses showed greater interest in using this education to pursue clerical employment, as school masters and in university positions, rather than committing themselves to pursuits of crafts and trades learnt in these schools.[<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref78">78</reflink>] While noting this tendency, A.P. MacDonnell, Secretary to the Government of India (Home Department), sanguinely observed in 1886 that the notion that "the education of the mind and the education of the hands are distinct and even contradictory prevails too widely in India. A revolution in technical schools alongside the ordinary literary schools for the practical instruction may bridge this gap".[<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref79">79</reflink>]</p> <p>Noting the progress of practical and industrial schools, a decade and half later, investigators like E.C. Buck, Chairman of the Committee on Practical and Technical Education of 1901, and J. Clibborn, who headed the Committee on Industrial Education of 1902, were not so optimistic. Buck and Clibborn recommended the selection of pupils belonging to the occupational castes associated with industrial vocations, who would use the knowledge acquired at industrial and practical schools to pursue industrial vocations. Additionally, they recommended the need to curtail the scope of literary instruction, amplifying the place of practical lessons, and using the apprenticeship model of training, in place of teaching-hall-based instructions. The government approved Clibborn's recommendation, stating, "These schools should be admitting only pupils who will proceed to practice the industry taught. ... The education given in these schools should be so ordered as not to fit the pupil for clerical employment".[<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref80">80</reflink>] This shift in the policy had the potential to pedagogically prepare industrial artisans for practical labour, dissociated from conceptual or thought labour. The emerging campaign of scientific management also peddled such a disjunction. Formulated in the early twentieth century, this was a characteristically colonial resolution to the challenges posed by the people's demand for education and their preference for occupational upward mobility, beyond the labour-intensive work.[<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref81">81</reflink>]</p> <p>Students at new practical and technical schools, consisting of both art schools and industrial schools, encountered the twin approaches that McGowan has termed as "conservationist" and "modernising".[<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref82">82</reflink>] The former took shape in arts schools while the latter were n industrial schools. Students learnt theoretical and practical aspects of one or other industrial branch, and acquainted themselves with its tools, designs and outturns. Over time at industrial schools, this modernising exercise confronted two different proposals. The first highlighted the preference for an improvement of artisanal hand machines, and manufactures produced by native hand industries.[<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref83">83</reflink>] The second suggested the use of better tools and experimental inputs from the high technical institutes for efficiency and competitiveness in the local industries.[<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref84">84</reflink>] Additionally, the second noticed that students did not get acquainted with the commercial side of crafts learnt. It recommended that developing "crafts" schools in association with a local industry would be useful. The government approved of the foregoing second list of proposals for improvement and promotion of institution of skill formation in 1903–04.[<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref85">85</reflink>] This was meant to sharpen the modernising thrust, leading to a fruitful unification between formal education and apprenticeship. It provided the skill development programme with an appearance of what took place in Prussia/Germany, the envious centre of the second industrial revolution, from the 1820s on.[<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref86">86</reflink>] However, this modernising thrust was confronted with an in-built limit in the absence of any programme of mass education.</p> <hd id="AN0180359574-6">In built-limits of human capital development programme</hd> <p>The foregoing array of initiatives for skill development and its codes of discussion looked fast-paced and remarkable in its own terms. Notwithstanding this, the total strength of educational establishments at all levels and their students, approximately 12.7 thousand and 0.65 million respectively (see Table 1), were by their very design un-accommodative for the vast size of the young population in the age group of 5–15. The latter numbered about five million in the closing years of the nineteenth century. The agency and institution responsible for the scope and substance of human capital formation arguably broadened and underwent modernisation. However, it did not progress enough to meet either the requirement of a path of skills-cum-labour intensive development or the demand increasingly made by liberal reformers and the well-to-do classes. The aspirations for social progress and occupational mobility guided the accentuated demand for education and practical instruction. The feminist and anti-caste radical Savitribai Phule emphatically articulated it in her verses: she urged the deprived masses, described as Shudras and Ati-Shudras, to seek the rational English education for self-reliance, honour and freedom from caste and ignorance.[<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref87">87</reflink>] Such an aspiration and urge were manifest in the growing number of students in schools: from 20 per school, on average, in the 1820s, to 35 in the 1850s and to 50 in the 1890s.