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'If the School Does Not Provide What I Expect, I Have to Supply It from Other Sources': Czech Parents' Dissatisfaction as a Driver of Shadow Education

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Title: 'If the School Does Not Provide What I Expect, I Have to Supply It from Other Sources': Czech Parents' Dissatisfaction as a Driver of Shadow Education
Language: English
Authors: Vít Štastný (ORCID 0000-0001-6300-7099)
Source: European Journal of Education. 2025 60(1).
Availability: Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 11
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Elementary Secondary Education
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Parent Attitudes, Satisfaction, Tutoring, Private Education, Supplementary Education, Decision Making, Elementary Secondary Education, Instruction, Class Organization, School Culture, Communication (Thought Transfer)
Geographic Terms: Czech Republic
DOI: 10.1111/ejed.70029
ISSN: 0141-8211
1465-3435
Abstract: Shadow education (various forms or types of private supplementary tutoring) and its implications and determinants have been explored by the scholarly literature, yet gaps remain in the understanding of its complex relationships with mainstream schooling in various national settings. This study reduces one of these gaps by scrutinising the role of parental dissatisfaction, exploring which aspects of schooling make dissatisfied parents consider procuring private supplementary tutoring for their children. Data for the qualitative study were gathered through individual, semistructured, in-depth interviews with 65 Czech parents. A maximum-variation sampling strategy was employed to gain insights from parents with different backgrounds and life situations. Parents who sought private tutoring because of their dissatisfaction with schooling listed a large array of school-related causes that triggered their decision. These were related to classroom instruction (e.g., inappropriate curriculum, grade inflation in student assessment), classroom organisation (e.g., unfavourable disciplinary climate and classroom composition), school communication (e.g., late teacher feedback on students' performance) and general school culture (e.g., unfavourable student-teacher relationships). The study has implications for teachers, schools and relatedly also policymakers by showing how their (in)actions and ignorance towards the quality of the service they offer may nurture the demand for private tutoring, which in turn may undermine their efforts to mitigate educational inequalities.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1461365
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0183654447;eje01mar.25;2025Mar17.06:27;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0183654447-1">'If the School Does Not Provide What I Expect, I Have to Supply It From Other Sources': Czech Parents' Dissatisfaction as a Driver of Shadow Education </title> <p>Shadow education (various forms or types of private supplementary tutoring) and its implications and determinants have been explored by the scholarly literature, yet gaps remain in the understanding of its complex relationships with mainstream schooling in various national settings. This study reduces one of these gaps by scrutinising the role of parental dissatisfaction, exploring which aspects of schooling make dissatisfied parents consider procuring private supplementary tutoring for their children. Data for the qualitative study were gathered through individual, semistructured, in‐depth interviews with 65 Czech parents. A maximum‐variation sampling strategy was employed to gain insights from parents with different backgrounds and life situations. Parents who sought private tutoring because of their dissatisfaction with schooling listed a large array of school‐related causes that triggered their decision. These were related to classroom instruction (e.g., inappropriate curriculum, grade inflation in student assessment), classroom organisation (e.g., unfavourable disciplinary climate and classroom composition), school communication (e.g., late teacher feedback on students' performance) and general school culture (e.g., unfavourable student–teacher relationships). The study has implications for teachers, schools and relatedly also policymakers by showing how their (in)actions and ignorance towards the quality of the service they offer may nurture the demand for private tutoring, which in turn may undermine their efforts to mitigate educational inequalities.</p> <p>Keywords: Czech Republic; parental satisfaction; private tutoring; school quality; shadow education</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Shadow education, which encompasses a wide range of private tutoring (hereafter PT) activities in academic school subjects outside regular schooling (Zhang and Bray [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref1">41</reflink>]), has become a rapidly expanding global phenomenon, influencing educational landscapes across diverse contexts. Much of the existing scholarly literature (for an overview, see Luo and Chan [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref2">27</reflink>]) explores its implications for various stakeholders or the educational system as a whole, both positively (offering tailored learning opportunities that can address individual student needs, helping to close or reduce achievement gaps, enhancing academic performance, boosting confidence, etc.) and negatively (exacerbating educational inequalities, posing additional financial and emotional burdens on families, or corruption risks when tutoring is provided by the schoolteachers).</p> <p>A large body of literature focus on the determinants and driving forces of private tutoring. The literature acknowledges these determinants are interrelated and rarely act in isolation. Rather, the decision concerning the use of private tutoring services is a result of a complex interplay of various factors at the micro‐ (family and pupil's individual characteristics), meso‐ (school) and macrolevel (educational policy, society) (Jokić and Ristić Dedić [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref3">17</reflink>]). A growing body of literature scrutinises the complex relationships between shadow education and mainstream schooling in various national settings. So far, its findings have shed light, among others, on the role of partnerships between schools and PT providers (Ghosh and Bray [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref4">13</reflink>]; Yamato and Zhang [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref5">39</reflink>]), the role of teachers in encouraging or discouraging the demand for PT (Khaydarov [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref6">20</reflink>]; Kobakhidze [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref7">21</reflink>]) or the role of free‐of‐charge tutoring offered at school (Bae et al. [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref8">1</reflink>]; Song, Park, and Sang [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref9">32</reflink>]). Parental decision‐making about shadow education and underlying school‐related factors have also been the subject of previous research in this area (Kobakhidze and Šťastný [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref10">22</reflink>]). Nevertheless, many gaps remain in the understanding of how specific aspects of schooling and its (perceived) quality can lead to parental (dis)satisfaction, and, in turn, to their decision to buy (or not buy) private tutoring for their child.</p> <p>Existing findings from previous quantitative research are mixed. Some quantitative studies have linked the prevalence of shadow education to parental dissatisfaction with perceived shortcomings in mainstream schooling (Bregvadze [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref11">4</reflink>]), while other studies found no such relationship (Davies [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref12">8</reflink>]; Liu and Bray [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref13">25</reflink>]), or only under specific conditions (Šťastný and Chvál [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref14">34</reflink>]). Qualitative studies indicate that both parental distrust of the schooling system and dissatisfaction with their children's school instruction or teachers can drive their decision to use private tutoring (Kazimzade and Jokić [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref15">19</reflink>]; Liu and Bray [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref16">26</reflink>]). While previous literature has shed some light on this issue, it has not offered a nuanced understanding of how dissatisfaction with their children's schooling is connected to the decision to arrange private tutoring, as parental views and perceptions were not in the centre of focus.