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'So, You're a Zionist?': Reflections on Philosophy, Theory, Ethics and Values in Social Work Education and Social Justice Advocacy

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Title: 'So, You're a Zionist?': Reflections on Philosophy, Theory, Ethics and Values in Social Work Education and Social Justice Advocacy
Language: English
Authors: Mary Twis (ORCID 0000-0003-1056-0856)
Source: Journal of Teaching in Social Work. 2025 45(2):441-472.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 32
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Evaluative
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: Social Work, College Students, College Faculty, Jews, Racism, Religious Discrimination, Nondiscriminatory Education, Minority Group Students, Values, Educational Principles, Humanistic Education, Affective Objectives, Social Justice, Competence, Integrity, Service Occupations, Interpersonal Relationship, Human Dignity, Teaching Models
DOI: 10.1080/08841233.2025.2469534
ISSN: 0884-1233
1540-7349
Abstract: Drawing from my experiences as an American-Israeli Jewish woman in social work academia, I use this paper to reflect upon the ways in which the Council on Social Work Education's newly-mandated anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms are problematic for the future of the social work profession. While it is important for social workers to address racism, oppression, and marginalization, anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms create risks for entire population groups, and also fail to deliver on their promised benefits. These paradigms are largely untested, lack clear operationalization, and are not explicitly grounded in professional social work values. Most importantly, they draw heavily from Marxist philosophy, which I argue cannot readily find common cause with the humanistic foundations of the social work profession. At the conclusion of the reflection, I introduce a decision-making guide that can teach students how to interact with anti-racist/ anti-oppressive terminology and social justice concepts in a way that a) rejects the core features of anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms, and b) prioritizes social work values above all. By centering competence, integrity, service, the importance of human relationships, the dignity and worth of persons, and social justice, educators can teach students to interact with these paradigms while remaining grounded in the values that have guided our profession towards creating positive outcomes for all people.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1464429
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0183760881;8am01apr.25;2025Mar19.05:58;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0183760881-1">"So, You're a Zionist?": Reflections on Philosophy, Theory, Ethics and Values in Social Work Education and Social Justice Advocacy </title> <p>Drawing from my experiences as an American-Israeli Jewish woman in social work academia, I use this paper to reflect upon the ways in which the Council on Social Work Education's newly-mandated anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms are problematic for the future of the social work profession. While it is important for social workers to address racism, oppression, and marginalization, anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms create risks for entire population groups, and also fail to deliver on their promised benefits. These paradigms are largely untested, lack clear operationalization, and are not explicitly grounded in professional social work values. Most importantly, they draw heavily from Marxist philosophy, which I argue cannot readily find common cause with the humanistic foundations of the social work profession. At the conclusion of the reflection, I introduce a decision-making guide that can teach students how to interact with anti-racist/ anti-oppressive terminology and social justice concepts in a way that a) rejects the core features of anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms, and b) prioritizes social work values above all. By centering competence, integrity, service, the importance of human relationships, the dignity and worth of persons, and social justice, educators can teach students to interact with these paradigms while remaining grounded in the values that have guided our profession towards creating positive outcomes for all people.</p> <p>Keywords: Antisemitism; Antisemitism in social work; Jews; Zionism; Jews in social work; anti-racism; anti-oppression</p> <p>In this paper, I will discuss my experiences as an American-Israeli Jewish woman in social work academia, especially following the October 7th terrorist attack by Hamas against Israel (Federman & Adwan, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref1">28</reflink>]), as an example of how social work's newly-mandated anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms are problematic for the future of our profession. The problems arise both as a result of the risks associated with these paradigms and in their inability to deliver promised benefits. Although my example is specifically tied to the ongoing Israel/Palestine conflict, Israel's war against Hamas, the Israeli government's relationship with Arab communities in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank, and the impact of these problems on Jews and Arabs (Foer, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref2">30</reflink>]; Habib, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref3">42</reflink>]; Horn, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref4">53</reflink>]), it also approximates an autoethnographic case study. I will begin by providing background definitions and analysis of important terms and concepts for the discussion, and then I will pivot into a reflection on my experiences and how these experiences expose weaknesses in social work education and practice today. To complete my reflection, I will introduce a decision-making guide that can teach students how to interact with social justice concepts in a way that a) rejects the core features of anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms, and b) prioritizes social work values above all.</p> <p>To organize this paper, which is at its foundation a reflection on philosophy, theory, values, ethics, and morality (see Table 1 for definitions of these interrelated terms), I rely upon Rabbi Hillel's ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref5">50</reflink>]) famous axiom that captures humanity's ethical obligations to ourselves and to others, regardless of who we are:</p> <p>If I am not for myself, who will be for me?</p> <p>If I am only for myself, what am I?</p> <p>If not now, when?</p> <p>Hillel's ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref6">50</reflink>]) axiom is situated within the corpus of Jewish law as an introduction to civil and criminal law. The message of its placement is that anyone who dares to adjudicate others must first master one's own individual moral development, recognize their own shadows, and develop a sophisticated humility in order to approach the world and its problems with wisdom (Rabbi Y. Bender, personal communication, July 21, 2024). A willingness to do the complicated work of reflective analysis is a prerequisite, I argue toward the conclusion of this paper, for the type of social justice advocacy that social work students must be prepared to engage in upon entering the field.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-2">Background</hd> <p>While social work has long held a commitment to social justice (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref7">74</reflink>]), anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms are newly-mandated additions to social work education (Council on Social Work Education [CSWE], [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref8">18</reflink>]). These mandates are part of an answer to longstanding criticisms of the social work profession as being both culpable in white supremacy and colonialism, and ineffectual in leading social justice initiatives and structural transformation (BlackDeer & Ocampo, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref9">10</reflink>]). Regrettably, however, anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms lack clear operationalization in social work education and social justice organizing, and thus are not fully-realized frameworks. Emerging scholarship related to these paradigms provides recommendations to educators about how to measure students' anti-racist knowledge, skills, behaviors, and cognitive and affective processes (Brock-Petroshius et al., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref10">11</reflink>]; Murphy et al., [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref11">73</reflink>]). As of yet, student development in these domains has not been linked to positive medium- and long-term outcomes at the micro, mezzo, and macro levels of social work practice. Time and additional research will tell how these mandated paradigms will shape practice and client outcomes within the coming decades (Farber & Fram, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref12">27</reflink>]; Paul, [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref13">88</reflink>], December 7).</p> <p>Perhaps more important than the untested nature of these paradigms is the concern that anti-racism and anti-oppression are not explicitly grounded in our professional values. It is my view that, despite the ways in which it is important and moral to ameliorate racism and oppression, the potential for harm increases when social work values are ignored or subverted for anti-racist or anti-oppressive social justice causes, especially since "anti-racist" social work, "anti-oppressive" social work, and even "social justice," lack clear, widely-accepted definitions and best practice guidelines. For instance, when outlining the social work educational competency related to anti-racism, diversity, equity, and inclusion (ADEI), CSWE ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref14">18</reflink>]) states only that social workers must understand power, privilege, oppression, and marginalization, and then use their "knowledge, awareness, and skills to engage in anti-racist practice" (p. 9). How they are meant to do so is not explained, beyond a nod toward demonstrating cultural humility, critical reflection, managing bias, and acknowledging that clients are the experts on their own experiences (CSWE, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref15">18</reflink>]). The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref16">75</reflink>]) adds that anti-racism is a "commitment to personal and professional action" that involves standing against systems of oppression and analyzing the role that systems play in reinforcing inequality" (p. 3). This explanation is more robust, but still fails to provide a blueprint to social workers on what shape personal and professional action ought to take. Social work scholars have noted that this lack of specificity is a longstanding problem in social justice education and practice (Bhuyan et al., [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref17">8</reflink>]; BlackDeer & Ocampo, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref18">10</reflink>]).