</p> <p>A persistent reliance on craft apprenticeship and a weak linkage between theoretical and practical instruction, additionally, defined the scheme of skill-and-knowledge development, as it were. The recent work by Ducker argues that churches and the colonial state took necessary measures to promote educational development. Rather than problems of fund allocations or application of supportive intension, the colonial government faced a shortage of time to see through reassuring advancement of its own useful initiatives.[<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref88">88</reflink>] While refuting this justification for the prolongation of colonial rule, this article offers an alternative explanation for the gains in skill formation and its in-built limits.</p> <p>This article argues that the narrow-accommodative design of educational agencies was partly attributable to the political economic institution: the latter committed about four per cent of the public revenue – consisting of local (rural) cess, municipal cess and provincial taxes and receipts – to establishments of education and training in the later nineteenth century. This public educational fund was less than half a per cent of national income. A similar amount appears to have come from the private fund consisting of student fees, and expenses borne on the running of indigenous schools, private schools and grants made by philanthropists like Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy and the Sassoon brothers to colleges, arts and industrial schools.[<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref89">89</reflink>] This combined fund was miniscule in absolute terms and awfully conservative in relative terms if compared to the trajectory of educational developments in the north Americas, north-western European countries and upcoming Japan.[<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref90">90</reflink>]</p> <p>The twin forces of industrialisation and democratisation (suffrage), known to have driven investment in human capital formation in the industrialising nations,[<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref91">91</reflink>] were decidedly nascent in nineteenth-century Western India. The stakeholders contributing to modern state-building, the fostering of enlightened and efficient citizens and/or moral-cum-literate believers, seen to have encouraged a spread of knowledge-and-skill in some countries,[<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref92">92</reflink>] were equally puny and budding. Scholars, like Chaudhary and Gupta, have rightly observed that human capital development remained severely de-emphasised in colonial India.[<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref93">93</reflink>] The socio-cultural barriers to education for girls, and boys of the depressed classes, as propped up by institutions of caste, patriarchy and religion, were still resistant to wearing down the restriction on provisioning of human capital.[<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref94">94</reflink>] It is equally evident that sweat workers normally earned a "depressed" wage-income, though some improvement was noticeable in the late nineteenth century. Their income scenario necessitated the prevalence of a family labour economy, that is, the involvement of women and children to secure basic family subsistence. These twofold circumstances raised the opportunity cost of sparing children for formal education and apprenticeship. The existence of the (paternalist) state of domination, together with multidimensional inequalities, was ill-disposed towards the demand of mass education and modern training. In this context, the productive classes generally banked on the customary agency of crafts apprenticeship and labour-intensive methods.</p> <p>Furthermore, western India did not come up with the kind of significant private, philanthropic funding of education as occurred in Britain from the seventeenth century to the 1860s.[<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref95">95</reflink>] The banking and financial market did not provide incentives compatible with investment in human capital. The organised (presidency) banks charged interest rates at six to eight to ten per cent until the 1860s, with subsequent lowering to 5.5 to 7.5% per annum. They were slightly incentive-compatible vis-à-vis returns on (primary) education of the order of 8 to ten per cent. However, the direct reach of formal banks was confined to bustling urban centres and resourceful players.[<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref96">96</reflink>] The vast (rural) masses depended on the informal financial institutions centred on moneylenders. Moneylenders usually maintained two kinds of interest rates: first, about six per cent a year for Vaniks (banker, traders and moneylenders); and second, 24 to 48 per cent or even more per annum for the rest of the productive classes.[<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref97">97</reflink>] The latter rates were the exorbitant and disadvantageous reason for the lack of any investment in skill development, even vis-à-vis the substantial returns in the range of 12 to 14 per cent to artisanal human capital.