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Sanctuary as Praxis: Engaging Families at the Crossroads of Disability, Education, and Migration

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Title: Sanctuary as Praxis: Engaging Families at the Crossroads of Disability, Education, and Migration
Language: English
Authors: Chelsea Stinson
Source: Equity & Excellence in Education. 2024 57(3):318-332.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Elementary Secondary Education
Descriptors: Students with Disabilities, Disadvantaged Youth, Power Structure, Educational Policy, Migration, Migrant Children, Praxis, Bilingual Students, School Policy, Migrant Programs, Inclusion, Refugees, Public Policy, Immigration, Labeling (of Persons), Learner Engagement, Educational Needs, Land Settlement, Elementary Secondary Education
Geographic Terms: New York
DOI: 10.1080/10665684.2023.2265373
ISSN: 1066-5684
1547-3457
Abstract: This qualitative study is focused on the political and social connections among disability, race, language, and migration that affect how emergent bilingual students are labeled as disabled and marginalized in schools despite--or, perhaps, through--educational and migration policies. Specifically, this study is concerned with the connections between educational policies at the school-level and the sanctuary policies at the community-level which purport inclusion, belonging, and care without authentically and critically engaging and responding to the diverse needs and perspectives of the stakeholders these policies are intended to serve. Based on the findings of a qualitative study in a mid-sized sanctuary city in Upstate New York, the author offers a reconceptualization of sanctuary as a critical reflexive process, rather than stand-alone policy or political boundary, and what this means for the education and engagement of emergent bilingual students labeled as disabled (EB/LAD) and these students' families and communities.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1445991
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0180474274;eie01jul.24;2024Oct28.07:00;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0180474274-1">Sanctuary as Praxis: Engaging Families at the Crossroads of Disability, Education, and Migration </title> <sbt id="AN0180474274-2">Introduction</sbt> <p>This qualitative study is focused on the political and social connections among disability, race, language, and migration that affect how emergent bilingual students are labeled as disabled and marginalized in schools despite—or, perhaps, through—educational and migration policies. Specifically, this study is concerned with the connections between educational policies at the school-level and the sanctuary policies at the community-level which purport inclusion, belonging, and care without authentically and critically engaging and responding to the diverse needs and perspectives of the stakeholders these policies are intended to serve. Based on the findings of a qualitative study in a mid-sized sanctuary city in Upstate New York, the author offers a reconceptualization of sanctuary as a critical reflexive process, rather than stand-alone policy or political boundary, and what this means for the education and engagement of emergent bilingual students labeled as disabled (EB/LAD) and these students' families and communities.</p> <p>Emergent bilingual (EB) students labeled as disabled (LAD), referred to as EB/LADs throughout this article (Cioè-Peña, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref1">12</reflink>]), and their families are marginalized within and through the U.S. education system. Parents of EB/LADs from nondominant cultural, racial, migrant,[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref2">1</reflink>] and linguistic backgrounds are often alienated by school-based professionals' behavior and discursive practices during school-based special education meetings and protocols (Cheatham & Lim-Mullins, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref3">11</reflink>]; Trainor, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref4">50</reflink>]). Many migrant parents report confusion, isolation, and misinformation about educational policies and processes concerning their children's needs and experiences (Cioè-Peña, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref5">12</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref6">13</reflink>]; Larios & Zetlin, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref7">33</reflink>]). At the same time, significant regional differences in population, migration, politics, and culture result in the uncritical or decontextualized deployment of specific terms, policies, and practices related to migration, language, race, ability, and culture as though they are inter<emph>changeable</emph> but not inter<emph>dependent</emph> social and political constructions. As a result, the nuanced backgrounds, experiences, and needs of diverse groups of children, families, and communities are lumped into a broad, dehumanized, categorical "crisis" in need of intervention from power majority institutions (Flores & Lewis, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref8">24</reflink>]).</p> <p>Education functions to surveil and control the "crisis" of migrant children and their families, especially when educators suspect an underlying disability or deficiency as a result of their migration experience or racial identity (e.g., Migliarini, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref9">36</reflink>]). As migration and "diversity" are constructed as societal burdens and political threats, schools circulate discourses of pathology and misrecognition of emergent bilingual and migrant students (Crawford & Hairston, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref10">16</reflink>]) as a means of identifying and assigning categories under the guise of benevolent social intervention.</p> <p>This article addresses the political and social connections among disability, race, language, and migration that affect how emergent bilingual students are labeled as disabled and marginalized in schools despite—or, perhaps, through—educational and migration policies. Focusing on migrant EB/LAD educators and parents, this study is concerned with the connections between educational policies at the school-level and the sanctuary policies at the community-level which purport inclusion, belonging, and care without authentically engaging and responding to the diverse needs and perspectives of the stakeholders these policies are intended to serve. Based on data from a mid-sized sanctuary city in Upstate New York, I offer a reconceptualization of sanctuary as a critical reflexive process, rather than stand-alone policy or place, and what this means for the education and engagement of EB/LAD students, families, and communities, following these research questions:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> What are the limits of sanctuary policies in the experiences of refugee EB/LAD families as they navigate disability, education, and institutional processes?</item> <p></p> <item> How do migrant-identifying community-based educators assess and address the gaps in policy and practice in inclusion and belonging for migrant EB/LAD families?</item> </ulist> <p>Educational policymakers, researchers, and practitioners have yet to explicitly agree on the specific terms or conceptual frameworks at the foundation of inclusion and belonging for migrant EB/LAD families. As such, I use the term "EB/LADs" to disrupt the essentializing, deficit-based perspective of terms like "English language learners with disabilities." Such terms reflect education labels <emph>assigned to</emph> (not <emph>chosen by</emph>) a diverse population of U.S. students for the convenience of educators. Further, while "disability" and "disabled" are empowering to some communities, I use "labeled as disabled" to emphasize the social and structural power dynamics involved in disability identification in schools. For many EB/LADs and their families, assigned disability labels do not align with their own cultural values and knowledge around disability and difference. Finally, I use a "/" between EB and LAD to signify the process by which emergent bilingual children might be constructed as disabled.