</p> <p>Indeed, as noted previously, even the term "social justice" is vague, and can thus be packaged to fit many social conditions by groups of people who may be ideologically and philosophically opposed to one another. With divergent philosophies in play, it is little wonder that social workers express confusion about what social justice is meant to entail (Atteberry-Ash, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref19">4</reflink>]; Morgaine, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref20">72</reflink>]). For instance, in a position paper, the National Association of Social Workers ([<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref21">76</reflink>]) defines social justice as "the belief that everyone deserves equal rights, opportunities, and treatment regardless of their race, economic status, sexuality, or gender identity" (p. 1). The National Association of Social Workers ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref22">74</reflink>]) further states that in the pursuit of social justice, social workers ought to advocate for policies that address specific social conditions like poverty and unemployment. This emphasis on human rights, equal opportunity, and policy implementation and reform can ultimately be traced back to a humanistic philosophy, as sketched out by the likes of Aristotle, Comte, Kant, and more (Russell, [<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref23">95</reflink>]). While these philosophers' ideas and values are deeply integrated into western civilization, scholars have noted that similar ideas have emanated from societies around the world, thereby suggesting that some humanistic values may be universal at their core (see, for instance, Guying, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref24">41</reflink>]; Ljamai, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref25">61</reflink>]; Schwartz, [<reflink idref="bib99" id="ref26">99</reflink>]). Humanistic philosophy – which encompasses a diverse field of scholarship across many centuries – is generally understood to emphasize the centrality of the human individual, open inquiry, free will, morality and responsibility, the capacity of human beings to define meaning in life, and the importance of engaging in practical actions to improve the human condition (Copson, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref27">17</reflink>]; Luik, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref28">64</reflink>]). It has served as the foundation for worldviews like humanism and human rights paradigms. Competing conceptualizations and philosophies of social justice, however, have gained traction in recent years. For instance, Bell ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref29">7</reflink>]) defines social justice as a reconstruction of society, based upon the elimination of injustices that emanate from power, privilege, and social hierarchy. Similarly, in a social work textbook, Baines ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref30">5</reflink>]) describes social justice as part of a worldview that assumes every interaction and social issue involves a "struggle over power, resources, and affirming identities" (p. 6). These descriptions of social justice are underpinned by a Marxist approach to philosophy, which is not easily reconcilable with humanistic approaches (Löwy, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref31">63</reflink>]). (See Table 2 for a brief summary of the branches of philosophy and theory that I will reference, and occasionally use interchangeably, throughout this reflection. While the individual philosophies, theories, paradigms, lenses, and worldviews I have grouped under "humanistic" and "Marxist" are distinct, they have built upon and overlap with each other in their essential features and semantics).</p> <p>Table 2. Divergent schools of philosophy and related theories for research and practice referenced in the reflection.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Philosophy</td><td>Related Theories, Paradigms, Lenses, and/or Thought Systems</td><td>Brief Description</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Marxist philosophy</td><td>Conflict theory</td><td>Views society as being in a state of conflict due to competition for limited resources. Social structures are seen as tools used by powerful, oppressive groups to maintain dominance and control.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Postmodernism</td><td>System of thought geared towards dismantling narratives, emphasizing that truth and reality are subjective and relative.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Critical theory</td><td>A praxis-based approach to exploring society, with the goal of uncovering and challenging power structures. Theorists criticize the ways in which systems perpetuate oppression.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Intersectionality</td><td>A framework for exploring how identities, including race, gender, sexuality, and more, intersect and overlap to create complex systems of privilege and oppression.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Decolonization</td><td>A praxis model that assumes the <italic>a priori</italic> presence of colonial structures, and then seeks to disrupt and dismantle them to promote the restoration of indigenous cultures and governments.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Anti-racism/Anti-oppression</td><td>This paradigm seeks to identify, challenge, and dismantle systemic racism and other forms of oppression. The end goal is praxis aimed at promoting equity.</td></tr><tr><td>Humanistic philosophy</td><td>Humanism</td><td>A lens for interpreting the world that values the agency of human beings. Focuses on human potential, reason, and the pursuit of individual and collective well-being.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Universalism</td><td>This lens holds that certain principles, values, or rights are universally applicable and should be recognized and upheld for all individuals, regardless of cultural, national, or individual differences.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Rights-based lens</td><td>A paradigm that emphasizes the recognition, protection, and fulfillment of individuals' fundamental human rights as the foundation for justice, equality, and social development.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Values-based lens</td><td>This approach to practice focuses on evaluating situations through core ethical principles that are prioritized as fundamental.</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p></p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td> Table 1. <italic>Definitions of important terms for discussion.</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Term</td><td>Definition</td></tr><tr><td>Philosophy</td><td>The study of the fundamental nature of knowledge, reality, and existence (Oxford University Press, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr84">2010c</xref>)</td></tr><tr><td>Theory</td><td>A supposition or a system of ideas intended to explain something, especially one based on general principles independent of the thing to be explained (Oxford University Press, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr85">2010d</xref>)</td></tr><tr><td>Values</td><td>Judgment of what is important in life (Oxford University Press, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr86">2010e</xref>)</td></tr><tr><td>Ethics</td><td>Moral principles that govern a person's behavior or the conducting of an activity (Oxford University Press, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr82">2010a</xref>)</td></tr><tr><td>Morals</td><td>Principles of right and wrong (Oxford University Press, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bibr83">2010b</xref>)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Certainly, Marxist humanism is an existing field of study, but its scholarship is viewed as an effort to resolve the contradictions that exist between humanistic philosophy and Marxist philosophy via the application of Hegel's dialectic philosophy (Fuchs, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref32">35</reflink>]). Marxist philosophy writ large, in opposition to humanistic philosophy, insists that moral codes are only created by powerful groups in order to maintain cultural hegemony (Lears, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref33">60</reflink>]; Schlesinger, [<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref34">98</reflink>]). It emphasizes that meaning and truth are relative to one's position in a social hierarchy (Marx & Engels, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref35">70</reflink>]; Wilde, [<reflink idref="bib122" id="ref36">122</reflink>]). Marxism further claims that oppressed groups – not individuals – must be the central focus for praxis (Scatamburlo D'Annibale et al., [<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref37">97</reflink>]). It is the inherent tension between humanistic and Marxist philosophies that, I argue, is the source of confusion about what concepts like social justice, anti-racism, anti-oppression, and more are supposed to mean when translated into social work practice. Social workers are using the same words, but we are meaning very different things based upon the underlying philosophies that guide us.</p> <p>This usage of the same terms, with divergent meanings, is a hallmark of Marxist praxis. According to Antonio Gramsci, an "enormously influential" Marxist theorist (Martin, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref38">68</reflink>], p. 1), revolutionary projects must build consent for revolution across a wide swath of the population through a subversive takeover of institutions and their organizing concepts prior to enacting revolution. Subversion is realized through the use of propaganda and concept parasitism (Gramsci, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref39">39</reflink>]; Hernandez, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref40">47</reflink>]), and is intended to serve as the necessary groundwork for eventual societal takeover with and on behalf of oppressed groups. One of the heirs to Gramsci, Herbert Marcuse of the Frankfurt School, specifically advocated for a long march through established institutions, in which university systems are subversively eroded and taken over from within by these very tactics (Marcuse, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref41">67</reflink>]). Other scholars have similarly advocated for subversion to change existing academic disciplines. For instance, Fahs and Karger ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref42">26</reflink>]) state that fields influenced by critical theory, such as women and gender studies, can radically challenge existing disciplines by training students to serve as "symbolic 'viruses' that infect, unsettle, and disrupt traditional and entrenched fields" with ideas that are aligned with a Marxist approach to philosophy (p. 930). If many of us are feeling confused about what social work's organizing concepts are supposed to mean anymore, I submit that this might not be accidental.</p> <p>At the risk of sounding like an alarmist, ambiguous terminology in social work education can serve as a Trojan horse for ideas that, in the very least, are not aligned with our professional value system. Without clearer definitions, and instructions for how to ethically address marginalization and oppression through social work practice and social justice advocacy, students and educators may overemphasize affiliations with in-groups and out-groups, decided upon the lines of those groups that are subjectively perceived as the "oppressor" versus the "oppressed." These constructed lines, which are very much emphasized within anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms due to their roots in Marxism (Baines, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref43">5</reflink>]), have the potential to cause harm to people who have their own distinctive experiences and perspectives. In order to combat this potential for harm, in this paper I will summarize the many reasons why the social work profession should turn away from an anti-racist and anti-oppressive approach to social justice advocacy, and turn back toward a humanistic interpretation and approach. However, I recognize that since anti-racist and anti-oppressive lenses are already embedded within our educational competencies, it may not be possible to avoid the terminology and assumptions that are part and parcel to these paradigms. Therefore, I will also propose a decision-making guide for subverting anti-racist and anti-oppressive terminology, such that when and if this terminology is used in social work classrooms, corresponding goals are <emph>always</emph> viewed as secondary to well-established, humanistic, and universal social work values. It is my intention to subvert the subversive nature of ideas that are rooted in Marxism. This guide will ensure that social work practice remains directed by humanistic social work values, even in cases where the language of anti-racism and anti-oppression is used within social work education and social justice advocacy.