</p> <p>This study addresses this gap by presenting findings from qualitative research conducted among Czech parents. It reveals the mechanisms and logic that led dissatisfied parents to seek private tutoring, thus scrutinising the relationship between shadow education and parents' satisfaction with their children's school.</p> <p>Noting that 'tutoring is holding a mirror to the mainstream to show what the mainstream is perceived to lack' (Bray [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref17">3</reflink>], 106), the study findings not only advance understanding of school‐related determinants of shadow education but also may be useful in helping practising teachers and principals see how their actions (or inactions), behaviours or policies may lead to parental dissatisfaction, and in turn to the rising prevalence of private tutoring among students with all its potentially negative implications. By examining the reasons for parental dissatisfaction with schools, the study thus also adds to the body of scholarly knowledge about parental satisfaction with schooling and its determinants and implications (e.g., Jónsdóttir, Björnsdóttir, and Bæck [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref18">18</reflink>]; Koutsampelas, Dimopoulos, and Katsiri [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref19">23</reflink>]; Meier and Lemmer [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref20">28</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-3">Link Between Shadow and Formal Education</hd> <p>Shadow education is very closely related to the formal education system in many complex ways. The metaphor of 'shadow' indicates that just as shadows follow the shape of the objects they reflect, private tutoring mimics the mainstream education system, among others, by adapting to its curriculum, structure or reacting to its weaknesses. In some cases, it can even affect the originator of the shadow, that is, mainstream education (Bray [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref21">2</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref22">3</reflink>]). Shadow education has both positive and negative implications. On the positive side, shadow education can provide students with personalised attention, helping them to grasp difficult concepts, improve academic performance and enhance their chances of success in examinations (Jansen, Elffers, and Volman [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref23">16</reflink>]). It can also empower parents by giving them more control over their children's education and ensuring that their educational needs are met (Kobakhidze and Šťastný [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref24">22</reflink>]). However, there are also significant negative implications. Shadow education can exacerbate educational inequality, as only families who can afford it can provide their children with additional academic support, widening the gap between socioeconomic groups. This creates pressure on families to spend substantial resources on tutoring, sometimes at the expense of other needs. For schools, the reliance on shadow education can undermine the formal curriculum, leading to a scenario where teachers may feel less accountable for student outcomes (Bray [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref25">3</reflink>]; Ghosh and Bray [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref26">13</reflink>]; Liu and Bray [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref27">26</reflink>]).</p> <p>Scholarly knowledge about the relationships between schooling and shadow education has grown considerably in the last decade. Based on a thorough review of more than 200 studies, Šťastný and Walterová ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref28">36</reflink>]) identified a multitude of factors associated with schools (and their teachers and principals) that had been found by previous literature to relate to the use of private tutoring by students. These factors included various contextual characteristics of the school (e.g., geographic location, track or socioeconomic composition of pupils), discrepancies between implemented and sought‐after curriculum (e.g., when schools do not teach the curriculum required by entrance examinations), within‐school ability grouping, class sizes, partnerships between school and PT (e.g., providers operating in school facilities, easing access to PT), specific behaviour of teachers (e.g., recommendations to use PT), remedial measures in schools (e.g., range of fee‐free tutoring on offer) and importantly also the subjectively perceived quality of school instruction. They also described the mechanisms by which these factors may affect the use of private tutoring by families.</p> <p>Findings from studies focussing on the relationship between the perceived quality of school instruction and the decision to buy private tutoring are ambiguous. For example, Bregvadze ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref29">4</reflink>]) found in a representative sample of Georgian parents that the lower the perceived quality of mainstream education, the higher the likelihood that parents would secure private tutoring for their children. Conversely, Liu and Bray ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref30">25</reflink>], 214) found no correlation between parents' satisfaction with school teachers and their children's use of private tutoring in China. This study is also partly a response to their conclusion that 'without deeper understanding of teacher's behaviour and students' and/or parents' decision‐making processes about seeking tutoring, the relationship between students' satisfaction with school teacher and the demand for tutoring is difficult to identify' and their suggestion that it 'remains a question for further study, especially through qualitative research' (Liu and Bray [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref31">25</reflink>], 214).</p> <p>A qualitative comparative research project across five postsocialist countries (Kazimzade and Jokić [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref32">19</reflink>]) found that parents shared concerns about the quality of education within the formal system, and identified several aspects that drive parents' dissatisfaction with schooling. Parents related their decision to seek private tutoring with the perceived poor quality of teaching, lack of individual attention, mismatched educational expectations (a gap between what parents expect from the school system and what it delivers), systemic issues and constant educational reforms, which made them perceive the education system as unstable or inadequate. These sources of dissatisfaction contribute to a lack of trust in the formal education system and drive parents to seek private tutoring as a way to address perceived shortcomings and ensure their child receives the education they desire.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-4">Conceptual Framework</hd> <p>Studies in the education area highlight the importance of understanding the multidimensional concept of parental satisfaction, indicating that this variable may also indirectly testify about school quality. The determinants of satisfaction can be grouped into factors related, first: to parental characteristics, such as gender, occupation, education and socioeconomic background, second: to the children, such as age, grade and other, and third: to the school, with dimensions such as school communication, parent involvement, educational/academic achievements, quality of teaching staff, school safety, school environment and curriculum (Koutsampelas, Dimopoulos, and Katsiri [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref33">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>The conceptual framework of this study primarily takes the school‐related factors into consideration. To frame the findings from qualitative interviewing, the study builds on Meier and Lemmer's ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref34">28</reflink>]) research of parents, whom they conceptualised as the school's customers, and identified four distinct domains of their satisfaction. First, <emph>satisfaction with school culture</emph> pertains to parents' overall evaluation of the school's atmosphere, including their comfort and sense of welcome during school visits. It includes beliefs, perceptions, relationships, attitudes and written and unwritten rules that influence all facets of school functioning and is closely linked to their children's happiness and positive feelings towards the school. Other aspects also include satisfaction with the state of school grounds and facilities, as well as security measures in place.</p> <p>The second domain is <emph>satisfaction with the communication between home and school</emph>. Effective communication is crucial for addressing parents' concerns and enhancing their satisfaction with the quality of schooling. This domain focusses on the clarity, frequency, quality and responsiveness of communication between parents and the school.