</p> <hd id="AN0180359574-7">Conclusion</hd> <p>This article modifies the narrative that has posited a static, dichotomous image of indigenous agencies and institutions of skill-and-knowledge development and that of modern ones in nineteenth-century western India. It reframes the narrative of emergence and development of agencies involved in non-literary, vocational/practical education. It outlines a slow but responsive role played by multiple agencies – artisanal apprenticeship, indigenous schools, new <emph>bazar</emph> schools, modern vernacular and English schools, and centres for technical, industrial and practical instructions – responsible for skill-and-knowledge development. These establishments sought to attend to the conundrum of shortage and obsolescence of industrial and commercial skills in the context of modernising and industrialising materiality. These agencies were expanded from the 1840s by private enterprises and later supported by the colonial state. However, this proved very limited and narrowly planted. The article maintains that the crafts apprenticeship, with its ethnically restrictive attributes and regulations by family and community, remained the vital agency of skill formation. This agency became slowly and inadequately interlinked with formal education at the dawn of the twentieth century. All these establishments together, therefore, generated less than one-tenth literates in the total population, less than one-third (elementary) enrolment ratio, and less than one year of average schooling. At the same time, they churned out a small but increasing number of skilled working-persons, thus contributing over time to a slow spread of skills amongst non-artisanal sections and a small fall in skill premiums. This starkly fell behind the progress being made in the countries of modern economic growth. The policy design operational in nineteenth-century western India, nonetheless, crawled to foster the skills-cum-labour-intensive path of development, despite the fact that it had some of the experiments in and discourses of promotion and modernisation of skills. Both the public and private sectors offered dismally low investment in human capital formation. It was a challenging impediment to the productive classes who showed the urge for an opportunity of skill-and-knowledge acquisition.</p> <hd id="AN0180359574-8">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. We acknowledge the research input received from Dr Deepti Mulgund, and the financial support gained from the ICSSR.</p> <ref id="AN0180359574-9"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> J. Phule, "Memorial Addressed to the Indian (WW Hunter) Education Commission in 1882", in <emph>Selected Writings of Jotirao Phule</emph>, ed. G.B. Deshpande (Delhi: Left Words, 2002), 101–12.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> S. Mehrotra, "Technical and Vocational Education and Training in India: Lacking vision, strategy and coherence", in <emph>Routledge Handbook of Education in India</emph>, ed. K. Kumar (New York: Routledge, 2022), 203–16.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref3" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> T. Roy, <emph>A Business History of India: Enterprise and the Emergence of Capitalism from 1700</emph> (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref4" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> L. Chaudhary, "Taxation and Educational Development: Evidence from British India", <emph>Explorations in Economic History</emph> 47, no. 3, (2010): 279–93. L. Chaudhary, "Caste, Colonialism and Schooling: Education in British India", in <emph>A New Economic History of Colonial India</emph>, ed. Latika Chaudhary et al. (New York: Routledge, 2016), 161–78.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref5" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> M.P. Brunner, "Schooling the Subcontinent: State, space, and society, and the dynamics of education in colonial South Asia", in <emph>Routledge Handbook of the History of Colonialism in South Asia</emph>, ed. H.F. Tiné and M. Framke (New York: Routledge, 2021), 252–62. Chaudhary, "Caste, Colonialism and Schooling"; Chaudhary, "Taxation and Educational Development"; B. Gupta, 'Falling Behind and Catching Up: India's Transition from a Colonial Economy", <emph>Economic History Review</emph> 72, no. 3, (2019): 803–27; C. Nomura, "Historical Roots of Industrialisation in India", in <emph>Paths to the Emerging State in Asia and Africa</emph>, ed. K. Otsuka and K. Sugihara (Singapore: Springer Open, 2016), 161–93.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref6" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> J.T. Ducker, <emph>Beyond Empire: The End of Britain's Colonial Encounter</emph> (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020), 49–97.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref7" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> J. Tschurenev, <emph>Empire, Civil Society and the Beginning of Colonial Education in India</emph> (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 249–98; A. Kumar, "The "Untouchable School": American Missionaries, Hindu Social Reformers and the Educational Dreams of Labouring Dalits in Colonial North India", <emph>South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies</emph> 42, no. 5 (2019): 823–44.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref8" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Chaudhary, "Caste, Colonialism and Schooling", 169, 175.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref9" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> Some commentators opine that the education level, in terms of literacy and enrolment in schools, initially diminished amidst the transition from precolonial indigenous education to the colonial education system in the nineteenth century. R.V. Parulekar, <emph>Literacy of India in Pre-British Days</emph> (Bombay: Progress of Education, 1940); Preeti. "The Transformation of Schooling in Colonial Punjab, 1854–1900", in <emph>New Perspectives in the History of the Indian Education</emph>, ed. P.V. Rao (Delhi: Orient Black Swan, 2016), 269–99; H. Jha, "Decline of Vernacular Education in Bihar in the Nineteenth Century", in <emph>The Contested Terrain</emph>, ed. S. Bhattacharya (Delhi: Orient Longman, 1998), 218–28.