</p> <p>By fully centering competence, integrity, service, the importance of human relationships, the dignity and worth of persons, and a humanistic-inspired version of social justice (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref44">74</reflink>]), educators can teach students how they can address marginalization while remaining grounded in the values that have guided our profession toward creating positive outcomes for all people. Certainly, some scholars criticize our code of ethics and its professional values system as ambiguous and western (BlackDeer & Ocampo, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref45">10</reflink>]), but it remains our guiding document, and thus what we must adhere to in the absence of an agreed-upon alternative. Furthermore, as I will illustrate in the reflections that follow, humanistic philosophy and its derivative goals and ethical standards – like those reflected in our code of ethics – are far better suited to the ideals of social work than are those that emerge, or fail to emerge, from a Marxist philosophy.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-3">If I am not for myself, who will be for me? If I am only for myself, what am I?</hd> <p>"So, you're a Zionist?"</p> <p>My husband asked me this question as we drove on the road that took us to his parents' home in Afula, Israel. I hesitated for a moment at the loaded word that he chose to describe me. I had just finished saying that this place felt to me like a miracle – a functioning, flourishing nation built out of the ashes of the Holocaust and the mass migration of persecuted Jews from North Africa and the Middle East.</p> <p>And then, following a pregnant pause, I nodded yes.</p> <p>It is telling that I hesitated to convey my feelings about Israel to my partner. He is alive today because of Zionism, a term which now suffers from misinformation, projection, and extremism, but which I take to simply mean the reestablishment, development, and protection of a Jewish homeland (Oxford University Press, [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref46">87</reflink>]). His father's family fled from Iraq to Israel in the 1950s, having lost everything – and therefore it is because of Zionism and Israel that my own children are alive. Sadly, my hesitation to embrace the term "Zionist" is based upon my understanding, from personal experience, that ad hominem attacks often follow a statement of support for Israel, even while reciting the well-worn caveats to this support.</p> <p>Ten years ago, I was only vaguely familiar with Israel, Palestine, Zionism, Judaism, and the complexities and contradictions that exist in these distinct but overlapping concepts (for a primer, see Dowty, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref47">24</reflink>]; Shavit, [<reflink idref="bib101" id="ref48">101</reflink>]). I am still learning, even after my marriage to an Israeli Jew, my conversion to Judaism, my acquisition of Israeli citizenship, and my time spent living and teaching social work in Israel. One lesson I learned early and often, however, was a lesson taught to me by numerous – although certainly not all – social work professors and peers: Keep quiet about Israel or risk an attack. Indeed, I have been attacked or othered by social workers and educators for marrying an Israeli, for expressing concern about my family's wellbeing in times of war, for communicating the harm of antisemitic blood libels on social media, for stating that it is morally wrong to celebrate the death of Jewish people, and for sharing that the decidedly western lenses of "white supremacy" and "decolonization" are unhelpful for understanding – much less effectively addressing – the Israel/Palestine conflict (Montefiore, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref49">71</reflink>]; Weiss, [<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref50">118</reflink>], March 21).</p> <p>Each time this othering has occurred, I have felt shocked. My first overwhelming shock came in 2021, during an Israel/Hamas conflagration, when I witnessed a social media group of academic moms eviscerate an Israeli who shared with the group that she was afraid of the rockets falling around her in Tel Aviv. Some of the people in the group told her, with great disdain, that her fear and suffering were irrelevant, for no other reason than because she was a resident of Israel. For a time, I could not understand what I had witnessed or where the hate for this mother had come from. She had only expressed that she was sitting in a bomb shelter, afraid, with her children. I had come to this group with the misguided assumption that this brilliant group of mothers shared a common set of humanistic and universal values based upon critical thinking and a shared exposure to liberal education. My assumption was that these mothers, of all people, would be capable of separating human beings from the policies they disagreed with, and treating all human beings with respect. Instead, I witnessed dehumanization – literally denying this woman the human experience of fear – only because of her membership in an out-group deemed to be the oppressor by an in-group of people invested in a moral cartoon that exists outside of the Israel/Palestine reality (Weiss, [<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref51">118</reflink>], March 21). My subsequent departure from this social media group is a relatively low-stakes representation of a dynamic that Jewish/Israeli Americans have noted in recent years: A quiet (and occasionally very loud) shrinking of public spaces that are psychologically and physically safe for us to participate in as full and equal members of society (Foer, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref52">30</reflink>]). This is especially the case for the overwhelming majority of us who support Israel's right to exist and defend itself as the only Jewish-majority state in the world (Pew Research Center, [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref53">90</reflink>]).</p> <p>Through the years, I have come to understand that there is something amiss in the liberal education that I had assumed would guard our society from the dehumanization I witnessed in 2021. Unfortunately, I now believe that dehumanization is a common feature of higher education, rather than an anomaly. I find it impossible to witness the explosion of campus antisemitism and believe otherwise (Horn, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref54">53</reflink>]; The White House, [<reflink idref="bib121" id="ref55">121</reflink>]). Examples abound of Jewish and Israeli students and faculty being attacked and othered for both their perspectives and their existence (see, for instance, Kashti, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref56">56</reflink>]; Starr, [<reflink idref="bib106" id="ref57">106</reflink>]). The problem, as I understand it, is that educational systems have adopted elements of Marxist philosophy and conflict theory, in whole or in part, while simultaneously eschewing universal and humanistic ethical guidelines that might prevent massive amounts of harm in their application. This is not surprising, since Marx did not directly discuss ethics in his theory (Ollman, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref58">81</reflink>]), and he believed that ideals like morality and truth were nothing more than a great deception (Vorländer, [<reflink idref="bib116" id="ref59">116</reflink>]). As Hodges ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref60">51</reflink>]) explained, "Marx himself wrote nothing directly on problems of moral philosophy and failed to analyze critically the meaning of moral terms and the criteria for distinguishing ethical demands from non-ethical ones" (p. 227). His theory, in other words, makes demands of society without considering whether or not the demands are ethical or moral, in pursuit of their utopic end. To be clear, the demands made by Marx and Engels ([<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref61">70</reflink>]/2018) presumed harm, suffering, and destruction. They described history as the "oppressor and oppressed [standing] in constant opposition to each other ... a fight that each time [ends] either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes" (p. 7). It should go without saying that these are not the goals that social workers ought to pursue, and I am able to arrive at this conclusion by understanding that revolutionary violence and societal ruin are quite the opposite of our ethical mandates to serve others, promote strong relationships, and uphold human dignity.</p> <p>Nevertheless, CSWE's ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref62">18</reflink>]) newly-revised competency related to advancing human rights tells us that we have a responsibility to "critically evaluate the distribution of power and privilege in society" and to "engage in strategies to eliminate oppressive structural barriers to ensure that social resources, rights, and responsibilities are distributed equitably" (p. 9). Oddly, the title of this competency borrows from the language of rights-based discourse, but its textual explanation for how to secure human rights is drenched in Marxist assumptions. It is this competency's heavy-handed focus on power, privilege, oppression, and equitable distribution of resources that clues me into its philosophical and theoretical heritage. Other competencies borrow from a similar jumble of philosophical and theoretical language; for instance, in the competency related to policy practice, social workers are simultaneously mandated to explore service-delivery systems from "rights-based," "anti-oppressive," and "anti-racist lenses" (CSWE, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref63">18</reflink>], p. 10).</p> <p>Rights-based frameworks and anti-racist/anti-oppressive lenses are not the same. Within human rights discourse, the prevailing notion is that human beings can claim certain rights, regardless of the circumstances in which they find themselves, because as human beings they have inherent dignity and worth (Dembour, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref64">22</reflink>]; Sensen, [<reflink idref="bib100" id="ref65">100</reflink>]). The same rights must be made universally available to people who could be viewed as "oppressed" or "oppressors," however those terms are subjectively understood. In contrast, within critical theories and postmodern discourse, human identity is a social construct shaped by norms, narratives, and power (Butler, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref66">13</reflink>]; Horkheimer & Adorno, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref67">52</reflink>]). Inherent dignity and worth are not assumed (Butler, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref68">13</reflink>]), and therefore there is no stable footing for the granting of human rights to individuals within this frame of thought. Beyond Marx's personal aversion to ethics and morality (Vorländer, [<reflink idref="bib116" id="ref69">116</reflink>]), the extreme ontological subjectivity and nihilism of Marxism is why it has no ethical or moral system. Ideas about truth and fiction, and right and wrong, are understood to be a function of cultural hegemony (Gramsci, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref70">39</reflink>]). If human rights are assumed by Marxist theorists, this is done through an attempt to integrate a rights-based approach with an anti-oppressive one, as an exception rather than the rule (Fraser, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref71">33</reflink>]; Tully, [<reflink idref="bib111" id="ref72">111</reflink>]). Indeed, the most important consideration within Marxist philosophy and its successors is power (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref73">31</reflink>]) – not morals, not ethics, and not values. It is a rights-based and/or humanistic values-based paradigm, developed from humanistic philosophy, that tells me to care about the marginalization experienced by minoritized people in the first place, because human beings have inherent and universal dignity and worth that need to be protected. Obviously, this same language is mimicked in our professional code of ethics (National Association of Social Workers, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref74">74</reflink>]). Marxist thinking, at its core, has nothing comparable to offer and thus its utility for advancing the human rights of marginalized people is severely limited for social workers who want to lead social justice movements. The ontological ground for advocating on behalf of any human being is shaky, at best.