</p> <p>Third, the assessment of <emph>classroom instruction</emph> covers all aspects related to instructional quality, including curricular matters (e.g., insufficient time spent on teaching certain subjects), the degree of difficulty (e.g., insufficient number of learning tasks), deficiencies in student assessments (e.g., unmarked student work, lack of feedback or inadequate comments) and the relevance of homework. Parents assess instructional quality based on their children's work samples and value comments on the quality and effectiveness of instruction, as well as the academic standards of the curriculum.</p> <p>Fourth, <emph>satisfaction with classroom organisation</emph> addresses parental concerns about class size (including preferences for smaller classes and individualised approaches), physical space for effective classroom activities (such as group work) and classroom discipline. Issues such as the negative system of awarding demerits, instances of teachers shouting at children and name‐calling are also considered in this dimension.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-5">Study Context</hd> <p>The Czech Republic's education system is characterised by a strong tradition of public schooling (in the school year of 2022/2023, only some 2.5% of basic school students and 15.2% of upper secondary students attended private schools), with compulsory education lasting 10 years, typically from ages 5 to 15. Basic school covers primary (ISCED 1) and lower‐secondary (ISCED 2) education and takes 9 years. At the lower‐secondary level, tracking options exist after grade 5. About 10% of the corresponding pupil cohort transits from regular‐track schools to academic‐track ones, known as multiyear gymnasiums, if they meet the selection criteria in an admission process. At the upper‐secondary level, students may choose from academic or technical tracks, which can be followed through to tertiary education, or they study in apprenticeship tracks (EURYDICE [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref35">11</reflink>]). Schools and teachers have a high level of autonomy. Most schools are autonomous in decisions regarding the appointing or hiring of teachers, allocation of the school budget or the specifics of student assessment, as well as curricular decisions such as choosing which learning materials are used, deciding which courses are offered or determining course content (Dvořák, Urbánek, and Starý [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref36">10</reflink>]; OECD [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref37">29</reflink>]).</p> <p>The general public perception of the quality of mainstream schooling is relatively high. A repeated representative survey (Kyselá [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref38">24</reflink>]) found that the quality of academic‐track schools as well as regular‐track schools is positively assessed by about two‐thirds of the population. The same survey also showed that this evaluation is relatively stable in time, although there was recently a slight drop in the share of respondents assessing the quality of these types of schools as 'very good' or 'quite good'. Czech parents generally seem to be appreciative of the quality of schooling, allegedly even more than the general public. In a 2020 representative survey, 72% of parents expressed satisfaction with the basic school their child was attending, although when looking only at senior grade students' parents, the proportion of parents critical and dissatisfied with Czech schools has increased by a third since 2009, rising from 27% to 36% (Prokop, Kunc, and Korbel [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref39">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>Private tutoring in the Czech Republic is on a moderate scale (compared with the low incidence in Nordic countries or the high incidence in East Asian countries, Bray [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref40">3</reflink>]), with various studies consistently finding the share of students with private tutoring experience to be between about one‐third and two‐fifths (Šťastný [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref41">33</reflink>]; Šťastný and Chvál [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref42">34</reflink>]). Private tutoring is mainly supplied by individual entrepreneurial tutors (students and importantly also schoolteachers) most commonly in a one‐to‐one form; large towns or cities also feature a considerable supply of private tutoring courses offered by private educational organisations, including language tutoring or examination preparation. Even public schools may offer shadow education in the form of paid preparatory courses for entrance examinations (Šťastný [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref43">33</reflink>]).</p> <p>Concerning the relationship between the perception of schooling quality and private tutoring, a study by Šťastný and Chvál ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref44">34</reflink>]) revealed that Czech lower‐secondary students who perceive the quality of instruction in mathematics or their national language as poor are more likely to seek private tutoring, although no such association was found for English. However, the study enquired about students' opinions, not parents' ones, and focussed only on a limited number of aspects of school instruction, without investigating other aspects of the schooling experience with a potential to influence the decision to buy PT.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-6">Methods</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0183654447-7">Research Question</hd> <p>One overarching research question guides the study:</p> <p> <emph>How does parental dissatisfaction with different aspects of schooling translate into their decision to arrange private tutoring for their child?</emph> </p> <hd id="AN0183654447-8">Design and Participants</hd> <p>This qualitative study forms part of a larger research project focussed on understanding how parents make decisions about shadow education at different stages: before, during and after its use. Data were gathered through individual, semistructured, in‐depth interviews with parents, primarily of children in lower‐secondary school, although a smaller number of cases involved children in upper‐secondary or primary education. To qualify for the study, parents had to either be considering shadow education for their child or have already utilised it. The study employed a mix of convenience and opportunistic sampling, guided by the principle of maximum variation (Patton [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref45">30</reflink>]), to ensure a diverse range of informants from different socioeconomic backgrounds and regions across the country. A total of 65 parents participated, with each respondent anonymised using a unique ID code for their quotes in the study. Besides interviews, background information was also solicited through a brief five‐question survey completed by participants after the interview. Respondents (see Appendix A for more details) were mainly mothers (<emph>n</emph> = 60, 92%) with tertiary education (<emph>n</emph> = 34, 52%), living in a nuclear family (<emph>n</emph> = 37, 57%) or as single parents (<emph>n</emph> = 21, 32%), generally caring for two children (<emph>n</emph> = 31, 48%).</p> <p>Three main strategies were used to recruit participants. First, we reached out to private tutoring providers, who helped facilitate contact with parents whose children were receiving tutoring services from them or their colleagues. These parents were then invited to participate in the project. Second, we responded to classified ads posted by parents seeking private tutors for their children, which were found in social media groups related to private tutoring, particularly on Facebook. Third, we contacted lower‐secondary schools nationwide, asking them to inform parents about the study and invite them to take part. An information leaflet was distributed, and interested parents either signed up through an online form or contacted the researchers directly via email.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-9">Data Collection</hd> <p>Data collection for the study occurred between February 2022 and December 2023. In total, 56 interviews were conducted remotely using platforms such as MS Teams, Skype or Zoom, while nine interviews took place in person. All interviews were conducted in Czech, with durations ranging from 20 min to 2 h, and a median length of 52 min. Members of the research team, including a project associate, carried out the interviews, and the audio recordings were subsequently transcribed.