</p> <p>I begin with a conceptual framework outlining the development and reconceptualization of sanctuary policies in the U.S. context, drawing connections between sanctuary and disability- and language-related schooling outcomes for EB/LADs. Then, I outline the methodological approach for the present study, which engaged Constructivist Grounded Theory (Charmaz, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref11">9</reflink>]). Next, I explore three key themes from these data which serve as central tenets of the Critical Reflexive Praxis of Sanctuary. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of the implications of this reconceptualization of sanctuary and inclusive education policy for policy and practice in U.S. schools. Because of incongruent power dynamics of whiteness, class, language, and citizenship, Critical Reflexive Praxis of Sanctuary requires individuals who occupy positions of power relative to migrant EB/LAD families to fundamentally change the way they conceptualize and engage in partnerships, especially between schools and communities.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-3">Conceptual framework</hd> <p>In this section, I explore sanctuary policies and their connection to disability, race, and migrant in education. Social and political categories of "race," "disability," "migrant," and linguistic identity (Phuong & Cioè-Peña, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref12">47</reflink>]) have long been mutually-informing and co-constructive in the U.S (Annamma et al., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref13">2</reflink>]). Like educational policies that ostensibly address issues of inclusion for diverse needs (Migliarini et al., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref14">37</reflink>]), the rhetorical and practical promises (and prevalence) of sanctuary policies have yet to deliver sufficient, sustainable material support and affirmation to migrant communities across the U.S.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-4">Race, disability, and double logics: sanctuary policies</hd> <p>U.S. migration and sanctuary policies have always represented a "double logic" (Dolmage, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref15">20</reflink>], p. 23) of contingent welcome punctuating a backdrop of formalized exclusionary policies and hypervigilance. The consequences of migration policies as they intersect with education are easily overlooked because of the narrow scope and rigid language of both the policy and the parameters set by researchers (Turner & Mangual Figueroa, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref16">51</reflink>]). Historically, federal migration bureaucracies and adjacent offices, such as nonprofit organizations, have functioned to protect the interests and power of white, Western, and class-privileged Americans—rather than the migrants at their focus (Daniels & Graham, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref17">18</reflink>]).</p> <p>The double logic of migration policy is further reproduced through sanctuary policies and the designation of sanctuary jurisdictions across the U.S. Here, sanctuary policies comprise a spectrum of laws, ordinances, and commitments exercised throughout the country. Technically, however, sanctuary policies narrowly concern the relationship between local law enforcement agencies and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) (Houston, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref18">28</reflink>]). To publicly articulate their commitment to migration, top political or institutional officials often declare "sanctuary city" (or campus, county, etc.) status, which does not require a specific legislative action. Although there is no formal or ubiquitous definition of sanctuary cities, zones, or jurisdictions (especially internationally), the designation of a space as a sanctuary jurisdiction in the U.S. is usually legislator signaling; it is intended to rhetorically enshrine spatial identity as a tolerant or "safe" place for primary and secondary migrants, regardless of their migratory status.</p> <p>The term "sanctuary" in the U.S. emerged from the Sanctuary Movement of the 1980s (Collingwood & Gonzalez O'Brien, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref19">15</reflink>]). In response to an increase in migration due to war, oppression, and violence in Central America, practices of faith-based congregations who sheltered refugees and migrants under threat of deportation grew to encompass "a coalition of religious congregations, local jurisdictions, educational institutions, and even restaurants, that commit to supporting immigrants, regardless of status" (Paik, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref20">46</reflink>], p. 5). Rhetorically, these policies aimed to establish social and political commitment to, "valuing immigrants as central members of their communities and protecting them against their increasing criminalisation and threats of deportation by the federal government" (Paik, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref21">46</reflink>], p. 5).</p> <p>Throughout the 1990s and immediately following 9/11, sanctuary policies shifted from a focus on physical safety and refuge to the social and political incorporation of more diverse "undocumented" or asylum-seeking migrants primarily through facilitating trust in local law enforcement agencies. That is, in many communities of "undocumented" or asylum-seeking migrants, violent incidents were under-reported to law enforcement or related emergency services due to the precariousness of community members' migratory status. The involvement of police or other officials might result in revealing a community member's undocumented status, which in turn would result in the involvement of ICE and eventual detention or deportation (Collingwood & Gonzalez O'Brien, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref22">15</reflink>]). Of course, limited support from emergency services and, arguably, law enforcement, compounds the vulnerability of multiply marginalized communities of mixed migratory status. As such, the Sanctuary Movement shifted from faith-based organizations to sanctuary policies and declarations at the municipal or state level, followed by other institutions (e.g., university campuses).</p> <p>With limited exceptions, the issue of sanctuary policies was not discussed much outside the local/regional contexts or the Sanctuary Movement throughout the 1980s and 1990s (see Hughey & Parks, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref23">29</reflink>]). This abruptly changed in 2015, as the construction of migration as a racial threat to white public safety and well-being solidified through the mutual co-construction of race, disability, and migration (Boveda & Annamma, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref24">7</reflink>]). That year, Jose Inez Garcia Zarate, a disabled migrant man from Mexico (Egelko, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref25">23</reflink>]; Maxouris & Watts, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref26">34</reflink>]), was arrested and jailed for an outstanding warrant, prompting ICE to file a detainer asking that he be held long enough for them to take him into custody for deportation. Because San Francisco is a sanctuary jurisdiction, the detainer was declined and Garcia Zarate was released. Months later, Garcia Zarate discharged a handgun on a San Francisco pier, shooting and killing Kate Steinle, a white woman (Associated Press, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref27">3</reflink>]). Long-time critics of sanctuary policies blamed Steinle's death on San Francisco's sanctuary policies which allowed for Garcia Zarate's release from jail and, therefore, temporary evasion of deportation. Later that