</p> <p>If conflict theory were to have some sort of ethical system attached to it, this would only occur through a willful decision to impute missing ethics and morals onto the theory, as some scholars have written about and attempted (Denyer, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref75">23</reflink>]; Thompson, [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref76">108</reflink>]). Without doing so, conflict theory may <emph>become</emph> a kind of twisted morality: A morality that presumes that powerful groups are bad because they are oppressors, and that less-powerful groups are good because they are oppressed. This dichotomy naturally pits people against each other, and turns potential allies for social change into enemies that must be confronted and taken down. Moreover, false dichotomies completely flatten the reality that groups of people are endlessly diverse, that oppressors can also be oppressed, and that human beings are neither all good nor all bad – either individually or as a group. As Solzhenitsyn ([<reflink idref="bib104" id="ref77">104</reflink>]) wrote, "The line separating good and evil passes not through states, nor between classes, nor between political parties either – but right through every human heart" (p. 168). We social workers used to accept these nuances, as our Code of Ethics clearly states that the human experience is rooted in both context and complexity (National Association of Social Workers, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref78">74</reflink>]). But now, instead of embracing contradiction, it seems that we have lurched toward the nihilistic ethos of a theory that few of us even seem aware is embedded within many of our new educational policies and standards (CSWE, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref79">18</reflink>]).</p> <p>Any assumption that conflict theory is a force for good, and a stand-in for a values-based ethical system, is completely ahistorical. In response to governmental activity that sought to quell a brewing insurrection, Marx wrote, "We have no compassion and we ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror" (Marx, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref80">69</reflink>], p. 451). He is also credited with regularly repeating a chilling quote from Goethe's ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref81">38</reflink>]) Faust: "Everything created in turn deserves to be annihilated" (p. 44) (Kengor, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref82">59</reflink>]). The Bolsheviks drew from Marx's conflict theory to justify their revolution and mass murder, believing that there was nothing worthy of approval in the established social order, in what is now widely viewed as "one of the worst atrocities of the twentieth century" (Lohr, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref83">62</reflink>], p. 638). They, too, defined their struggle as an uprising of the oppressed against their oppressors. Any student of history knows that similar revolutions were replicated around the world, with mass murder and atrocity a common and supposedly justifiable denominator.</p> <p>For those who might argue that these are just philosophies, theories, and words, my observations tell me a different story. Much closer to home – in time, location, and professional affiliation – the Columbia School of Social Work made national headlines when one of its student groups advertised a teach-in about "the significance of the Palestinian counteroffensive on Oct. 7 and the centrality of revolutionary violence to anti-imperialism" (Paul, [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref84">88</reflink>], p. 6), which sounds an awful lot like an intellectualized celebration of slaughter, as long as the victims are perceived as oppressors; never mind that the actual victims of the October 7<sups>th</sups> Hamas attack on Israel included babies, children, young people at a music festival, mothers and fathers, and older adults who spent their lives as advocates for peace (Teibel, [<reflink idref="bib107" id="ref85">107</reflink>]). Additional "social justice" activities, including protests sponsored by groups like Within Our Lifetime (WOL) and Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), are further supported by social workers and social work students (Social Work for Palestine, [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref86">103</reflink>]). WOL is a Marxist organization (Alizadeh, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref87">2</reflink>], May 20), but it bills itself as a pro-Palestine liberation, decolonization, and anti-imperialism movement, led by Palestinians, that organizes community action against Israel (Within Our Lifetime, [<reflink idref="bib123" id="ref88">123</reflink>]). WOL's members openly support the October 7th terrorist attacks as "resistance" (Magid, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref89">65</reflink>], June 12), envision an end to the state of Israel (Within Our Lifetime, [<reflink idref="bib123" id="ref90">123</reflink>]), and have a long history of engaging in hateful rhetoric and action, including targeting and vandalizing the homes and businesses of Jewish Americans (Weichselbaum & Chaidez, [<reflink idref="bib117" id="ref91">117</reflink>]). During demonstrations led by WOL, participants "carried banners with slogans such as 'The Zionists are not Jews and not humans'" (Magid, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref92">65</reflink>], June 12, p. 5). While ostensibly advocating for the human rights of Palestinians, WOL's willingness to engage in tactics that so obviously dehumanize Israelis demonstrates that they are operating completely outside of a rights-based framework for their social justice advocacy. Like good Marxists, the revolutionary end is viewed as justifying the means, whatever the cost to human beings and no matter the infringement on universal and inherent human rights.</p> <p>SJP, meanwhile, does not identify as Marxist but as a left-leaning, progressive human rights organization (National Students for Justice in Palestine, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref93">77</reflink>]). I argue that the core features of SJP and similar organizations also place them outside of an authentic rights-based framework for social justice advocacy. (Certain SJP chapters have also signed statements in support of Marxist resolutions to the Israel/Palestine conflict; see Alizadeh, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref94">2</reflink>], May 20). SJP conflates the Palestinian cause with advocacy for gender, racial, and sexual justice by stating that these causes "are materially connected and require [advocates] to struggle against state violence, colonialism, capitalism, and imperialism, in all of their forms" (National Students for Justice in Palestine, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref95">77</reflink>], p. 8), thereby suggesting that SJP has been influenced by Marxist philosophy and conflict theory. Further, many of their chapters have come under fire for engaging in actions and rhetoric similar to WOL's. For instance, the SJP chapter at the University of Chicago released this statement on October 11th, 2023: "The events of the past week have been historic and unprecedented by all measures. Last Saturday, for the first time in history, Palestinian resistance groups broke out of Gaza, reclaimed land from the Israeli occupation, and seized control of numerous Israeli military posts" (Coyne, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref96">19</reflink>], January 23, p. 2). What they did not describe were the civilians who were murdered and taken hostage in this act of "resistance." The University of Chicago SJP's statement reads like an anti-oppressive statement in the vein of Marxist philosophy. It does not read like a rights-based interpretation of what occurred on October 7th. Human rights organizations that do not recognize the universal human rights of all people are exploiting rights-based language to earn political support, but they have fully strayed from any reasonable interpretation of humanistic philosophy and values. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why the social justice movements that are centered around the superficially virtuous goals of "anti-oppression" and "anti-racism," while bypassing an acknowledgment of universal human rights, are so easily subsumed by bad actors who support and perpetrate violence. There is no universal ethical, moral, values- or rights-based system in place to prevent this kind of behavior.</p> <p>Less publicized, but no less alarming, was the International Federation of Social Workers' recent event titled "Social Workers for a Free Palestine," which advocated for "the urgent need to support the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement" (International Federation of Social Workers, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref97">54</reflink>], p. 2), a controversial movement that envisions an end to the state of Israel, rejects a negotiated settlement of the Israel/Palestine conflict, and is regarded by many scholars as fundamentally antisemitic (Cannon, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref98">14</reflink>]). Relevant to this reflection, BDS and similar movements also draw heavily from Soviet-era propaganda to delegitimize the state of Israel in the eyes of the public, by intentionally subverting well-established concepts with different meanings (Cannon, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref99">14</reflink>]). Ergo, in many circles, "Zionism" is now interchangeable with "racism," "white supremacy" and "Nazism," in complete disregard for the actual definitions of these words (Neuer, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref100">79</reflink>], December 13). When truth is entirely subjective, meaning is reduced to a cynical consideration of power and oppression (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref101">32</reflink>]). Definitions and explanations offered by "oppressors" are immediately suspect, even when convincing evidence is offered to support their positions. <emph>Reductio ad absurdum.