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> A.K. Suman, "Colonial state and indigenous Islamic learning: a case study of Calcutta Madrasa", <emph>Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education</emph> 58, no. 4 (2022): 486–503; N. Kumar, "The History of Education in South Asia", in <emph>Handbook of Education Systems in South Asia</emph>, ed. P.M. Sarangapani and R. Pappu (Singapore: Springerr, 2021), 259–82; S. Sarkar, "Technical Content and Colonial Context: Situating Technical Knowledge in Nineteenth Century Bengal", <emph>Social Scientist</emph> 38, no. 1/2 (2010): 37–52; S. Bhattacharya, ed., <emph>Education and the Disprivileged: Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India</emph> (Delhi: Orient Longman, 2002).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tschurenev, <emph>Empire, Civil Society</emph>; Brunner, "Schooling in the Subcontinent"; S. Paik, <emph>Dalit Women's Education in Modern India: Double Discrimination</emph> (New York: Routledge, 2014); P.V. Rao, ed., <emph>New Perspectives in the History of the Indian Education</emph> (Delhi: Orient Black Swan, 2016); Bhattacharya, <emph>Education and the Disprivileged</emph>; V. Naregal, <emph>Language Politics, Elites, and the Public Sphere</emph> (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2001), 95.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> A. McGowan, <emph>Crafting the Nation in Colonial India</emph> (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> A. Kumar, "Skilling and its Histories: Labour Market, Technical Knowledge and the Making of Skilled Workers in Colonial India (1880–1910)", <emph>Journal of South Asian Development</emph> 13, no. 3 (2019): 249–71; Shahana Bhattacharya, "Transforming Skin, Changing Caste: Technical Education in Leather Production in India, 1900–1950", <emph>Indian Economic and Social History Review</emph> 55, no. 3 (2018): 307–43; S.K. Rai, "Communities of Skill in the Age of Capitalism: Handloom Weavers in Twentieth-Century United Provinces, India", <emph>Modern Asian Studies</emph> 56, no. 4 (2022): 1183–221; B. Dhar, "Artisans and Technical Education in Lucknow: United Provinces: c. 1880–1940", <emph>Review of Development & Change</emph> 23, no. 2 (2018): 93–117.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> It confirms a similar observation made by Roy and Rai. Both these works focus on textile artisans and do not, however, pay sufficient attention to causes responsible for such continuity. T. Roy, "Apprenticeship and Industrialisation in India 1600–1950", in <emph>Technology, Skills and the Premodern Economy in the East and West</emph>, ed. Prak and Van Zanden (Leiden: Brill Press, 2013), 69–92; Rai, "Communities of Skill".</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> J. Ericsson and J. Molinder, "Economic Growth and the Development of Real Wages: Swedish Construction Workers' Wages in Comparative Perspective, 1831–1900", <emph>Journal of Economic History</emph> 80, no. 3 (2020): 813–52; Pim De Zwart and J. Lucassen, "Poverty or Prosperity in northern India? New Evidence on Real Wages, 1590s-1870s", <emph>Economic History Review</emph> 73, no. 3 (2020): 644–67; Pim De Zwart, <emph>Globalisation and the Colonial Origins of the Great Divergence: Intercontinental Trade and Living Standards in the Dutch East India Company's Commercial Empire, c. 1600–1800</emph> (Leiden: Brill Press, 2016), 145–49; J.L. Van Zanden, "The Skill Premium and the Great Divergence", <emph>European Review of Economic History</emph> 13, no. 1 (2009): 121–53.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> P.V. Rao, <emph>Beyond Macaulay: Education in India, 1780–1860</emph> (New York: Routledge, 2020); Kumar, "The History of Education", 273.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> E.I. Howard, <emph>Report of Director of Public Instruction in the Bombay Presidency</emph> (hereafter <emph>RDPIBP)</emph> for the year of <emph>1858–59</emph> (Bombay: Education Society's Press, 1860), 173; W.W. Hunter, <emph>Report of the Indian Education Commission</emph> (henceforth <emph>RIEC</emph>) (Calcutta: Government Press, 1883), 56, 67.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 57, 65–6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 59.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 57.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> General Department, "Extract from Bombay Secretariat Records", From Ahmednuggur Collector (Henry Pottinger), 18 August 1824, vol. 1 (1825): 263–423; General Department, "Extract from Bombay Secretariat", From collector of Khandesh (Archd Robertson and John Warinden), vol. 91 (1825), 239–78; Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 64, 57; R.V. Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education in the Province of Bombay 1820–30</emph> (Bombay: Indian Institute of Education, 1951/1945), 23, 28, Ivi, 57, 107. Rao and Kakkar in their recent works argue that the precolonial indigenous schools were inclusive and broad-based for the lower castes, while the colonial education system shared a good deal of Brahmanical prejudices and aristocratic-cum-conservative tendencies, thereby making the task of liberal reformers difficult. P.V. Rao, "Colonial State as 'New Manu'? Explorations in Education Policies in Relation to Dalit and Low-Caste Education in the nineteenth-Century India", <emph>Contemporary Education Dialogue</emph> 16, no. 1 (2019): 84–117; A. Kakkar, "Education, Empire and the Heterogeneity of Investigative Modalities: a reassessment of colonial surveys on indigenous Indian education", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 53, no. 4, (2017): 381–93.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education</emph>, xxxvi.