fall, Donald Trump would fuel this firestorm of negatively racializing public and political discourse by condemning sanctuary policies and jurisdictions, and a multitude of political candidates continue to follow in his footsteps (see Gonzalez O'Brien, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref28">26</reflink>]; Hughey & Parks, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref29">29</reflink>]; Paik, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref30">46</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-5">Sanctuary as a process</hd> <p>The double logic of sanctuary policies decenters the needs and experiences of the migrants that they are designed to protect. Instead, the deployment, practice, and contentious discourse around sanctuary policies and spaces concern the social and political power dynamics of white, predominantly class-privileged Americans who benefit from the rhetorical and material positioning of migrants as racial threats to the status quo. Meanwhile, the endless debate concerning sanctuary policies (and anti-sanctuary policies) can distract local officials and institutions from how they can materially support and collaborate with people presently living at the intersections of migration, race, and disability in their communities. As anti-migration and anti-sanctuary policy and sentiment accelerate (Turner & Mangual Figueroa, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref31">51</reflink>]), many school-based professionals—especially those in smaller or rural areas—are unaware of their students' and families' migratory status, yet end up functioning as first responders to the economic, psychological, and physical distress experienced as a result of surveillance, detention, and deportation (Crawford & Hairston, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref32">16</reflink>]; Dee & Murphy, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref33">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>Houston ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref34">28</reflink>]) disrupts the public construction of a sanctuary jurisdiction as a binary state of being (i.e., pro-sanctuary and therefore pro-migrant versus anti-sanctuary and therefore anti-migrant), instead conceptualizing "sanctuary"—both as policy and place—as a process. He argues that letting sanctuary policies and jurisdictions stand as rigid ideological positions contributes to their narrow reach and limited support of the lives and well-being of refugees, migrants, and other marginalized people in communities across the U.S. Houston argues,</p> <p>Perhaps the very contradictions embedded within sanctuary, and the troubling of border fixing and the rebordering that it offers, have the potential to build solidarity among residents and lead to altered legislative systems organized around flows and encounters. This could represent a vital move toward instantiating <emph>transformative practices that meet the needs of diverse communities</emph> residing in cities and counties throughout the United States[emphasis added]. (2019, p. 575)</p> <p>In conceptualizing "sanctuary" as a process of critical reflexivity for local officials and community members alike, this study takes the idea one step further. It is not enough to continue to attempt to predict "the needs of diverse communities" that officials and institutional professionals aim to address through policymaking. Predicting communities' needs, rather than proactively bringing communities into discursive and decision-making spaces, merely functions to position migrant families as objects or targets of policy. Rather, officials and institutional professionals need to reconsider the need for sanctuary in the legislature, the boardroom, city hall, and the district office. In other words, sanctuary policies and spaces must be actively shaped by the community members most affected by them.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-6">EB/LAD family-school relationships</hd> <p>As Turner and Mangual Figueroa ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref35">51</reflink>]) affirm, EB/LAD parents and families are positioned as objects or targets of policy and research at the intersections of migration, education, and belonging, rather than stakeholders who shape or disrupt the policies and practices that affect them. Uncritically emphasizing and deploying migration policies decenters the lived experiences, along with the immediate and long-term needs and aspirations, of refugee and migrant communities. In a similar vein, prevailing narratives of multiply marginalized parents in politics, public discourses, and schools, which often narrowly construct parents as passive and neglectful or adversarial and noncompliant, are incongruous with empirical studies and first-hand accounts of multiply marginalized parents and families who navigate school spaces and processes in support of their children (Cioè-Peña, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref36">12</reflink>]; Huguley et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref37">30</reflink>]).</p> <p>EB/LAD families are situated at the intersections of multiple marginalized identities, including race, class, language, and migratory status, so they are exceptionally vulnerable to institutional scrutiny, investigation, and surreptitious communication or reporting practices by school-based professionals (Cioè-Peña, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref38">14</reflink>]). Not only does this function to hold EB/LAD families at a distance from their children's schools for the convenience or comfort of school-based professionals; it communicates to families that they do not belong in school spaces, nor should they trust the professionals who work there (Larios & Zetlin, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref39">33</reflink>]). Institutional surveillance and surreptitious communication also are barriers to school-based professionals' development of relationships their ability to learn and internalize culturally responsive and sustaining knowledge and practices, and their competence with communicating with families who come from diverse backgrounds. Ultimately, out of concerns for safety and their aspirations for their children's futures, many EB/LAD families report that they comply or acquiesce to the suggestions, demands, or values of school-based professionals, including English-only special education placements—often unintentionally internalizing the same hegemonic beliefs about language and disability (Cioè-Peña, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref40">13</reflink>]).</p> <p>Formal and informal community-based networks have undoubtedly emerged to fill gaps in services, support, and learning opportunities for multiply marginalized children and families, including EB/LAD and refugee families. However, such research typically centers school-based networks and values (e.g., Quinn et al., [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref41">48</reflink>]; see; Durán et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref42">22</reflink>]). Initiatives and practices developed and deployed by school-based professionals prioritize the values and perspectives of predominantly white, monolingual, school-based professionals rather than the culturally, racially, and linguistically diverse communities they aim to serve. This results in missing opportunities for critical reflexivity and fruitful collaboration for school-based professionals as well as minoritized groups. In some studies of school, family, and community relationships, schools proactively form partnerships with community-based resource networks to facilitate family engagement in school-based spaces and involvement in school-based processes (e.g., Haines et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref43">27</reflink>]; Valli et al., [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref44">52</reflink>]). However, the lack of critical reflexivity and shared decision-making of school-based administrative leadership results in the top-down messaging of student achievement and compliance, which reflect Western cultural values (Huguley et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref45">30</reflink>]).