</emph></p> <p>The sentiments emanating from Columbia, IFSW, WOL, SJP, and more are sadly not outliers within our modern educational and professional landscapes. Many social workers identify with the goals of the decolonization movement – a social justice movement taught in some social work programs (see, for instance, Gray et al., [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref102">40</reflink>]) – which advocates for the repatriation of land to displaced indigenous people groups. It is separate from other social justice movements (Tuck & Yang, [<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref103">110</reflink>]), but shares a common basis with many of these movements in that it assumes conflict between oppressors and the oppressed. A closer reading, however, should make us pause to consider whether it is even possible to integrate professional social work values with the maximalist goals of decolonization. In their seminal work, cited nearly 10,000 times as of this writing, scholars Tuck and Yang ([<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref104">110</reflink>]) explain that the decolonization of settler-colonialist projects necessarily "implicates and unsettles everyone" (p. 7), that "decolonization is not accountable to settlers, or settler futurity," but only to "Indigenous sovereignty and futurity" (p. 36). They further state that decolonization should never be understood as a metaphor, or a goal we can reach with "friendly understanding," but through "moves that may feel very unfriendly" (p. 36). Indeed, in a post on X, writer Najma Sharif shared with her 45,000 followers while the October 7<sups>th</sups> onslaught was still happening, "What did y'all think decolonization meant? Vibes? Papers? Essays? Losers" (Savodnik, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref105">96</reflink>], October 10, p. 1). Tuck and Yang's ([<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref106">110</reflink>]) explanations, while cloaked in academic speak, have provided an intellectual foundation for real-world murder and land seizure on behalf of the oppressed – a position that is impossible to square with our profession's ethical directives to consider the importance of human relationships and to value the dignity and worth of all people (National Association of Social Workers, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref107">74</reflink>]). Again, never mind that the majority of scholars do not believe that Israel functions as a settler-colonialist project at all (Dowty, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref108">24</reflink>]). As the saying goes, when all you have is a hammer (e.g., oppressor/oppressed), everything begins to look like a nail (Weiss, [<reflink idref="bib119" id="ref109">119</reflink>], March 21).</p> <p>Without a robust consideration of ethics, conflict theory all but necessitates these horrifying outcomes: in-groups and out-groups, division, alienation, the valorization of violence, and the dehumanization of entire populations based upon collective feelings about who holds power. This is dangerous terrain for social work, a profession that is meant to enhance human well-being and to help meet the needs of all people, in part through the healing power of human relationships, with an emphasis on marginalized groups (National Association of Social Workers, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref110">74</reflink>]). It is, of course, simultaneously dangerous terrain for <emph>my</emph> people (e.g., Israelis, Jews, Israeli Jews), who by way of antisemitism, are often viewed conspiratorially as the ultimate oppressors and powermongers, despite existing as a tiny minority in an all-too-often hostile environment (Foer, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref111">30</reflink>]; Horn, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref112">53</reflink>]). There was a time in my life when I thought that this was just a nasty stereotype, but I have seen firsthand how this antisemitic way of thinking can metastasize into real-world violence, from both the political right and left. Jews comprise only two percent of the United States population, but in 2022, over half of all religion-based hate crimes were directed against Jewish Americans (United States Department of Justice, [<reflink idref="bib115" id="ref113">115</reflink>]). In 2018, when I began my conversion process, I was rocked by the attack on the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, that claimed the lives of 11 Jewish people who had gathered to worship. The attack was motivated by the rightwing shooter's hatred of Jews and his belief that Jews maintain power and control over the world (Associated Press, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref114">3</reflink>], June 13). Just a few years later, my own rabbi was held hostage in our synagogue by a radical Islamist terrorist who shared similar views (Cytron-Walker, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref115">21</reflink>], December 16). Centuries-old antisemitic tropes are melding, in real time, with the language of "anti-oppression." The danger is here, it is emanating from every corner of the political landscape, and it is deeply felt.</p> <p>Recently, I watched a viral video of a leftwing university student who said, repeatedly, that Zionists do not deserve to live (Rosman, [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref116">94</reflink>]). I watched another video of college students chanting, "There is only one solution! Intifada! Revolution!" (Shulevitz, [<reflink idref="bib102" id="ref117">102</reflink>]). While watching, I recalled my mother-in-law telling me the story of a bomb that exploded on a school bus in Afula during the Second Intifada. She had a friend who ran to the charred remains of the bus. One little girl cried, "Ima! Ima! Mommy!" It wasn't until later that the mother realized this was her own daughter, so disfigured from the blast that she could not recognize her. This is how most Jewish people understand "intifada," which in its second iteration led to over 140 suicide bombings of buses, restaurants, and universities in Israel (Shulevitz, [<reflink idref="bib102" id="ref118">102</reflink>]; Weiss, [<reflink idref="bib118" id="ref119">118</reflink>], March 21). Chanting for the globalization of intifada is Marx's conflict theory in action, unmoored from an ethical consideration of what the impact of such a revolution would be on real human beings. Or, in an even worse scenario, the people leading the chants know exactly what they are calling for, which is to say the demise of my family members and friends within the only country they call home (Shulevitz, [<reflink idref="bib102" id="ref120">102</reflink>]). The video played as my infant daughter was sleeping in the bed next to me, born in October 2023, a ray of light in my life during a dark time. I wonder – if we had been in Israel on October 7th and she had been slaughtered in her bed, like so many children were (Elkayam-Levy & Cotler, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref121">25</reflink>]) – would my social work peers have blamed her for the violence or viewed it as justified? Would they have called it propaganda (Rawlings, [<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref122">92</reflink>]; Riley, [<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref123">93</reflink>], January 3; upEND Movement, [<reflink idref="bib114" id="ref124">114</reflink>])? She is, after all, an American-Israeli Jew, which is to say that she is a settler-colonialist and an agent of oppression, or in the very least belongs to a group deemed as such.</p> <p>I reject this framing wholesale. It is an extremist position, which is becoming normalized in social work education and practice. It is predicated on an inverted moral system, with a rotten and nihilistic core, in which bad can be good and the ends justify the means. It represents a bastardization of our professional value system and its quiet displacement by a neo-Marxism that is devoid of robustly-considered values and ethics.</p> <p>Importantly, the problem is not just that these protests are frightening to targeted groups of people – in this case, Jews and Israelis. Railing against Zionists and advocating for the erasure of Israel as a solution to all of the problems in the Middle East is not only morally reprehensible, it is also counterproductive for anyone who would like to see meaningful change in the region. According to the principles of macro social work practice, social change is best promoted by collaboration rather than open conflict (Netting et al., [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref125">78</reflink>]). Far from pushing the Overton window toward WOL's and SJP's policy goals, the protests they led were extremely polarizing. They divided the American voting public into "us" versus "them," and may have repulsed Americans away from the Palestinian cause (Keller, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref126">57</reflink>], April 24). Favorability ratings for the Palestinian government have dropped since the beginning of the war to an abysmal −33% among registered voters (Harvard-Harris, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref127">45</reflink>]; Jones, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref128">55</reflink>]); the campus protest movement fared only slightly better with a net favorability rating of −29% (Harvard-Harris, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref129">45</reflink>]). Division is one of the costs of framing social problems as "us" versus "them," "anti-racism" versus "pro-racism," and "anti-oppression" versus "pro-oppression," as though disagreeing with some of the methods and means of an "anti-oppressive" strategy is evidence of being an oppressor. To be clear, the Palestinian cause, at least the version that promotes the right to self-determination and an end to violence for Palestinians (Dowty, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref130">24</reflink>]), is a just one. Palestinian people in the West Bank and Gaza have suffered immensely, not only as a result of many Israeli policies (Habib, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref131">42</reflink>]), but also as pawns in the hands of nations, terrorist groups, and so-called human rights organizations that gain geopolitical power through their suffering (Alizadeh, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref132">2</reflink>], May 20; Dowty, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref133">24</reflink>]; Shavit, [<reflink idref="bib101" id="ref134">101</reflink>]). Partially as a result of the protest movement and the antisemitism it unleashed, however, many members of one of the most liberal-leaning, progressive minority groups in the United States – Jewish Americans (Pew Research Center, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref135">91</reflink>]) – are reportedly exiting the Democratic party just prior to a consequential presidential election that has significant implications for the Palestinian people (Abrams, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref136">1</reflink>]). As Professor Steven Mintz said in a recent interview, "[the] protests are threatening basic civility in our society ... I would call it performative radicalism. It has nothing to do with the larger cause, it's all about 'me.' If the goal of the protest was to develop sympathy, empathy for the suffering of the people in Gaza, it's done almost the exact opposite" (Keller, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref137">57</reflink>], April 24, p. 7). Polarizing social justice movements, influenced by Marxism and conflict theory, have a way of scaring away the political support that is necessary to enact positive social change. Here again, though, we return to the central problem: The anti-racist/anti-oppressive paradigm suggests a very different version of social justice than the one suggested by humanistic philosophy. An anti-racist/anti-oppressive approach to social justice implies that rights ought to be afforded to groups rather than individuals, which very naturally undermines advocacy for individual rights (Barnett et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref138">6</reflink>]). Until a broad coalition of people can unite around a rights-based approach to the Palestinian cause, the protest movement will generate all heat and no light. Or, if progress is realized, it will be at the expense of the inherent rights of Israelis, which is fundamentally out of touch with humanistic goals and values. The concepts that drive "anti-racist," "anti-oppressive," and "rights-based" approaches to practice cannot peacefully coexist.