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 57, 64, 73; U. Stark, "Letters Beautiful and Harmful: Print, education, and the issue of script in colonial North India", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 55, no. 6 (2019): 829–53; Kumar, "The History of Education", 277.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> General Department, Vol. I (1825): 263–423; General Department, "Extract from Bombay Secretariat", From the Judge (JD Devitre) at Kaira, vol. 92 (1825): 179–86; General Department, "Extract from Bombay Secretariat", From Judge (Henderson) at Surat, vol. 63 (1824): 509–26; Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education</emph>, 67, 82, 121, 127–9.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP</emph> (Bombay: Education Society's Press, 1864), 42–3; V.P. Khanolkar, <emph>Indigenous Elementary Education in the Bombay Presidency in 1855 and thereabouts</emph> (Bombay: Indian Institute of Education, 1965), xxxvii.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 33.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> G.W. Forrest, <emph>Selections from the Minutes and other Official Writings of Honourable Mounstuart Elphinstone</emph> (London: Richard Bentley & Son, 1884), 77–117 (81, 105). Elphinstone was the Governor of the Bombay Presidency in 1819–1827.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> W.C. Bruce, <emph>Report of the Board of Education in the Bombay Presidency</emph> (hereafter <emph>RBEBP</emph>) <emph>for 1840–42 in the Bombay Presidency</emph> (Bombay: Education Society's Press, 1842), 49; Howard, <emph>RDPIBP</emph> (Bombay: Education Society's Press, 1857), 34–6, 63.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> J. Tschurenev and S. Mhaskar, "Wake up for education": colonialism, social transformation, and the beginnings of the anti-caste movement in India", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> (2021), doi:10.1080/00309230.2021.1920986.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP</emph> (Bombay: Education Society's Press, 1858), 88–96.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Forrest, <emph>Mountstuat Elphinstone</emph>, 105.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Paik, <emph>Dalit Women's Education</emph>, 48–9.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1857</emph>, 88–96.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1859</emph>, 52–5; General Department, vol. 92 (1825): 187–204; Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education</emph>, Ivii, 57, 171; Bruce, <emph>RBEBP 1842</emph>, 57; Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 55. There were 16 special schools, with 564 students, in the Bombay province in 1882.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bruce, <emph>RBEBP 1840–42</emph>, 52–3. Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 121–3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Khanolkar, <emph>Indigenous Elementary Education</emph>, 359, 611.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hunter, <emph>EIEC</emph>, 116, 149.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> E. Giles, <emph>RDPIBP 1897–98</emph> (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1899).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1861</emph>, 22; J.A. Baines, <emph>Census of the Bombay Presidency</emph> (hereafter <emph>CBP</emph>) <emph>1881</emph>, vol. 1 (Bombay: Government Secretariat Press, 1882), 153, 165, 168; Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 24, 57, 68.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Baines, <emph>CBP 1881</emph>, 166; Hunter, <emph>EIEC</emph>, 147.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1857</emph>, 127–8; Phule, <emph>Memorial</emph>, 101–12. Howard's report (1857) talked about the gentleman in Poona, Jote Govind Rao Puhley.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 57, 64, 68, 116, 149.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 12, 14, 35, 158; Phule, <emph>Memorial</emph>, 101–12.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Baines, <emph>CBP 1881</emph>, 145, 155.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Tarabai Shinde, <emph>Stri Prush Tulna</emph> (Pune: Shri Shivaji Press, 1882). In R. O'Hanlon, <emph>A Comparison between Women and Men: Tarabai Shinde and the Critique of Gender Relations in Colonial India</emph> (Madras: Oxford University Press, 1994), 93, 97.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For a similar emphasis, see Zeen, Mokyr and Van Der Beek, "Flexible Supply of Apprenticeship"; Roy, "Apprenticeship and Industrialisation".</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Baines, <emph>CBP 1881</emph>, vol. I: 152.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1857</emph>, 315; General Department, vol. 92 (1825): 179–86; General Department, vol. 63 (1824): 509–26; Parulekar, <emph>Survey of Indigenous Education</emph>, 67, 82, 121, 127–9.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> J. Clibborn, <emph>Report on Industrial Education</emph> (hereafter <emph>RIE</emph>) (Calcutta: Government Printing, 1903), 6, 85.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.; V.D. Devikar, <emph>Prices and Wages in Pune Region in a Period of Transition, 1805–30</emph> (Pune: Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, 1987), 211.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For an explicit reference to the length of modern apprenticeship, see Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1857</emph>, 131–2.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 7, 85–6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Baines, <emph>CBP 1881</emph>, Vol. I: 130–1.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Baines, <emph>CBP 1881</emph>, Vol. I: 118; Vol. II: Appendx C, p. Ii.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Baines, <emph>CBP 1881</emph>, Vol. I: 131. Letter from G.B. Peck to J.F. Stephens, 3 January 1866. Stephens Collection: Box No. F1a-5, LU/HAS, Linnaeus University (Vaxjo, Sweden).