</p> <p>On the other hand, there are limited examples of collaborative educational experiences that draw upon and sustain non-Western cultural values. In fact, community-based youth programs supported by community-based organizations offer significant learning experiences and contexts for multiply marginalized youth (Ngo et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref46">42</reflink>]), but are often excluded from or given a secondary role in educational policy change. As a result, families and community-based networks are too frequently forced into adversarial or reactionary positions to enact change (Auerbach, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref47">4</reflink>]; McKenna & Millen, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref48">35</reflink>]). Unless institutions, researchers, and school-based professionals amplify the culturally sustaining practices and values of community-based networks and families, parents will continue to experience limited access to vital special education information and processes and, therefore, rights for their children.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-7">Methods</hd> <p>This qualitative study engaged Constructivist Grounded Theory (CGT) methodology. CGT is a grounded theory method which directly acknowledges researchers' subjectivity and involvement in the collection, interpretation, and presentation of data (Charmaz, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref49">9</reflink>]). However, CGT is critically different in researchers' engagement in theory construction through data analysis rather than theory application to or description of the data. Through CGT, I needed to address my "professional situatedness" as a white former K-12 educator working in a state university system, as well as my sociocultural relationships (and responsibilities) to my participants, data, and local context, in order to investigate ecological factors and practices that concern equity and experience for EB/LADs and their families (Boveda & Annamma, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref50">7</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-8">Setting and participants</hd> <p>This study took place in the mid-sized sanctuary city of Central Springs[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref51">2</reflink>] in Upstate New York. Central Springs is a "sanctuary" jurisdiction—a designation that enshrines its identity as a resettlement hub for primary and secondary migration (Center for Immigration Studies, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref52">8</reflink>]; Migration Policy Institute, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref53">38</reflink>]). Starting in 2001, Central Springs has drawn families from a wider range of linguistic, cultural, and racial identities to the city's schools than it historically had. However, there are significantly fewer bilingual education programs publicly available to children and families in Central Springs than there are in New York City (New York State Department of Education, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref54">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>The participants in this study (Table 1) were all affiliated with Central Springs (Im)migration Collective (CSIC). At the time of this study, CSIC was a community-based education program that provided supports and education for migrant families at various stages of resettlement and migration. At CSIC, roughly 80% of the staff on payroll identified as migrants, and 60% of the organization's executive board seats were held by individuals who identified as migrants. What made CSIC unique among other migrant-serving organizations was how migrant-identifying leadership and staff viewed their identities, work, and experiences as enmeshed with those of the families they supported; there was little distinction made between who was "helping" and who was "being helped." Table 1 offers a brief snapshot of the participants, including how they identified themselves on their demographic forms prior to their interviews.</p> <p>Table 1 Participant backgrounds.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Name</td><td>Race</td><td>Language(s)</td><td>Gender</td><td>Role in Community</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Aaden</td><td>African or Black</td><td>Somali English</td><td>Male</td><td>Educational Youth Program Coordinator</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>Adult Education Program Coordinator</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>School-based Mental Health Specialist</td></tr><tr><td>Aimee</td><td>Asian</td><td>*</td><td>Female</td><td>Educational Youth Program Coordinator</td></tr><tr><td>Amadu</td><td>Black/African American</td><td>Bassa English</td><td>Male</td><td>Education Assistant</td></tr><tr><td>Barwaaqo</td><td>Black</td><td>Somali Arabic English</td><td>Female</td><td>Youth Program Coordinator</td></tr><tr><td>Dhyansh</td><td>Asian</td><td>Nepali English Hindi</td><td>Male</td><td>Case Manager</td></tr><tr><td /><td /><td /><td /><td>Former School-Based Interpreter</td></tr><tr><td>Hamzh</td><td>Black</td><td>Somali Kizigua Swahili English</td><td>*</td><td>Interpreter</td></tr><tr><td>Helene</td><td>White</td><td>English</td><td>Female</td><td>Education Program Director</td></tr><tr><td>Laura</td><td>White/Caucasian</td><td>English</td><td>Female</td><td>Education Program Director</td></tr><tr><td>Momolu</td><td>African/African American</td><td>Bassa English</td><td>Male</td><td>Teen Coordinator</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 *Indicates data missing or not explicitly provided by the participant.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-9">Data collection and analysis</hd> <p>I conducted intensive, semi-structured individual interviews with each participant. I relied on my long-established personal and professional connection to schools and community-based programs throughout Upstate New York to recruit and select participants through a purposive sampling process (Chase, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref55">10</reflink>]). My experience within schools and migrant communities supported my interactions and connections with participants during interviews. These relationships and experiences were instrumental in grounding me in the specific context of this study.</p> <p>Data analysis followed several phases of initial and focus coding, followed by theoretical sampling and diagraming alongside memo-writing to cultivate interactive, iterative analytical spaces. Considering the sociocultural power dynamics between participants and me as the researcher, I needed to practice member checking (Doyle, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref56">21</reflink>]) prior to analysis. After transcription, I sent completed transcripts to the corresponding participants. I affirmed that participants could add, remove, or change any information they provided in the transcript at any time. This also supported us in the co-construction of meaning throughout the study.