</p> <p>An interview guide was developed based on the study's objectives and research questions, with initial inspiration drawn from a prior research project in Hong Kong (see e.g., Tsaloukidis and Kobakhidze [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref46">37</reflink>]). It was pilot‐tested with three participants and refined according to their responses (e.g., rephrasing some questions, reducing the number of questions). The final guide was organised into five key sections (introduction and family background, characteristics of the private tutoring used by the child, parental motivations for procuring private tutoring, choices regarding private tutoring and assessment of the tutoring and its impact). All participants were informed about the purpose of the study, their rights and the confidentiality measures in place, including strict anonymisation of the project outputs, and they signed an informed consent form. The study received an approval from the ethic committee of the authors' home university (decision no. 194000).</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-10">Data Analysis</hd> <p>The data analysis proceeded through several stages. The analysis employed an inductive approach involving open coding and constant comparison (Corbin and Strauss [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref47">7</reflink>]; Gibbs [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref48">14</reflink>]), where patterns and themes emerged from the collected data without preconceived notions. After the initial coding, three research team members compared their results and agreed upon a unified list of categories. Coding continued, with the codebook regularly reviewed and updated as new data emerged. In the later stages, the study's theoretical framework and research question prompted the development of additional codes, which were applied across the entire data set. Emergent codes were continuously checked for accuracy and mutual exclusivity and further grouped into higher level categories. Following the guidelines for analysing qualitative data by Gerson and Damaske ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref49">12</reflink>]), analytical memos were also used to summarise key findings, and an Excel matrix was created to provide an overview of the data. This matrix included respondent information, their reports and relevant text segments from the transcripts, enabling cross‐case comparisons. The analysis was conducted using the original Czech transcripts. For the purposes of this paper, all quotes used throughout the text to document the codes in the data were translated by a bilingual native speaker to assure the fidelity of the translation.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-11">Findings</hd> <p>This section begins, perhaps somewhat unexpectedly, by discussing a group of parents who did not express dissatisfaction with their child's schooling but still arranged private tutoring. Even when specifically asked about the quality of schooling, these parents denied that their perception of the school's quality was the reason for seeking private tutoring. Instead, their reasons were usually quite specific, and they generally did not even expect the school to provide such specialised training. Often, these were parents of 9th graders who invested in private tutoring to prepare for entrance examinations for upper‐secondary schools. As one parent explained: <emph>'</emph>I'm not really sure if I can expect this [<emph>specialized exam preparation</emph>] from the school' (P057). This group also included parents who wanted their child to be prepared for other specific exams (such as Cambridge English examinations), parents whose child had been seriously ill and absent for an extended period, or immigrants seeking tutoring in Czech. These parents generally expressed high satisfaction with their child's school, and their decision to purchase tutoring was not due to negative perceptions of their child's formal schooling.</p> <p>When asked about their motivations to seek private tutoring, the second group of parents initially cited various child‐related reasons as their main motivation. However, when prompted directly about their satisfaction with the school, they admitted a certain level of dissatisfaction with a range of school‐related issues and acknowledged that had the quality of schooling been better, they might not have felt the need for private tutoring.</p> <p>The motivation to buy private tutoring in the third group of parents was primarily related to a range of issues they perceived in the school of their child and made them dissatisfied. These parents expected the school to provide an education they considered adequate and were disappointed when it did not. Part of their response to this dissatisfaction was to arrange private tutoring. As expressed by one parent:</p> <p> <emph>If the school doesn't provide what I expect, then I simply have to, or I'm willing to, supply it from my other resources</emph>. (P040)[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref50">1</reflink>] While parents may have been unhappy with specific aspects of the schooling experience, many still appreciated or praised other elements of their child's school education. Nevertheless, these aspects were unrelated to their decision to seek private tutoring, or did not prevent them from seeking it.</p> <p>Further analysis draws mainly on the reports of the parents of the second and third groups. Using the typology of Meier and Lemmer ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref51">28</reflink>]) as a theoretical framework, the following subsections elaborate on how various aspects of parental dissatisfaction with classroom instruction, with classroom organisation, with school culture and with communication between school and home contribute to parental decisions to buy private tutoring.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-12">Parents' Dissatisfaction With Classroom Instruction</hd> <p>A large array of issues related to parental perceptions of classroom instruction appeared to be the main drivers of dissatisfaction that led our respondents to seek private tutoring for their children.</p> <p>First, dissatisfied parents complained about low‐quality school instruction, stressing inappropriate curriculum, inappropriate teaching methods or unstructured 'chaotic' lessons. They often attributed this low‐quality instruction to teacher incompetence, inadequate pedagogical approaches or lack of involvement; parents complained about teachers whom they considered 'burned out' or who 'don't have any will to learn anything new to teach the children differently, you know? They don't want to' (P047). Another parent (P037) mentioned that the English teacher was an older man who had not mastered English pronunciation well, and children accustomed to English from general use (e.g., in songs, PC games) made fun of him: 'so when someone says /dz ˈteɪbl/ [instead of /ðə ˈteɪbəl/], it will hardly get anyone excited and is more likely to be laughed at'. The same respondent also criticised the curricular materials used during instruction, questioning the choice of topics and vocabulary in the textbook, and the clarity of the information presented: 'The textbooks, well, I think nowadays there are various options for textbooks, and we really don't need to be learning vocabulary like 'colony', 'economy', and so on in the fourth or fifth grade, right?' (P037) She further reported that this low‐quality instruction had a negative impact on her son's motivation and attitude towards English, which persisted even after the contested teacher left the school, so she kept paying for private tutoring despite the improvements in school English instruction. This example illustrates the potential for school‐related factors to have a lasting effect on the parental decision to procure private tutoring.</p> <p>When assessing the classroom instruction, parents in the sample relied on indirect sources of information to assess the quality of classroom instruction, such as samples of their children's work in workbooks and projects, homework assignments, test and examination results, and informal reports from their children. Notably, the schoolteacher's lack of proficiency in the subject could sometimes also be discovered thanks to private tutoring, as evidenced by the report of one mother (P060) who held a relatively positive view about the schoolteacher until their private tutor highlighted mistakes she had made on the child's examination paper, when scrutinised during a private lesson. 'Actually, that one lady who gives him lessons now, I showed her the exam. And she said that even the teacher had mistakes there and had corrected something of his there, and she said – that's not how it's written at all' (P060).</p> <p>Second, perceptions of school instruction as either too demanding or insufficiently challenging, along with related student assessments, were significant sources of dissatisfaction that led parents to seek private tutoring. The first scenario is illustrated by the following excerpt: <emph>'</emph>He [my son] managed [to learn] what's in the textbook, but the teacher takes the same topic further, with more difficult examples. He couldn't keep up, and neither could I actually. This was really pointed out to me by the girl [tutor], who was studying at university at the time' (P015). Consequently, the perceived high difficulty of the instruction, reflected in negative student assessments by the teacher, prompted the mother to hire a private tutor.