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Letter from G.B. Peck to J.F. Stephens; A.M. Lanzillo, "Between Industry and Islam: Stonework and tomb construction in colonial-era India", <emph>Modern Asian Studies</emph> 55, no. 5 (2021): 1510–43 (esp. 1527–8).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Letter from G.B. Peck to J.F. Stephens; Lanzillo, "Between Industry and Islam", 1529–38.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Riyāsat ʿAlī Sarshār, <emph>Taz kirah al-Aīwān</emph> (Fatehgarh: Dilkushā Press, 1875); Sayyid Muhaḅ 'Alī Khān, <emph>Dastūr al-Banā</emph> (Shahabad: Munshi Shant Prashad Publisher, 1869), quoted in Lanzillo, "Between Industry and Islam".</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 119.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> E.C. Buck and J. Clibborn, <emph>Papers Relating to Technical Education in India</emph> (hereafter <emph>PRTEI</emph>) (Calcutta: Government Printing, 1906), 13; Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 121–3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1861</emph>, 53–4.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 13–14; Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 124.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 7, 120.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1857</emph>, 131–2; Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 104.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>The Mahratta</emph>, 9 May 1886. A newspaper edited by B.G. Tilak, quoted in Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 2–3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Phule, <emph>Memorial</emph>, 220–1.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 220–1.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "Memorandum of A.P. MacDonnell on Technical Education in India prior to 1886", in Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 4.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1858</emph>, 97. Howard, <emph>RDPIBP 1860</emph>, 55.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> B.G. Tilak, "Our System of Education – a Defect and a Cure", in <emph>The Maratha</emph>, 15 May 1881; P.V. Rao, "Compulsory Education and the Political Leadership in Colonial India, 1840–1947", in <emph>New Perspectives in the History of Indian Education</emph>, ed. P.V. Rao (Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2014), 151–75; Tschurenev, <emph>Empire, Civil Society</emph>, 312.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ramabai Ranade, <emph>The Miscellaneous Writings of Justice MG Ranade</emph> (Bombay: Manoranjan Press, 1915), 266.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> P. Ramabai Saraswati, <emph>The High Caste Hindu Women</emph> (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1887/1901), 125–37.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 220; Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "Report of W. Wedderburn on the Progress of Technical Education in Bombay, 15 September 1886", in Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 118–19.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> "Extract from Resolution, dated 7 September 1894, upon A.M. Nash's Report on the Progress of Education in India 1887–88 to 1891–92", in Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 247.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 12, 102–4. British India had 123 industrial schools in 1902.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 11.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Memorandum of MacDonnell, 1886. "Resolution of the Government of India on the Report of the Committee on Industrial Schools in India, January 1904", in Buck and Clibborn, <emph>PRTEI</emph>, 257, 260. Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 12–18; E.C. Buck, <emph>Report on Practical and Technical Education</emph> (hereafter <emph>RPTE</emph>) (Calcutta: Government Printing, 1901), Part 1 Ch. 6, Part II Ch. 1, Ch. 2.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Memorandum of MacDonnell, 1886.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Resolution of the Government, 1904. Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 12–18; Buck, <emph>RPIE</emph>, Part I Ch. 6, Part II Ch. 1, 2, 3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> For a similar discussion, see S. Van Ruyskensvelde, K. Hulstaert and M. Depaepe, "The Cult of Order: In search of underlying patterns of the colonial and neo-colonial 'grammar of educationalisation' in the Belgian Congo. Exported school rituals and routines?", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 53, no. 1–2 (2017): 36–48.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> McGowan, <emph>Crafting the Nation.</emph></bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Buck, <emph>RPIE</emph>, Part II Ch.3, Part III Ch. 2.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Clibborn, <emph>RIE</emph>, 13–17.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Resolution of the Government, 1904.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Meisenzahl, "How Britain Lost its Competitive Edge".</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> S. Phule's two poems "Learn English" and "Rise to Learn and Act", in <emph>Savitribai Phule Samagra Vangmaya</emph>, ed. M.G Mali (Mumbai: Maharastra Rajya Sahitya ani Sanskrit Mandal, 2011), 23–4. Translation from Marathi is available on https://velivada.com/2015/01/03/few-poems-by-savitribai-phule/ (accessed 9 November 2022).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ducker, <emph>Beyond Empire</emph>, 49–97.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> The student fees constituted about 15% of total institutional expenses. See various volumes of <emph>RDPIBP</emph> of 1856 to 1900.