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-10">Findings</hd> <p>In this section, I present the findings from the CGT analysis of individual intensive semi-structured interviews which undergird three central tenets of a Critical Reflexive Praxis of Sanctuary. The following themes shed light on the limits of sanctuary policies in the experiences of EB/LAD families and the community-based networks which support them in Central Springs:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Engaging critical positionality to contextualize knowledge and role in the community</item> <p></p> <item> Conceptualizing whiteness and linguistic imperialism as barriers to belonging and positive long-term outcomes</item> <p></p> <item> Locating socially constructed labels within systemic and institutional oppression</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0180474274-11">Theme 1: engaging critical positionality</hd> <p>Meaningful sanctuary policies and practices comprise critical partnership and critical reflexivity which center the families experiencing migration and migration policies. Critical partnership and reflexivity require the prioritized, active, and sustained participation (and knowledges) of multiply marginalized communities that the partnership aims to serve. In Central Springs, sanctuary status and policies merely treated migrant families as objects or targets of policy and public discourses (Turner & Mangual Figueroa, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref57">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>Participants were explicitly aware of these incongruencies and were critical of their positionalities as they related to the EB/LAD families with whom they interacted. Migrant-identifying participants carefully contextualized and disclosed certain types of information to make legible the layers of within-group cultural knowledge, especially disability, that might otherwise be illegible to me as a racial, cultural, and linguistic outsider. When asked to describe the mission and vision of CSIC, Aaden, a young father of EB/LADs and a community-based educator at CSIC, took a long time to think before he responded to this first prompt.</p> <p>A:Well, to start with, just the mission of CSIC. The mission of CSIC is basically to advocate and promote self-sufficiency through, like, education, employment, and social service, um, around [countywide] community. And that basically came about the start ... due to the needs of the immigrants and refugees around Central Springs. And we were formerly known as the Somali Bantu community before CSIC. And I guess maybe we can go back, like how CSIC started or begin?</p> <p>C:If you want to, sure, absolutely.</p> <p>A:Yeah, I would just kind of like to share how CSIC came about and why CSIC is doing what it's doing right now. I feel like it's important to kind of just go back to the beginning. [Interview_Aaden_472020]</p> <p>In this excerpt, Aaden carefully listened to the way I initially phrased the prompt before he responded. He then began to answer the question but realized that the full meaning and context of this objective are illegible to me unless I had the same historical perspective that he did as a community insider. These discursive practices emerged again when participants disclosed their experiences and knowledge of disability within their families and communities. For example, Hamzh, a disabled medical interpreter and EB/LAD parent, explained,</p> <p>If you have a disability, you cannot just say, "Okay, I have a broken leg, I cannot work." You cannot just say [that], okay? You have to go to the doctor, the doctor has to ask you why you broke your leg, what happened, you know, all those kinds of questions ... for example, during the Civil War, I broke my leg running while saving myself. So now I come here, I cannot work because my leg is broken from saving my life, you know. So now the doctor has to ask me, "Why you broke your leg? What happened?" So if I ... if I bring my emotional back, [with] "What happened that day?" And the doctor asked me today that, that ... it brokes my heart [Interview_Hamzh_6182021]</p> <p>Hamzh highlighted how seeking a disability diagnosis or services can be a risky and retraumatizing process which renders an individual and their family vulnerable to outsider scrutiny and evaluation. As such, institutional professionals could not assume the neutrality of standardized questionnaires or interview procedures they might use in school-based evaluations or clinical exams. Hamzh highlighted the emotional toll that disability disclosure can take through re-encountering painful or traumatic memories in an impersonal or culturally insensitive setting. Hamzh's articulation of risk and heartbreak, in conversation with Aaden's explicit concern about shared contextualization, underscores the need for EB/LADs' and families' agency and dignity in evaluation processes related to disability and special education.</p> <p>Migrant-identifying participants used their personal experiences to contextualize their individual and collective approaches to their work in the Central Springs refugee community through CSIC. In some instances, participants fluidly switched between pronouns and perspectives in the same response to illustrate their ideas and experiences:</p> <p>From what I've seen, the view and the mission is to help any refugee that is living in Central Springs community that needs help with whatever it is to make their lives easier. Not just students, but their parents. So, having that missions makes people who have just moved here ... makes it easier for them to think like, "Okay, I know I've just moved to a new place, but knowing that I have organizations like this that are willing to help people like myself from different places to just get everything that I need for this country," you know, "I have to take opportunity of that." So, that mission's to me is just what we need and what the community of Central Springs needs. [Interview_Amadu_432020]</p> <p>Amadu aligned himself with EB/LAD families' and individuals' struggles in this excerpt, maintaining proximity to the perspective and experience of resettlement and migratory status. This stance seems different from non-migrant educators who conceptualized their work as a mission to "self-empower" and "prepare" refugees and migrant families for employment, education, and participation in the local economy. As an example, Helene, a young white woman who started at the entry-level position of education assistant at CSIC but became the education program director by the time she was interviewed, described the mission of CSIC differently than Amadu and other migrant-identifying participants, saying,</p> <p>I would say, the overarching goal is independence, and helping refugees and immigrants get to that in an American society, um, helping them understand what that even means, and what the avenue is to even get to that point [Interview_Helene_6222021]</p> <p>Helene's description of CSIC's mission reflects individualistic, Western cultural values of "independence" which prioritize a fast-track to assimilating to "American society." Of course, these values are not inherently congruent with the culturally, racially, and linguistically diverse community of migrant families that CSIC is supposed to serve. The differences in race, migratory status, and, for some participants, disability underscore the value and importance of organizational leadership and policymaking led by individuals who share the identities and experiences of the community served by the institution or organization.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-12">Theme 2: conceptualizing whiteness and linguistic imperialism</hd> <p>Participants highlighted how whiteness and linguistic imperialism functioned as barriers to EB/LADs' and their families' belonging in institutional spaces through language education policy, curriculum, and school-based processes to form barriers to outcomes with long-term consequences, such as overrepresentation of EB/LADs in disability categories related to speech and language (New York State Department of Education, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref58">40</reflink>]; OELA, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref59">45</reflink>]), high school graduation (OELA, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref60">44</reflink>]) and college or career readiness.