[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref52">2</reflink>]</p> <p>The other extreme, the instruction being considered too easy, not demanding and irrelevant to their child's educational needs, also led parents to consider private tutoring. Insufficiently challenging instruction was closely related to issues of student assessment, namely grade inflation (Chowdhury [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref53">6</reflink>]), when children were receiving high and positive grades, but parents felt that the school instruction had not provided the child with adequate skills and content that would correspond to the grade awarded. As a result, parents questioned the accuracy and informational value of such high grades, which left them unable to gauge their child's real academic performance accurately. Even worse, after arranging private tutoring, some parents found that their child was unmotivated to attend private tutoring due to the good grades they were already receiving at school.</p> <p>Because the teachers make their work easier by giving a good grade, even when the result is just average, so they can have peace and quiet. I realized that all the kids were getting As, maybe Bs at worst. Nowadays, it's like lower grades didn't even exist. [...] The grades just aren't relevant at all. I found out he has such gaps in his maths—bits of knowledge here and there, but surrounded by a sea... In eighth grade, he couldn't [calculate] the volume of a sphere, and nobody cared, he just got an A in the test. [...] And now, of course, the kid had no motivation to study because—look, I've got an A, a B. (P012)</p> <p>Some parents also complained about teachers who, when grading, did not take into account other aspects such as effort, diligence or even participation in private tutoring, and consequently considered the teacher's assessment to be unfair:</p> <p>I think a lot of teachers should also consider how the student is approaching their work. They might see the student and just think—'you don't know it,' and give them a fail. But they should really take into account the effort. I mean, he [my son] was taking lessons in Czech and maths, getting up at 6 in the morning. [...] So just from that perspective alone, the fact that he's showing interest and wants to learn, it bothers and frustrates me that the school's approach is like that. (P053)</p> <p>In line with findings from other countries (e.g., Du [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref54">9</reflink>]; Tsaloukidis and Kobakhidze [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref55">37</reflink>]), parents in our sample felt that the quality of instruction deteriorated during the period of COVID‐19‐related school closures. They generally assessed this period as 'poorly handled' by their child's school and felt that distance instruction was inadequately executed by teachers, whom they considered unprepared. They also noted that the quality of online education was hindered by technical problems and the general challenges of online communication. In some cases, their dissatisfaction (and perceived need for private tutoring) disappeared after the restrictions were lifted, but other parents continued paying for private tutoring even after that.</p> <p>In the Meier and Lemmer's ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref56">28</reflink>]) study, parents were concerned about their children's referral to an array of extra classes offered after school, which they were supposed to pay for. South African parents questioned the need for extra classes, which they understood as a reflection of poor school instruction. While such reports were absent in this study, the interviewed parents negatively reflected either on the absence of fee‐free tutoring at school, or if it was offered by the school, they complained about the features of such free‐of‐charge remedial arrangements (e.g., timing, group size or the teacher, who was the same as in regular school lessons), which in turn made them perceive such free tutoring as ineffective for their child.</p> <p>That was the reason [to procure private tutoring], and now when we asked the teacher about [free remedial] tutoring, she simply said she wouldn't do it, just no. (P007)</p> <p>It's often during zero period, so a lot of children dropped out after the first [lesson] because at seven a.m. one doesn't exactly have an ideal state of mind for solving exercises. (P030)</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-13">Dissatisfaction With Classroom Organisation</hd> <p>The main concern for parents in relation to classroom organisation was classroom size and composition, which they felt hindered the teacher's ability to address their child's individual educational needs. For example, one parent assumed, these days it's like the slower kids are holding back the faster kids, and everything just drags because of them. There's no consideration really for whether there's someone faster or not' (P004). Dissatisfied parents expressed a desire for smaller classrooms or more ability grouping within the school. However, even in schools with ability grouping, one parent (P018) perceived a difference in the quality of instruction between the two ability groups. She believed her daughter was assigned to the wrong group and was unsuccessful in having her reassigned. As a result, she turned to private tutoring to compensate for the low‐level instruction.</p> <p>Certainly, from my point of view, it [the reason for tutoring] was an insufficient intensity at school, because we also have a niece in the same class, in the other half of that English... in the other half of the class. And it was quicker there. In general, I think the school... the teaching there isn't really ideal. Or at least that's how it was with our daughter—she didn't have very good guidance, and she stagnated a lot.</p> <p>Other factors contributing to parental dissatisfaction included a poor disciplinary climate (even in small classrooms), overcrowded classes, classrooms with too many immigrant children or children with special educational needs, or generally with unmotivated (often low‐SES) students (in combination with a lack of teacher's assistants) and the inability of schoolteachers to address individual learning needs. One parent (P038) even mentioned that teachers deliberately disregarded their child's special educational needs (properly formally diagnosed by specialists), such as by not allowing more time for task completion or using inappropriate assessment methods, and she had to compensate for these shortcomings with private tutoring. In parents' opinions, these aspects hindered their child's effective learning at school, and in turn, fuelled their dissatisfaction and perceived need for private tutoring for their child.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-14">Dissatisfaction With School Culture</hd> <p>Parents held ambivalent attitudes towards their child's school culture, with many appreciating certain aspects of the school culture while expressing dissatisfaction with others. A primary source of dissatisfaction was related to the student's relationship with the teacher, which not only impacted the child's academic performance but also their attitude towards the subject and schooling in general. For example, when asked about the main reason for seeking private tutoring, one mother (P025) reported:</p> <p>The first trigger [for deciding to buy private tutoring] was that he just didn't get along with the teacher for that subject at all. He didn't like her, and so he didn't like the entire subject and wasn't doing well at it. But the biggest factor was exactly that—he had no relationship with the teacher.</p> <p>Parents whose children had poor relationships with their teachers reported that these strained relationships further translated into negative attitudes towards the subject, leading to the child's indifference, frustration and resignation. One parent (P053) even reported that her child was repeatedly denigrated by the teacher in front of his peers for his lack of knowledge and skills, and experienced bullying. In the emotional interview, the mother explained why she had procured private tutoring for her child:</p> <p>He should be motivated, and even for small progress, he should be praised. Not like when a teacher says: "You don't know anything, you're going to fail". [...] Maybe he's too embarrassed to say something because he doesn't want to seem stupid in front of his classmates, right? [...] after all, because he was bullied, he doesn't want to make himself look like a fool or give the kids a reason to laugh at him. Honestly, I'm often at a loss and don't know how to help him.</p> <p>Additionally, parents complained about teacher absenteeism or a high turnover of teachers at the school, which negatively affected the relationships between their child and the teachers, as well as the quality of instruction.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref57">3</reflink>] These issues then triggered parents' decisions to invest in private tutoring.