<emph>Banking and Monetary Statistics of India</emph> (Bombay: Reserve Bank of India, 1954), 872–3; Hunter, <emph>RIEC</emph>, 568–84; S. Bhattacharya, <emph>The Financial Foundation of the British Raj: Ideas and Interests in the Reconstruction of Indian Public Finance 1858–1872</emph> (Delhi: Orient Longman, 2005/1971), 326–42; John Lumsdaine, <emph>Census of the Bombay Presidency 1872</emph> (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1875), 233; Baines, <emph>CBP 1881</emph>, Vol. 2: Ixxxvii-cx. The local (rural) cess charged one anna for every rupee assessed as the land revenue on the Ryots, hence 6.24% of the land revenue. The latter formed about one-third of the Bombay provincial revenue. The local cess, dedicated exclusively to primary education, formed about half of the total public educational expenditure. Roy (<emph>The Economic History</emph>, 244–57) reports that the government revenue stood between three and five per cent of national income in the nineteenth century.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> C.A. Kradolfer and M. Geiss, "The Backbone of Schooling: Entangled histories of funding and educational administration – introduction", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 52, no. 4 (2016): 315–24; S.L. Engerman and K.L. Sokoloff, <emph>Economic Development in the Americas since 1500: Endowments and Institutions</emph> (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Eltis, Lewis and Sokoloff, <emph>Human Capital and Institutions</emph>; Nomura, "Roots of Industrialisation"; Saito, "Proto-industrialisation and Labour-intensive Industrialisation".</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> M.R. Busemeyer and R. Nikolai, "Education", in <emph>The Oxford Handbook of Welfare State</emph>, ed. Francis et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 494–509.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> N. Beadie, "Resources Extraction and Education Funding: Nature and political economies of state formation in the United States", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 56, no. 102 (2020): 150–70; J. Westberg, "Making Mass Schooling Affordable: In-kind taxation and the establishment of an elementary school system in Sweden, 1840–1870", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 52, no. 4 (2016): 349–63; D. Mitch, "Schooling for All via Financing by Some: Perspectives from early modern and Victorian England", <emph>Paedagogica Historica</emph> 52, no. 4 (2016): 325–48.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Chaudhary, "Caste, Colonialism and Schooling", 175; Gupta, "Falling Behind and Catching Up", 814–24.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Chaudhary, "Taxation and Educational Development"; Paik, <emph>Dalit Women's Education</emph>; P. Acharya, "Law and Politics of Compulsory Education", in <emph>The Contested Terrain: Perspectives on Education in India</emph>, ed. S. Bhattacharya (Delhi: Orient Longman, 1998), 229–54.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Mitch, "Schooling for All"; J.L. Van Zanden, "The Skill Premium and the 'Great Divergence'", <emph>European Review of Economic History</emph> 13, no. 1 (2009): 121–53.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Banking and Monetary</emph>, 690; A.K. Bagchi, <emph>The Evolution of the State Bank of India: The Roots, 1806–76</emph> (Delhi: Penguin, 2006/1987), 414–20; A.K. Bagchi, <emph>The Presidency Banks and the Indian Economy 1876–1914</emph> (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1989), 125, 181, 227.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> L.D. Satya, <emph>Cotton and Famine in Berar, 1850–1900</emph> (Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 106, 213–22; S. Guha, <emph>The Agrarian Economy of the Bombay Deccan 1818–1914</emph> (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1985), 75; T. Roy, "The Monsoon and the Market for Money in Late-colonial India", <emph>Enterprise & Society</emph> 17, no. 2 (2016): 324–57.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Dhiraj Kumar Nite; Anjali Kumari; Shuchi Agrawal and Gaurav Setty</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Dhiraj Kumar Nite is currently a faculty at Ambedkar University Delhi, India. He has been a Senior Research Associate (honorary) at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa, and a former postdoctoral fellow at the Linnaeus University, Sweden. He specialises in the history of wellbeing, labour relations, human capital formation, and entrepreneurship. Among his publications are 'Wellbeing and Labour Practices: The Construction Workers in Western India' (2023). 'Social Capital and its Limits in Fortune Making: The Life and Business of Joseph Stephens' (2023). 'Employee Benefits, Migration and Social Movement: An Indian Coalfield, 1895-1970' (2019). 'Consenting to Labour Appropriation?': The Mineworkers on South African Gold and Coalmines, 1951–2011' (2017, with Paul Stewart).</p> <p>Anjali Kumari has been a Postgraduate scholar at Amebdkar University Delhi. She completed her MA Seminar Paper on the policy of skill development in the Bombay Presidency in the Late Nineteenth Century.</p> <p>Shuchi Agarwal is a Postgraduate scholar at Amebdkar University Delhi. She is conducting doctoral research on the development of managerial capability in India in the later twentieth century.</p> <p>Gaurav Setty has been a Postgraduate scholar at Amebdkar University Delhi. He completed his MA Seminar Paper on Wages and Skill Premium in Mugal India in the Late Sixtenth and Early Seventh Centuries.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink 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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Skill, Its Agencies and Institutions: The Formation of Human Capital in Nineteenth-Century Western India