</p> <p>In this context, linguistic imperialism refers to the hegemonic power of English enacted through a predominantly white and monolingual teaching workforce and policies which also devalue the language knowledge and practices of negatively racialized groups (see Nuñez, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref61">43</reflink>]). As Aaden affirmed, the emphasis on English language development at the expense of EB/LADs' other language development affects intergenerational family relationships and communication. He explained,</p> <p>as a child the language is hard, too, 'cause they're mostly learning English so much that sometimes they start to forget their language, and parents are learning English, but not as fast as the kids are. So sometimes it's hard for parents and students to kind of communicate and understand one another [Interview_Aaden_472020]</p> <p>Aaden referred to compulsory English-only instruction many EB/LADs experience in Central Springs, where linguistic imperialism through English-only immersion is codified by law. CR Part-154 (New York State Department of Education, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref62">39</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref63">41</reflink>]) uses language in strong support of bilingual education, but falters in implementation (see Stinson, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref64">49</reflink>]). So, for refugee families like Aaden's, who primarily spoke Somali, there is little choice or agency in sustaining intergenerational multilingualism or language learning.</p> <p>Students' "nonstandard" English—especially by negatively racialized emergent bilinguals—is often constructed as a "red flag" of disability or deficiency in school spaces (see Baker-Bell, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref65">5</reflink>]; Phuong & Cioè-Peña, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref66">47</reflink>]). This framing of nondominant variations of English often condemns EB/LAD students to special education referral or "Ever-ELL" (English Language Learner) status, where "standard," or white, variations of English are the only ones approved for incorporation into the "academic language" space (see Daniels, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref67">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>Migrant participants' deep connection to their individual and collective memories informed their choices to work in the community after high school. Their unique post-secondary experiences in predominantly white institutions and work alongside white community-based educators contribute to the development of critical reflexivity, that is, a criticality and transgressive knowledge of how white-dominated systems and institutions operate and their roles therein. This was especially evident in their responses to questions about how they conceptualized educational equity and their aspirations for their communities:</p> <p>To be fair, I don't think there's such thing as equity ... We will never have the same opportunity, it's just how it is, so ... equity ... there's a vision for it, but it is ... is it ever gonna happen? Nah. [Interview_Amadu_432020]</p> <p>To be honest, you can't really put a justice on it because the damage has been done ... So if you see a refugee kid who's never been to school, and they are told, "Oh, you have to be in the 11th grade. And you have to try to graduate when everybody's trying to get these grades." Already there's no equality in that. There's no equality in that. And that's what it's been, the system has been set up. [Interview_Momolu_3182021]</p> <p>Amadu and Momolu highlight how educational equity seems impossible considering restrictive language policies and supports for EB/LADs. Both participants located their lived experiences as EB/LAD students within a collective, critical understanding of education and equity through institutions. Both cast doubt on the idea that institutional intervention could result in fair or equitable outcomes.</p> <p>Community-based educators at CSIC are explicitly aware how EB/LAD students are harmed through English-only immersion in the local public school district because of their own experiences. Just as sanctuary policies can reinforce oppression in society and politics, Aaden highlights how education can be an oppressive experience despite its promises and value in his community:</p> <p>Education is dynamic. I feel like education changes based on just the need of the people, you know? Um, I feel like also education for, for immigrants and refugees it's ... it's vital, but at the same time ... I feel like the education that are in the school district is for citizens, almost, or those-who-were-born-here kind of thing. For those who were just kind of like, American citizens, or native-borns, or whatever ... so when an immigrant is trying to learn this education, they almost, like, leave a little bit behind of themselves ... [Interview_Aaden_472020]</p> <p>Throughout his interview, Aaden emphasized the importance of education, but he believed that education should be responsive to the needs of the people seeking it. He pointed out that the education he and many other EB/LADs experienced was designed for someone else. Here, the process of becoming educated is subtractive, wherein students must reconcile their desire and necessity for education and opportunity in the U.S. with their desire and necessity for family and belonging. Aaden continued,</p> <p>... Because they're learning this, they're learning something new, they're learning <emph>that</emph>, but they're not learning their culture. They're forgetting their culture, they're forgetting their language, and they almost leave a little bit of themselves behind. I feel like I'm forgetting some things, and I'm like, "Oh no, oh no, this can't be" because I'm losing my identity ... [Interview_Aaden_472020]</p> <p>Aaden illustrates the subtractive process of learning as an EB/LAD in U.S. schools. Despite the significance of one's culture, language, and identity, being able to demonstrate learning and achievement in U.S. schools often means displacing one's own cultural knowledge and sense of self in order to comply with the norms and values of the dominant culture in school. Aaden's thoughts urge us to recognize the importance of multiple identities, knowledges, and experiences in individual and community development. In other words, it is insufficient to sustain just the "home" culture or the "school" culture in isolation through education; rather, we must envision pluralistic futures and possibilities for cultural, linguistic, and ability pluralism.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-13">Theme 3: locating socially constructed labels</hd> <p>Whiteness, migration, linguistic imperialism, and ability are often mutually constitutive in the construction of different categories of—and, therefore, approaches to—disability (Gallo & Suriel, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref68">25</reflink>]). In general, even dominant cultural knowledge and practice around disability in the U.S. is color-evasive and euphemistic; outside of disability-affirming spaces, communities, and research, disability is typically constructed from a deficit-based, narrow perspective which negatively constructs people with disabilities—often without acknowledging how race and language interact and co-construct who is disabled (Annamma, et al., [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref69">1</reflink>]; Annamma et al., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref70">2</reflink>]). Regardless of their social identities, participants demonstrated awareness of the systemic and institutional function of labeling in the schooling experiences of EB/LADs, especially in relation to external markers of disability. For example, Laura concisely described how the educational label of "ELL" often functioned to preclude school-based professionals' recognition of disability-related needs.</p> <p>In terms of disabilities, I've been kind of fascinated, especially by the kids, because I think what I see happen is a lot of the kids are, like, put in ENL [English as a New Language] classes. And because they're ENL, they might have a disability that isn't being identified. [Interview_Laura_3242020]</p> <p>Laura explains how emergent bilingual children who receive ENL instruction are only understood under the lens of their broad educational label. Because they are only seen as "ELL" students, their needs, abilities, and difficulties are only related to their deficit-based language proficiency status. Laura also unintentionally highlights how the persistent focus on the mechanisms of educational labeling—determining whether a student's difficulties are evidence of disability or emergent English language proficiency—obscures more generative questions about how students identify themselves, or how they articulate their own needs, abilities, and preferences in school.