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-15">Dissatisfaction With Communication Between Home and School</hd> <p>In several cases, the need for private tutoring was induced by parents' (dis)satisfaction with the communication between home and school (teachers). Parents were dissatisfied with the lack of communication, late feedback or even no feedback about their child's achievements from teachers (P020, P038), and teacher–parent meetings were often perceived as inefficient for such purposes (P012). In turn, lack of quality feedback about the child's performance led to a worsening of the child's achievements, which in turn nurtured the need for private tutoring. For instance, one mother (P020) complained that the class teacher had minimal interactions with them as parents and only informed them about their child's educational problems at the end of the school year. By then, it was too late for the parents to address these issues, and they felt forced to pay for remedial tutoring during the summer holidays to help their child catch up.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Interviewee And in June, at the beginning of June, she sent us an email saying that Karolína is really struggling with Czech language and that she should repeat the 1st grade, right? In the meantime, there was no email—practice this, do that, or this is wrong. Nothing. Until June.</item> <p></p> <item> Interviewer Well, that's interesting...</item> <p></p> <item> Interviewee Yeah, it was crazy. So back then, over the summer, Kája had tutoring three times a week with a professional teacher.</item> </ulist> <p>The way schools communicated about decisions regarding students' educational paths also influenced parents' decisions to seek private tutoring. One such case involved a mother (P033) who wanted her son to transfer to an academic track but was discouraged by the school from attempting so. She recalled being told by the teacher: <emph>'</emph>I was told that he shouldn't apply to the grammar school because he's not the academic type [...] I was told I have average kids and that I should just accept it'. However, the mother refused to accept the schoolteacher's assessment of her child and instead invested heavily in private tutoring to improve her son's chances of success in the entrance examinations. Originally, she had not intended to do so, but felt 'pushed' by the school's underestimation of her child (who eventually did get accepted into the academic‐track school). Nevertheless, interviewed parents were only rarely directly advised or encouraged by schoolteachers to purchase private tutoring to improve their child's achievements.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-16">Discussion</hd> <p>The present study endeavoured to shed more light on the role of parental dissatisfaction with their child's school, which previous studies identified as a potentially important predictor of private tutoring, although with limited explorations of the underlying mechanisms. The study examined school‐related situations, conditions and aspects (categorised into four distinct groups based on Meier and Lemmer [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref58">28</reflink>]), which led to the dissatisfaction of Czech parents, translating into their decision to seek private tutoring for their child. The main findings are summarised in Figure 1.</p> <p> <img src="https://imageserver.ebscohost.com/img/embimages/rdk/EJE/01mar25/ejed70029-fig-0001.jpg?ephost1=dGJyMNXb4kSepq84yOvqOLCmsE6epq5Srqa4SK6WxWXS" alt="ejed70029-fig-0001.jpg" title="1 Factors influencing parental satisfaction with schooling and the decision to buy private tutoring. Source: Author (based on the study findings)." /> </p> <p></p> <p>Liu and Bray ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref59">25</reflink>], 214) stressed the need to better understand why the quantitative relationship between parents' satisfaction with schoolteachers and the use of private tutoring is ambiguous and not always significant. This study offers a possible explanation in the form of parental expectations towards the school. On the one hand, about a third of the interviewed parents had modest or even low expectations towards the school. These parents were satisfied with the current educational provision in the school for their child and did not even expect the school to provide what they sought in private tutoring. Thus, not every parent who employs a private tutor must be dissatisfied with public education, as Davies ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref60">8</reflink>]) pointed out some time ago and this study has further confirmed.</p> <p>However, for a significant group of parents, shadow education indeed reflects their dissatisfaction with the school. Had they been satisfied with the school provisions, they would not have considered buying private tutoring. The present study shows there are numerous sources of parental discontent with schooling that lead to the procurement of PT. In general, they are school‐related issues that make parents worry about the potentially negative impacts on their child's academic achievements or well‐being and the extent to which the school fulfils their individual educational needs.</p> <p>Some of them have already been identified by previous literature. Corroborating the findings of the previous comparative study of private tutoring in five postsocialist countries (Kazimzade and Jokić [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref61">19</reflink>]), Czech parents also bought private tutoring because they perceived teaching quality in the school as poor, or contested the lack of individual attention given to their children. Combined with a disregard towards individual educational needs of their child, parents who perceived these school‐related shortcomings seem to be more likely dissatisfied than other parents (Jónsdóttir, Björnsdóttir, and Bæck [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref62">18</reflink>]), and arguably also more likely to feel the need for private tutoring.</p> <p>The present study also pointed out some as‐yet less‐explored issues, related to classroom instruction (namely grading practices), school culture (namely relationships with teachers) and school communications (namely feedback about the child's performance).</p> <p>First, dissatisfaction with grading practices in schools led parents to consider private tutoring when they received ambiguous information about their child's performance through the medium of school grades. For instance, previous studies from European contexts (e.g., Hawrot [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref63">15</reflink>]; Šťastný and Chvál [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref64">34</reflink>]) generally found low school grades as an important predictor of private tutoring use at least in some subjects or tracks, suggesting a primarily remedial role of tutoring. Contrarily, however, studies from other cultural contexts, especially from East Asia, found the opposite pattern, where private tutoring is commonly used for enrichment by highly achieving students with high grades (Byun, Chung, and Baker [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref65">5</reflink>]; Zhang and Bray [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref66">40</reflink>]). The present study would add another element to the discussion about the role of grades in relation to private tutoring use, as it brings to the foreground the issue of grade inflation. Some Czech parents linked their decision to seek private tutoring with their complaints about grading practices in schools, as they encountered discrepancies between the assessment by the schoolteacher (grade) and the actual level of the child's knowledge or skills they expected. This study thus questions the validity of grades as predictors of private tutoring attendance, as even students with seemingly high grades may use private tutoring mainly for remedial purposes, as understood by parents. The perceived grade leniency also seems to have further negative consequences for the child's motivation to study in private tutoring. Thus, parental dissatisfaction with the validity of school assessment warrants further research attention by shadow education scholars.</p> <p>Another important but previously largely overlooked factor in the literature was parents' dissatisfaction with the mutual relationships between child and teacher, which negatively impacted their child's achievements as well as their attitudes towards the subject or learning in general, and private tutoring was sought to fix this issue. When defective, such student–teacher relationships may also render any fee‐free tutoring at school ineffective if provided by the same teacher (or if provided in an inappropriate form or time). In this case, parents' views confirm the same previous assumptions made by school principals (Šťastný, Chvál, and Walterová [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref67">35</reflink>]).