</p> <p>Meaningful social change, with respect to both Israelis and Palestinians, will more likely be created and promoted by initiatives like Standing Together. This organization, for example, is a "grassroots movement mobilizing Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel against the occupation and for peace, equality, and social justice." They are "committed to creating an alternative to [the] existing reality and building the political strength to make this transformation possible" (Standing Together, [<reflink idref="bib105" id="ref139">105</reflink>], p. 1). In this mission statement, it is easy to see glimpses of the transformational power of human relationships, the dignity and worth of all persons, and the seeds of a humanistic vision of social justice, that are simply not evident in the activities of groups like SJP or WOL. The reason that it is possible to observe social work values within this organization's mission statement is because of its rights- and values-based approach to social justice organizing. It is not only a human rights organization in its name, but rather in its organizing values and assumptions about how change occurs and which kinds of changes are positive. In Standing Together's Theory of Change (2019), for instance, the organization aims to include both Jews and Arabs in activities that will "create a politics of hope" that generates solutions, human rights protections, and an end to occupation and forever-war through cooperation rather than division (p. 9). It is not alienating nor dehumanizing to any of the parties involved in and affected by the social problems in question. The organization embraces a humanistic philosophy, and the human rights that emanate from a humanistic ontology.</p> <p>Of course, the problems with an anti-racist/anti-oppressive approach to social justice do not end with the ontological concerns I have raised thus far. As stated previously, Marxist and humanistic philosophies also sharply diverge in their approaches to epistemology. These differences carry important implications for social workers who want to engage in practice-informed research and research-informed practice, particularly on behalf of marginalized groups (CSWE, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref140">18</reflink>]). Humanistic philosophy has an expansive approach to epistemology, in that its adherents tend to support the notion that objective truth may not be fully known, but that it does exist and ought to be rigorously pursued through open inquiry (Fiero, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref141">29</reflink>]). Marxist philosophy, on the other hand, emphasizes that meaning and truth are subjective down to the individual level, but that praxis ought to occur on behalf of oppressed groups (see Cho et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref142">15</reflink>]; Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref143">20</reflink>]; Hancock, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref144">43</reflink>]; Hill Collins & Bilge, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref145">49</reflink>]). Increasingly, as I have read more from original source materials, I have come to conclude that a Marxist approach to research and praxis cannot readily find common cause with humanistic principles.</p> <p>Throughout my social work education and beyond, I was taught that Marx's conflict theory, and Marxist-inspired critical theories and intersectionality, were excellent ways to research marginalization and oppression, and to translate research into practice. I have certainly taught many of my own students the same. That these theories are important and essential seems to be the consensus among social work scholars and educators (Farber & Fram, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref146">27</reflink>]). Thurber and Kimball ([<reflink idref="bib109" id="ref147">109</reflink>]) state, for instance, that anti-racist and anti-oppressive lenses specifically have the capacity to "help us understand the ways policies, systems, structures, and governments create and maintain unequal relationships and provide insight for social change" (p. 210). As I said previously, I have used intersectionality and critical theory to frame much of my scholarship (Twis & Petrovich, [<reflink idref="bib112" id="ref148">112</reflink>]; Twis & Preble, [<reflink idref="bib113" id="ref149">113</reflink>]) – but I did so with a great deal of creative license that truly gutted some of the core epistemic assumptions of these theories in favor of a more humanistic understanding of the human condition and how we know what we know. What I found helpful about intersectionality and the like is that this theory, like an anti-racist/anti-oppressive paradigm, asks me to turn my attention to systems that collectively disadvantage groups of people who have limited access to resources (Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref150">20</reflink>]; Kendi, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref151">58</reflink>]). This attention, in turn, can theoretically illuminate specific policies that produce and further propagate disparate opportunities and outcomes for members of minority groups, either due to a lack of attention or an intentional effort to oppress and exploit. My problem with the anti-racist/anti-oppressive paradigm is not that it pays attention to these types of problems. Social workers ought to address racism, oppression, disparity, and marginalization, at both individual and systemic levels. Instead, my problem with an anti-racist/anti-oppressive approach to inquiry is that these paradigms are clunky and limited in their ability to meaningfully explore and rectify the types of problems they ostensibly exist to address (Barnett et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref152">6</reflink>]). There is nothing that an anti-racist/anti-oppressive approach to inquiry can do that a humanistic, rights-based approach cannot do better, and without all of the epistemic baggage that I will describe below.</p> <p>The type of one-dimensional analysis suggested by conflict theory and its successors is far too simplistic to account for the numerous factors that can actually predict social problems. Anti-racist and anti-oppressive interpretations of any problem typically assume that social problems can best be explained by racism, oppression, marginalization, and the like. For instance, Kendi ([<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref153">58</reflink>]), a leading advocate for anti-racist praxis, suggests that systemic racial discrimination is the source of all racial disparity in the United States and the world at large. This is a misleading explanation of cause and effect because "complex social phenomena in a free society rarely, if ever, have a single cause" (Barnett et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref154">6</reflink>], p. 327). Not only is the basis for such an explanation lacking, it is unlikely that it will soon exist. Over and over again, researchers have had great difficulty a) utilizing Marxist-inspired theories to guide generalizable research, as these theories lend themselves far more easily to small, non-generalizable qualitative studies (Bryman, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref155">12</reflink>]), b) determining how to measure "racism" and "oppression" such that they can be used in statistical modeling, since readily-measurable variables like "race," "socioeconomic status," and even "segregation" are not reasonable and/or complete proxies for "racism" and "oppression" (Crenshaw, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref156">20</reflink>]; Hardeman et al., [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref157">44</reflink>]), and c) proving that factors like racism, oppression, and marginalization are the <emph>singular</emph> or <emph>primary</emph> predictors of social problems at all (Barnett et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref158">6</reflink>]).</p> <p>Humanistic epistemology is far more capable of accounting for outside-the-box variables than an anti-racist/anti-oppressive epistemology, because the humanistic approach to knowledge does not assume the cause of a social problem <emph>a priori</emph>. In the end, the simplistic nature of anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms can tell an easily-understandable story about the source of social problems, how we might explain them, and how we might address them, but these stories are inevitably unsophisticated to the point of misleading (Hicks, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref159">48</reflink>]). Nearly everything can be packaged into the meme (Rabbi Y. Bender, personal communication, July 21, 2024). Further, since anti-racism and anti-oppression lack any value system other than power, there are no values in place within these ideas that would allow policymakers and advocates to make values-driven choices to ameliorate social problems based upon the results of research studies, save for a revolution.</p> <p>For an example of why anti-racist/anti-oppressive epistemology is problematic in the real world, I will describe a well-documented social problem within Israeli society. In the summer of 2024, my family returned to Israel, despite our concerns about the war. One morning, I ventured to a government office to update my ID. I stood in a line with ten other families, waiting my turn to speak with an employee. While we waited, my daughter smiled at a mother and father who stood in line with their son. They made playful faces at my daughter and played peek-a-boo to pass the time. I was not able to say much to this family, because my Hebrew is relatively limited and I speak no Arabic. However, I did not have to communicate much in order to understand that their son will face difficulties that my daughter will not face. He will face these difficulties because he is an Arab-Israeli Muslim in a country that – despite its promise of democracy and equal rights (Freedom House, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref160">34</reflink>]) – produces different opportunities and outcomes for Jews and members of religious minority groups. When he grows into adulthood, their son will face high rates of unemployment (Cohen-Almagor, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref161">16</reflink>]). He will also be less likely to own property or accumulate wealth than citizens from other ethnic or religious backgrounds (Bishara, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref162">9</reflink>]; Yaish & Gabay-Egozi, [<reflink idref="bib124" id="ref163">124</reflink>]). Demographic trends suggest that some of these gaps are closing, and that Arab citizens of Israel are better integrated into society than they have been at any time in the past (Zeedan, [<reflink idref="bib125" id="ref164">125</reflink>]). Nevertheless, disparities persist.</p> <p>In looking at the trajectories available for our children, I may want to engage in a research-informed practice activity that addresses the disparities experienced by members of the Arab-Israeli minority community. Scholars have already completed numerous explorations of Arab economic experiences within Israel. One study, for instance, found that Arab-Israeli Muslim men have been detrimentally impacted by Israel's military draft law and its far-reaching impacts on society (Ghanem, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref165">36</reflink>]). Israeli citizens are required to serve in the military or complete national service, with few exceptions (Girsh, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref166">37</reflink>]). The military draft, however, does not apply to Arab citizens (Perez, [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref167">89</reflink>]). While Arab citizens of Israel, including Muslims, Christians, and Druze, may volunteer for the military, most decline to do so (Ghanem, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref168">36</reflink>]). Many jobs in Israel, however, specifically recommend military service, or are based upon informal networking between servicemembers and military veterans. For this reason, the draft may contribute to inequality in opportunity for Arab citizens (Ghanem, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref169">36</reflink>]), and solidify societal disparities by religious and ethnic background. It is unlikely that the boy I met in the government office will volunteer for military service, and therefore his employment prospects will likely be limited compared to those of Jewish boys. Of course, the situation is more complicated than this singular example of probable cause and effect, but the draft is nevertheless a contributing variable in the disparate outcomes observed in Israeli society (Perez, [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref170">89</reflink>]).