</p> <p>In a similar vein, Amadu articulated how many emergent bilingual students who have unrecognized disabilities are not appropriately evaluated or supported by school-based professionals or their families. He conceptualized the lack of critical awareness around disability cultural knowledge and language differences across groups as a barrier to critical partnerships between school-based professionals and families.</p> <p>... I think the fact that they are from different places kinda makes it a little bit difficult for you to be like, "All right let's have this kid tested to see if he's got any mental problems," because parents—growing up, that's not something that the parents will like go to, you know? Once it's there, they'll be like, "Oh, he's just a happy kid, let him be," but not knowing there's a reason why he's "so happy" ... if you don't know about these situations it's hard for you to just give into your kids being tested for something you don't know about. [Interview_Amadu_432020]</p> <p>Refugee participants across all groups in this study emphasized cultural associations among disability, fear, shame, and pathologization. Migrant-identifying community-based educators explained how these associations not only affected parents' and caregivers' participation in special education, but also contributed to a critical perspective of school discipline and curriculum development. For example, Aaden described how teachers constructed male Somali students as inherent "behavior problems" through assumptions about their exposure to trauma and violence as refugees as well as their Blackness. He explained,</p> <p>They see a student and be like, "Ugh, he's just another bad kid. He walks around the hallway all the time." And it's just like, yeah, but why does he—why do they do that? [Interview_Aaden_472020]</p> <p>Aaden highlighted how teachers constructed male Somali students as "bad kid[s]" while failing to address the reasons behind the supposed "bad" behavior. Such examples show how migrant EB/LADs are constructed as, "another bad kid," or traumatized without consideration for underlying needs and how to address them. In the case of emergent bilingual students without formal disability labels, their racial and linguistic identities become part of their pathology: signs of deficiency in need of treatment or removal through pull-out instruction and services, leveled tracking, and disciplinary action.</p> <p>The tension in these data is that disability is both socially constructed and materially experienced. As Aaden noted, disability and access to linguistically affirming environments in school compounded the invisibilizing of EB/LADs at home and at school:</p> <p>I realize disability is something that's not really talked about within the immigrant/refugee community ... We don't really deal with it at home like they [school-based professionals] do ... so you kind of get pulled out of society almost [Interview_Aaden_472020]</p> <p>Here, Aaden expresses his aspiration for a different experience for EB/LAD children in his community. He highlighted how deficit-based perspectives of disability across school and community spaces function in tandem with subtractive language learning through English-only instruction and related services in schools to further exclude EB/LADs. Because EB/LADs' disability-related needs and identities are constructed as deficits—albeit differently—at home, in the community, and at school, they are "pulled out of society." So, although the community-based educators at CSIC understand systemic, institutional, and social mechanisms (and harms) of educational labels for disability and language which affect their students and children in Central Springs, they also are aware of the need for change within dominant and nondominant cultural communities in how disability is recognized, discussed, and supported.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-14">Conclusion: toward a critical reflexive praxis of sanctuary for Eb/lads</hd> <p>CSIC educators' critical, reflexive approach to addressing the diverse needs of their community serves as an emergent example of Critical Reflexive Praxis of Sanctuary for EB/LADs. Because of incongruent power dynamics of whiteness, class, ability, language, and citizenship, Critical Reflexive Sanctuary Praxis requires that individuals who occupy positions of power relative to refugee EB/LAD families fundamentally change the way they conceptualize and engage in partnerships, especially between schools and communities. Like the marginalizing effects of educational policies, U.S., migration policy processes EB/LADs and their families through a "double logic" (Dolmage, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref71">20</reflink>], p. 23) of reluctant inclusion contingent upon social, ability, and linguistic compliance and conformity. Consequently, EB/LAD parents and families at the intersection of migration and education are typically positioned as objects of policy—or the "crises" which the policies target. When EB/LADs and their families are constructed as objects or targets of migration and educational policies, it is difficult for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers to see and accept them as stakeholders who shape or disrupt the policies and practices that affect them. Further, the nuances of migrant EB/LAD families at the crossroads of race, disability, language, and migration are easily overlooked or ignored in public and academic discourses because of the narrow scope and rigid language of both the policy and the parameters set by researchers (Turner & Mangual Figueroa, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref72">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>In Central Springs, political leaders established sanctuary policies without foregrounding the perspectives, realities, and dynamics of migrants who live there. Meanwhile, school-based educators and leaders have attempted to establish centrally controlled procedures for pathologizing perceived characteristics or conditions of migration and bilingualism without critical reflexivity. Ultimately, these attempts at cultivating sanctuary in many forms are failing migrant EB/LAD families in Central Springs. In its current state, Central Springs' "sanctuary" designation is not enough. Following Houston's ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref73">28</reflink>]) concept of sanctuary as a process, the findings of this study suggest that communities in Central Springs need to engage in critical reflexivity in order to more effectively support and develop connections, belonging, and safety across all of its communities.</p> <p>Within a Critical Reflexive Praxis of Sanctuary for EB/LADs, sanctuary is framed as a critical collaborative process that requires proactive participation across communities. However, because of incongruent power dynamics of whiteness, ability, class, language, and citizenship, Critical Reflexive Sanctuary Praxis requires that individuals who occupy positions of power relative to migrant EB/LAD families fundamentally change the way they conceptualize and engage in partnerships.