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Dhiraj+Kumar+Nite%22">Dhiraj Kumar Nite</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3307-9205">0000-0003-3307-9205</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Anjali+Kumari%22">Anjali Kumari</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Shuchi+Agrawal%22">Shuchi Agrawal</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Gaurav+Setty%22">Gaurav Setty</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Paedagogica+Historica%3A+International+Journal+of+the+History+of+Education%22"><i>Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education</i></searchLink>. 2024 60(5):845-866.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 22
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2024
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Human+Capital%22">Human Capital</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Skilled+Workers%22">Skilled Workers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Skill+Development%22">Skill Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Agencies%22">Agencies</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Institutions%22">Institutions</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Apprenticeships%22">Apprenticeships</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Trade+and+Industrial+Education%22">Trade and Industrial Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Vocational+Education%22">Vocational Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Handicrafts%22">Handicrafts</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Illiteracy%22">Illiteracy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educationally+Disadvantaged%22">Educationally Disadvantaged</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Literacy%22">Literacy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Colonialism%22">Colonialism</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22India%22">India</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/00309230.2023.2213184
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0030-9230<br />1477-674X
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: This article advances an explanation for the dynamics of agencies and institutions responsible for the formation of skills in nineteenth-century western India. It shows that multiple agencies - artisanal apprenticeship, indigenous schools, new "bazar" schools, modern vernacular and English schools, and institutes for technical, industrial and practical instructions - played a limited but responsive role in skill-and-knowledge development. These establishments sought to attend to the conundrum of shortage and obsolescence of and access to industrial and commercial skills in the context of modernisation and incipient industrialisation. Indeed, inherited crafts apprenticeship remained the vital agency of skill formation, despite some of the institutional experiments in and discourses of promotion and modernisation of skills. New agencies together, however, generated less than one-tenth literates in the total population, less than one-third (elementary) enrolment ratio, and less than one year of average schooling. They churned out a small but increasing number of skilled working-persons, thereby contributing over time to a slow spread of skills amongst non-artisanal communities and a small fall in skill premiums. This article modifies the narrative that has posited static, dichotomous images of indigenous and modern agencies of skill-and-knowledge development, and reframes the narrative of emergence and development of vocational/practical education.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2024
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1444669
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1444669
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/00309230.2023.2213184
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 22
        StartPage: 845
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Human Capital
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Skilled Workers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Skill Development
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational History
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Agencies
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Institutions
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Apprenticeships
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Trade and Industrial Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Vocational Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Handicrafts
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Illiteracy
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educationally Disadvantaged
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Literacy
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Colonialism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: India
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Skill, Its Agencies and Institutions: The Formation of Human Capital in Nineteenth-Century Western India
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Dhiraj Kumar Nite
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Anjali Kumari
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Shuchi Agrawal
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Gaurav Setty
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2024
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0030-9230
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1477-674X
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 60
            – Type: issue
              Value: 5
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education
              Type: main
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