</p> <p>Meier and Lemmer ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref68">28</reflink>], 624) found that South African parents were concerned about late or inadequate feedback about their child's academic performance, which often came 'too late to introduce remedial action where children were in need of additional help'. A similar issue of lateness or insufficiency of feedback was faced by several parents in our sample, who responded by involuntarily employing private tutor to help their child catch up. Such shortcomings in school communication seem to be easily fixable by improving frequency or quality of teachers' communication with the parents of their students.</p> <p>Besides knowing which school factors may lead parents to consider private tutoring, it is equally important to know which of them do not have such an effect. This was the case with (dis)satisfaction with the state of school facilities (quality, cleanliness and accessibility) expressed by surveyed parents in Meier and Lemmer's ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref69">28</reflink>]) study. Participants of the present study did not link their dissatisfaction with these aspects of school quality with their decision to buy private tutoring to any degree.</p> <p>In a wider perspective, the present study has implications for teachers, schools and relatedly also policymakers by showing how their (in)actions and ignorance towards the quality of the service they offer may lead parents to buy private tutoring, which in turn may undermine their efforts to mitigate educational inequalities—as shadow education can be a significant financial burden for many parents. In the interviews, individual 'small' reasons for dissatisfaction appeared to be amplified by the concurrence of multiple issues at the school, which led to an overall decrease in parents' satisfaction and trust in the school's capability to address the educational needs of their child. In addition, parental dissatisfaction often goes unnoticed by the school because parents do not voice their concerns for various reasons (Westergård [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref70">38</reflink>]). Recalling that 'tutoring is holding a mirror to the mainstream to show what the mainstream is perceived to lack' (Bray [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref71">3</reflink>], 106), schools should not underestimate the scale of private tutoring among their students. Rather, the overall presence of shadow education should be understood as a signal given by parents about their perception of school quality. Schools should actively seek feedback on their work especially from silent parents and identify whether the reasons leading parents to purchase private tutoring are related to any shortcomings in their educational provision and whether it is in their power to change the situation (Šťastný and Walterová [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref72">36</reflink>]). If so, schools and teachers should also actively address these shortcomings to improve the parental experience and to support students' achievements. To achieve this, open communication channels and high‐quality relationships between home and school are an important requirement (Meier and Lemmer [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref73">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>To conclude, shadow education reflects a broader trend of privatisation within education, where parents' investment in private tutoring can be seen as both a response to and a critique of the public education system. This study helps to uncover some of the details of the intricate relationship between parental satisfaction and their decision to seek private tutoring, yet many gaps remain. While the study offers insights into how participants think and make decisions about shadow education when they are dissatisfied with their child's school, due to the sampling strategy, it could not conduct an in‐depth exploration of the views and motivations of parents who were dissatisfied with their child's schooling yet did not seek private tutoring. Also, only parents were used as sources of information and parental subjective reports of their (dis)satisfaction could not be triangulated against other sources of data (e.g., more objective measures of school quality). To complement the findings of this study, further studies could also endeavour to scrutinise the perceptions of other stakeholders, including the students or teachers themselves. More insight is also needed to understand how parents react to their dissatisfaction and what roles private tutoring plays in their response.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-18">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>This work was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (Grantová agentura České republiky) under Grant no. 22‐01308S <emph>Parental demand for shadow education: Contexts, processes, determinants and outcomes</emph>. The author would also like to thank M. Nutsa Kobakhidze for sharing information and methodological insights from her prior research on parents in Hong Kong. Open access publishing facilitated by Univerzita Karlova, as part of the Wiley ‐ CzechELib agreement.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-19">Conflicts of Interest</hd> <p>The author declares no conflicts of interest.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-20">Data Availability Statement</hd> <p>The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to privacy or ethical restrictions.</p> <hd id="AN0183654447-21">A Appendix Major Characteristics of the Study Participants</hd> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th align="left">Characteristic</th><th align="center"><italic>n</italic> (%)</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td align="left">Age</td></tr><tr><td align="left">32–40</td><td align="center">12 (18.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">41–50</td><td align="center">37 (56.9)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">51–58</td><td align="center">6 (9.2)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Unknown (N/A)</td><td align="center">10 (15.4)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Gender</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Female</td><td align="center">60 (92.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Male</td><td align="center">5 (7.7)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Highest educational level attained<xref ref-type="fn" rid="tfn1" /></td></tr><tr><td align="left">Apprenticeship certificate</td><td align="center">2 (3.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">School leaving examination (academic)</td><td align="center">3 (4.6)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">School leaving examination (vocational)</td><td align="center">17 (26.2)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Bachelor degree or equivalent</td><td align="center">8 (12.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Master degree or equivalent</td><td align="center">25 (38.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Doctoral degree</td><td align="center">1 (1.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Unknown (N/A)</td><td align="center">9 (13.8)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Number of children for whom shadow education was arranged</td></tr><tr><td align="left">One child</td><td align="center">54 (83.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Two children</td><td align="center">8 (12.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Three or more children</td><td align="center">3 (4.6)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">School choice for the child for whom shadow education was arranged</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Primary</td><td align="center">13 (16.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Lower secondary regular track</td><td align="center">27 (34.2)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Lower secondary regular track (started SE at primary)</td><td align="center">18 (22.8)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Lower secondary (academic track)</td><td align="center">3 (3.8)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Lower secondary (academic track, started SE at primary)</td><td align="center">9 (11.4)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Upper secondary</td><td align="center">3 (3.8)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Upper secondary (started SE at lower secondary)</td><td align="center">5 (6.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Upper secondary (started SE at primary)</td><td align="center">1 (1.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Total number of children in the family</td></tr><tr><td align="left">One child</td><td align="center">15 (23.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Two children</td><td align="center">31 (47.7)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Three or more children</td><td align="center">13 (20)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Unknown (N/A)</td><td align="center">6 (9.2)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Family structure</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Single parent</td><td align="center">21 (32.