</p> <p>One implication of this study is that future federal- and state-level policy must solidify identity pluralism through recognizing and engaging nuanced, intersectional, and interconnected experiences across multiple forms of identity, ability, and experience, rather than reifying extant categories of difference or building new categories through educational labeling. Also, rather than relying on top-down policy development to enact change, local institutions must simultaneously develop, implement, and evaluate local or district-level policies and practices through critical partnerships across community boundaries. At the local level, institutions, institutional professionals, and community-based workers must recognize their role as agents of policymaking and implementation (Kangas, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref74">32</reflink>]) and leverage this role through ongoing consensus-building processes informed by cultural reciprocity (see Bal, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref75">6</reflink>])—both across and within community boundaries. Otherwise, we will continue to be bound and siloed by the stifling double logic of uncritical policy and practice.</p> <hd id="AN0180474274-15">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0180474274-16"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref2" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> The term "migrant" is used internationally to generally refer to displaced people but is used differently in different regions and communities of the U.S. In this study, which takes place in the U.S., I use the word "migrant" to signify the floating significance of labels for individuals who move between and across different political and social borders for different reasons.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref13" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> All names of participants and places in this study are pseudonyms.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0180474274-17"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Annamma, S. 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Urban Education, 51 (7), 719 – 747. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042085914549366</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Chelsea Stinson</p> <p>Reported by Author</p> <p></p> <p>Chelsea Stinson , PhD, is Assistant Professor of Inclusive Education in the Foundations and Social Advocacy Department at SUNY Cortland. Her research focuses on the experiences of emergent bilingual youth labeled as disabled and their families across migration and education contexts, as well as the knowledge, emotions, and policy contexts of teachers who support multiply marginalized students.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref67"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref74"></nolink>
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  Data: Sanctuary as Praxis: Engaging Families at the Crossroads of Disability, Education, and Migration
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Chelsea+Stinson%22">Chelsea Stinson</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Equity+%26+Excellence+in+Education%22"><i>Equity & Excellence in Education</i></searchLink>. 2024 57(3):318-332.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: 15
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Label: Education Level
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink>
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  Label: Descriptors
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Students+with+Disabilities%22">Students with Disabilities</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Disadvantaged+Youth%22">Disadvantaged Youth</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Power+Structure%22">Power Structure</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Policy%22">Educational Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migration%22">Migration</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migrant+Children%22">Migrant Children</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Praxis%22">Praxis</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Bilingual+Students%22">Bilingual Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22School+Policy%22">School Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Migrant+Programs%22">Migrant Programs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Inclusion%22">Inclusion</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Refugees%22">Refugees</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Public+Policy%22">Public Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigration%22">Immigration</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Labeling+%28of+Persons%29%22">Labeling (of Persons)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Learner+Engagement%22">Learner Engagement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Needs%22">Educational Needs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Land+Settlement%22">Land Settlement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22New+York%22">New York</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/10665684.2023.2265373
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  Data: 1066-5684<br />1547-3457
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
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  Data: This qualitative study is focused on the political and social connections among disability, race, language, and migration that affect how emergent bilingual students are labeled as disabled and marginalized in schools despite--or, perhaps, through--educational and migration policies. Specifically, this study is concerned with the connections between educational policies at the school-level and the sanctuary policies at the community-level which purport inclusion, belonging, and care without authentically and critically engaging and responding to the diverse needs and perspectives of the stakeholders these policies are intended to serve. Based on the findings of a qualitative study in a mid-sized sanctuary city in Upstate New York, the author offers a reconceptualization of sanctuary as a critical reflexive process, rather than stand-alone policy or political boundary, and what this means for the education and engagement of emergent bilingual students labeled as disabled (EB/LAD) and these students' families and communities.
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: EJ1445991
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        Value: 10.1080/10665684.2023.2265373
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      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 15
        StartPage: 318
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Students with Disabilities
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Disadvantaged Youth
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Power Structure
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Policy
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Migration
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      – SubjectFull: Migrant Children
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      – SubjectFull: Bilingual Students
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      – SubjectFull: School Policy
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      – SubjectFull: Migrant Programs
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      – SubjectFull: Inclusion
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      – SubjectFull: Refugees
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      – SubjectFull: Public Policy
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      – SubjectFull: Immigration
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      – SubjectFull: Labeling (of Persons)
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      – SubjectFull: Learner Engagement
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      – SubjectFull: Educational Needs
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      – SubjectFull: Land Settlement
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      – SubjectFull: Elementary Secondary Education
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      – SubjectFull: New York
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      – TitleFull: Sanctuary as Praxis: Engaging Families at the Crossroads of Disability, Education, and Migration
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