</p> <p>Even this example, which so clearly points to a form of structural discrimination, also points to the limitations of conflict theory and corresponding paradigms for both description and prescription. The problem I just described is a real concern in Israeli society (Bishara, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref171">9</reflink>]). But much good analysis of the social problem is lost by assuming the Arab-Israeli population is singularly a victim of racist and oppressive policies rather than a free agent expressing their preferences and choices within a structure of government. The simplistic narrative of anti-racism and anti-oppression, when applied to practice-informed research and research-informed practice, masks these considerations and equally masks good solutions to the social problem (Rabbi Y. Bender, personal communication, July 21, 2024). It cuts short any sort of analysis that fails to point back to racism and oppression as the root causes of the social problem in question. Although racism exists in Israeli society (Bishara, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref172">9</reflink>]; Yaish & Gabay-Egozi, [<reflink idref="bib124" id="ref173">124</reflink>]), it is intellectually lazy to trace the roots of all economic disparity back to this singular cause. After all, the poorest subpopulation in Israel is comprised not of Arab Israelis but of ultra-Orthodox Jews, who also happen to report a higher rate of subjective wellbeing than the average citizen despite their disproportionate experience of poverty (Malach & Cahaner, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref174">66</reflink>]). It is also unhelpful to explain all disparity as the result of racism or oppression. Because racism and oppression are notoriously difficult to measure (Hardeman et al., [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref175">44</reflink>]), tracing and short-handing every bit of economic disparity back to racism and oppression is essentially unfalsifiable and bordering on the edge of conspiratorial. At best, anti-racist/anti-oppressive paradigms can be used to guide something like a thought exercise, rather than as a framework for research that can lead to predictive modeling, prevention, and intervention. Humanistic epistemology suggests that although objective truth may never be fully known, we ought to pursue it through rigorous inquiry in order to improve the human condition (Fiero, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref176">29</reflink>]). The Marxist approach says that there is no such thing as objective truth – so how can we meaningfully use the anti-racist/anti-oppressive paradigm to produce the types of actionable findings that are mandated by this worldview? The whole paradigm is profoundly limited for targeted social justice advocacy, and has a way of falling apart upon closer inspection.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-4">If not now, when?</hd> <p>Hopefully it is self-evident that the points I have raised extend far beyond the Israel/Palestine conflict, and into social work research, education, and practice in other settings. Despite sounding like a promising development, anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms can create harm and derail solutions. I am of the opinion that these paradigms ought to be fully abandoned within social work, in favor of a renewed commitment to our humanistic values, and perhaps the application of a human rights paradigm to our educational competencies related to a) advancing human rights, and b) promoting anti-racism, diversity, equity, and inclusion in practice. While a full discussion of human rights is beyond the scope of this paper, the frameworks offered by human rights paradigms have established records of securing human rights protections for marginalized groups (Whelan & Donnelly, [<reflink idref="bib120" id="ref177">120</reflink>]). They also mitigate the risks of harm that can follow the application of anti-racist/anti-oppressive paradigms to advocacy.</p> <p>Recently, however, CSWE ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref178">18</reflink>]) published its revised educational policies and standards, and thus its new competencies will be operationalized and assessed in social work programs across the United States within the next several years. As I have demonstrated in this reflection, these policies and standards are very heavily influenced by anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms, so despite the concerns I have raised, the paradigms are here to stay. Necessarily, anti-racist and anti-oppressive terminology will color a great deal of the material that we offer to social work students in the classroom and field.</p> <p>For this reason, in this section, I will propose an educational decision-making guide that subverts anti-racist and anti-oppressive terminology with social work values. Social work instructors can use this guide to help students make ethical decisions in classroom-based case studies, service-learning activities, or practicum experiences; they can also advise students to use the guide post-graduation when they are working with client systems. My hope is that this framework will excise the truly disturbing and unproductive core features of Marxism, as they are often applied to social justice advocacy, and transplant universal humanistic values and assumptions onto the semantic skeleton of anti-racist and anti-oppressive research, education, and practice. The universal humanistic values I propose are, naturally, the values described in the National Association of Social Workers ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref179">74</reflink>]) Code of Ethics. The social work profession is at a crossroads, and now is the time to better define, operationalize, articulate, and teach social work students when and how to engage in efforts to address identified social problems through a values-driven approach to social justice advocacy.</p> <p>I do not presume to have all the answers. What I do have, however, is a set of considerations and principles that may help social workers reclaim social justice terminology from neo-Marxist capture. These considerations and principles are based upon the dynamics I have observed as an American-Israeli Jewish woman since October 7th, 2023, but my sense is that they are universal for ethical social justice advocacy. I am hopeful that the arguments I have raised up until this point provide adequate rationale for the assertions presented below. The ethical considerations and principles are as follows, presented in a question format; these concepts are further outlined in Figure 1 as a decision-making guide:</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Doing social justice: a decision-making guide for applying anti-racist/anti-oppressive terminology to social work interventions.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-5">First, are the terms "anti-racism" and "anti-oppression" even relevant to the presenting prob...</hd> <p>The language of the revised CSWE ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref180">18</reflink>]) competencies suggests that the anti-racist/anti-oppressive lens is appropriate for every social problem and social work intervention, from the micro to the macro levels of practice. While issues of power, privilege, and marginalization may be helpful for understanding some problems – and sometimes guiding social worker reflexivity and intervention – I would like to contend that these concepts are not helpful for each and every presenting problem a social worker may encounter. For instance, if a family were to seek social work services for an internal conflict related to sibling rivalry, anti-racist and anti-oppressive terminology would most likely be irrelevant to the presenting concern. After all, what would an anti-oppressive framing add to their treatment plan, that the best practices of family therapy would not? Models of family therapy, such as Structural Family Therapy, already account for considerations of interpersonal dynamics and power (Nichols & Schwartz, [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref181">80</reflink>]). At best, an anti-oppressive perspective might help the social worker understand their own power and privilege in interactions with the family. Understanding the limitations of any given theory, lens, or model – including anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms – is at the heart of competent social work practice (National Association of Social Workers, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref182">74</reflink>]). Social work students should be advised to only use anti-racist and anti-oppressive terminology when the presenting concern calls for it.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-6">Is my goal to explain a presenting problem, or to take action to address it?</hd> <p>The second consideration presented here builds upon the first. If a social worker determines it is appropriate to use anti-racist or anti-oppressive terminology for a presenting concern, the next task is to consider whether the terminology ought to be used to explain the problem or to intervene in it. Paradigms influenced by Marxism share a commitment to praxis, or the real-world translation of theory into practice. Praxis, however, should not be assumed. Social work students should be advised to use anti-racist or anti-oppressive terminology descriptively in most cases, in order to minimize the risk of harm to involved client systems. Additionally, a general guideline to follow is that almost all micro applications of anti-racist/anti-oppressive terminology will be descriptive in nature (i.e., assisting with social worker reflexivity and self-awareness, and/or understanding and exploring the client system's presenting concerns). Mezzo and macro applications, on the other hand, can be either descriptive or prescriptive based upon the social worker's assessment. Even then, anti-racist/anti-oppressive terminology, if used, is probably best suited for macro-level intervention, because it is specifically focused on describing and addressing structural inequity to create social change on behalf of marginalized populations – a core function of macro social work (Netting et al., [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref183">78</reflink>]). For this reason, the remainder of this discussion is focused on the types of interventions that are likely to be developed by social workers engaged in macro practice, as this is the domain of practice that is most clearly aligned with the use of anti-racist/anti-oppressive terminology. Again, understanding how or whether to apply a theory, lens, or model to practice is a reflection of social worker competence (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref184">74</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-7">Do I know enough about the presenting problem to competently address it in my practice?