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Nuclear family</td><td align="center">37 (56.9)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Other</td><td align="center">2 (3.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Unknown (N/A)</td><td align="center">5 (7.7)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Place of abode</td><td align="center" /></tr><tr><td align="left">A village, hamlet or rural area (up to 3000 people)</td><td align="center">5 (7.7)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Small town (3001 to 15,000 people)</td><td align="center">14 (21.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Town (15,001 to 100,000 people)</td><td align="center">15 (23.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">City (100,001 to 1,000,000 people)</td><td align="center">4 (6.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Capital city (more than 1,000,000 people)</td><td align="center">15 (23.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Unknown (N/A)</td><td align="center">12 (18.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Level of income</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Low (up to 1200 EUR/month)</td><td align="center">5 (7.7)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Medium (up to 4000 EUR/month)</td><td align="center">36 (55.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">High (more than 4000 EUR/month)</td><td align="center">12 (18.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Unknown (N/A)</td><td align="center">12 (18.5)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Cultural capital (reported number of books at home)<xref ref-type="fn" rid="tfn1" /></td></tr><tr><td align="left">Low</td><td align="center">9 (13.8)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Medium</td><td align="center">32 (49.3)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">High</td><td align="center">15 (23.1)</td></tr><tr><td align="left">Unknown (N/A)</td><td align="center">9 (13.8)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 A proxy variable indicating the level of cultural capital was reported number of books in respondent's home. The categories were following: low (up to 100 books), medium (up to 500 books) and high (more than 500 books).</p> <p>2 <emph>Source:</emph> Author.</p> <ref id="AN0183654447-22"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref8" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> The quote was used in the title of the paper in a shortened form.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref21" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> However, not every interviewed parent was dissatisfied with excessively demanding instruction. For example, one mother (P020) deliberately chose a difficult school for her child with the expectation that she would pay for private tutoring from the beginning.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref17" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> While many parents expressed concerns about the school management's failure to hire qualified teachers, they often showed understanding towards the school's situation, recognising that issues the management has to face often reflect broader regional problems in education, such as regional shortages of qualified teachers.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref11" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Funding: This work was supported by Grantová Agentura České Republiky (Grant 22‐01308S).</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0183654447-23"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Bae, S., H. Oh, H. Kim, C. Lee, and B. Oh. 2010. " The Impact of After‐School Programs on Educational Equality and Private Tutoring Expenses." 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  Data: 'If the School Does Not Provide What I Expect, I Have to Supply It from Other Sources': Czech Parents' Dissatisfaction as a Driver of Shadow Education
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  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Vít+Štastný%22">Vít Štastný</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6300-7099">0000-0001-6300-7099</externalLink>)
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  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22European+Journal+of+Education%22"><i>European Journal of Education</i></searchLink>. 2025 60(1).
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  Data: Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us
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  Label: Peer Reviewed
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  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 11
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  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Attitudes%22">Parent Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Satisfaction%22">Satisfaction</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Tutoring%22">Tutoring</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Private+Education%22">Private Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Supplementary+Education%22">Supplementary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Decision+Making%22">Decision Making</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Instruction%22">Instruction</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Class+Organization%22">Class Organization</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22School+Culture%22">School Culture</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Communication+%28Thought+Transfer%29%22">Communication (Thought Transfer)</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Czech+Republic%22">Czech Republic</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1111/ejed.70029
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0141-8211<br />1465-3435
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Shadow education (various forms or types of private supplementary tutoring) and its implications and determinants have been explored by the scholarly literature, yet gaps remain in the understanding of its complex relationships with mainstream schooling in various national settings. This study reduces one of these gaps by scrutinising the role of parental dissatisfaction, exploring which aspects of schooling make dissatisfied parents consider procuring private supplementary tutoring for their children. Data for the qualitative study were gathered through individual, semistructured, in-depth interviews with 65 Czech parents. A maximum-variation sampling strategy was employed to gain insights from parents with different backgrounds and life situations. Parents who sought private tutoring because of their dissatisfaction with schooling listed a large array of school-related causes that triggered their decision. These were related to classroom instruction (e.g., inappropriate curriculum, grade inflation in student assessment), classroom organisation (e.g., unfavourable disciplinary climate and classroom composition), school communication (e.g., late teacher feedback on students' performance) and general school culture (e.g., unfavourable student-teacher relationships). The study has implications for teachers, schools and relatedly also policymakers by showing how their (in)actions and ignorance towards the quality of the service they offer may nurture the demand for private tutoring, which in turn may undermine their efforts to mitigate educational inequalities.
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  Data: 2025
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  Data: EJ1461365
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      Pagination:
        PageCount: 11
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Satisfaction
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Tutoring
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Private Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Supplementary Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Decision Making
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Elementary Secondary Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Instruction
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Class Organization
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      – SubjectFull: School Culture
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      – SubjectFull: Communication (Thought Transfer)
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      – SubjectFull: Czech Republic
        Type: general
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      – TitleFull: 'If the School Does Not Provide What I Expect, I Have to Supply It from Other Sources': Czech Parents' Dissatisfaction as a Driver of Shadow Education
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