</hd> <p>Once a social worker determines that it is appropriate to describe and prescribe an intervention with anti-racist/anti-oppressive terminology, the social worker must assess whether they have the level of competence required to effectively address the problem. No social issue can be solved from a place of profound ignorance or a singular focus on only one explanation of the problem. Going back to the discussion of campus protests against Israel, it is telling that fewer than half of all sampled college students were able to name which river and which sea they were invoking in chants to free Palestine (of Jews [Shulevitz, [<reflink idref="bib102" id="ref185">102</reflink>]]) from the river to the sea (Hassner, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref186">46</reflink>] Dec 5). When it is lacking, competence must be gained from exposure to a variety of reputable source materials and through engaging with a diversity of perspectives. Indeed, ethical social work practice requires a) hard-fought competence, b) the integrity to be able to admit to oneself and others when competence is lacking, and c) a commitment to human relationships that is represented by meaningfully engaging with people who share diverse perspectives in the pursuit of truth. If social workers know nothing about the populations, policies, and histories involved in a social problem, then they need to learn about these issues before recommending or participating in any intervention that is aimed at reducing asserted racism and/or oppression.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-8">Are my proposed interventions aligned with those proposed by broad and diverse coalitions?</hd> <p>After developing requisite competence about a social problem, and integrating this competence with other assessments, a social worker may feel prepared to recommend a macro-level intervention to address the problem, and rely on anti-racist/anti-oppressive terminology in doing so. At this point, the social worker should look around in order to determine the type of company they keep. If the recommended intervention is aligned with the general ideas of broad and diverse coalitions that are already involved in the social problem, the social worker may cautiously proceed to the next step of the ethical decision-making guide. In ensuring that the recommended intervention represents and amplifies the best ideas of invested stakeholders, the social worker is demonstrating commitment to the social work values of service and the importance of human relationships (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref187">74</reflink>]). Doing so is also just good and effective macro social work (Netting et al., [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref188">78</reflink>]). In those cases where a broad and diverse coalition does not yet exist, or if it is nascent, the social worker's first intervention should be to create or enhance support for the intervention from a diverse group of stakeholders (Netting et al., [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref189">78</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-9">Do my proposed interventions vilify a person or population; do my allies vilify a person or p...</hd> <p>Sometimes, however, even broad and diverse coalitions engage in activities and behaviors that are unethical for social workers to support. Any recommended practice activity that engages in, or relies upon, the dehumanization of a person or population is off-limits for social workers, even in the service of a supposedly anti-racist or anti-oppressive goal. Further, any practice activity that relies upon an alliance with an external group that engages in, or relies upon, the dehumanization of a person or population should also be understood as off-limits. Acknowledging when allies have crossed a line into vilification or dehumanization demonstrates social worker integrity, even when it means that a macro intervention must be paused or abandoned. Our profession requires that we respect the inherent dignity and worth of all persons, even those with whom we vociferously disagree, or who we may view as an obstacle to justice (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref190">74</reflink>]). Disavowing extremist positions, like those embedded within dehumanizing language and actions, pushes the profession toward the center and away from the fringes. Some may view this as antithetical to progressive social justice, but scholars suggest that collaboration at the moderate center is more likely to lead society toward positive social change than are organized efforts that exist at the hateful fringes of societal opinion (Netting et al., [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref191">78</reflink>]). Coalition-building that rejects dehumanization will also lead the profession away from collateral damage and harm.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-10">Do my proposed interventions promote revolutionary social change?</hd> <p>This final consideration builds upon the points I have just raised. Advocating for broad and revolutionary social change requires social workers to give in to the worst impulses and implications of conflict theory. When applying anti-racist/anti-oppressive terminology to macro practice, the role of a social worker is to implement or reform, not revolutionize, with few (if any) exceptions. Reflecting back on the most sweeping, positive social changes in modern American history – the ones that made a measurable difference to marginalized groups – these social changes were created through targeted and incremental policy implementation and reform rather than a revolution to the social order. Actual revolutions leave a path of destruction in their wake, and the destruction is necessarily felt both by those who hold power and those who do not. Instead, a humanistic-inspired version of social justice is best promoted through targeted and incremental reform rather than anything approximating revolution. If a social worker's proposed intervention promotes revolutionary action rather than incremental reform, it ought to be revised or abandoned in order to prevent harm, either to involved populations or to the overarching cause.</p> <p>This final consideration is the linchpin of the arguments I have laid out thus far. The type of social justice we social workers should embrace is not a stand-alone value, but instead the summation of all of our professional values. By conducting a reflective analysis of our values and how they may be applied to an identified social problem, we will build a solid framework for social justice advocacy that is positive, meaningful, effective, and does no harm.</p> <hd id="AN0183760881-11">Conclusions</hd> <p>I recognize that the intellectual position I have staked out in this reflection is on a very narrow precipice. Perhaps this is why so few social work academics have voiced concerns about anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms, and how they are described in CSWE's ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref192">18</reflink>]) newly-revised educational policies and standards. We should all agree that caring about racism and oppression is ethical and moral, as are the efforts that we may undertake to mitigate these problems and to advance human rights at the micro, mezzo, and macro levels of practice. My message is that we must clearly understand the outsized risks and minimal benefits of conflict theory and associated paradigms before we apply them to research, education, and practice. If we social workers want to promote social justice, it is our humanistic values that must guide us there. The anti-racist/anti-oppressive paradigm will not. This is true whether I want justice and peace for my own people, or for the people who have been cast as the other. For this reason, we should collectively reject the core assumptions of conflict theory and related perspectives, in favor of an approach to social justice advocacy that is nuanced and hard-earned, by way of the values-guided analysis I have promoted in this reflection. We should also turn our attention toward incorporating a human rights paradigm into our work to protect marginalized groups, instead of mixing and matching the ideas and assumptions that emerge from divergent philosophical stances. 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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: 'So, You're a Zionist?': Reflections on Philosophy, Theory, Ethics and Values in Social Work Education and Social Justice Advocacy
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Mary+Twis%22">Mary Twis</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1056-0856">0000-0003-1056-0856</externalLink>)
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Teaching+in+Social+Work%22"><i>Journal of Teaching in Social Work</i></searchLink>. 2025 45(2):441-472.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 32
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Evaluative
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Work%22">Social Work</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Students%22">College Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Faculty%22">College Faculty</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Jews%22">Jews</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Religious+Discrimination%22">Religious Discrimination</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Nondiscriminatory+Education%22">Nondiscriminatory Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Minority+Group+Students%22">Minority Group Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Values%22">Values</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Principles%22">Educational Principles</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Humanistic+Education%22">Humanistic Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Affective+Objectives%22">Affective Objectives</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Justice%22">Social Justice</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Competence%22">Competence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Integrity%22">Integrity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Service+Occupations%22">Service Occupations</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Interpersonal+Relationship%22">Interpersonal Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Human+Dignity%22">Human Dignity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+Models%22">Teaching Models</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/08841233.2025.2469534
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0884-1233<br />1540-7349
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Drawing from my experiences as an American-Israeli Jewish woman in social work academia, I use this paper to reflect upon the ways in which the Council on Social Work Education's newly-mandated anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms are problematic for the future of the social work profession. While it is important for social workers to address racism, oppression, and marginalization, anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms create risks for entire population groups, and also fail to deliver on their promised benefits. These paradigms are largely untested, lack clear operationalization, and are not explicitly grounded in professional social work values. Most importantly, they draw heavily from Marxist philosophy, which I argue cannot readily find common cause with the humanistic foundations of the social work profession. At the conclusion of the reflection, I introduce a decision-making guide that can teach students how to interact with anti-racist/ anti-oppressive terminology and social justice concepts in a way that a) rejects the core features of anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms, and b) prioritizes social work values above all. By centering competence, integrity, service, the importance of human relationships, the dignity and worth of persons, and social justice, educators can teach students to interact with these paradigms while remaining grounded in the values that have guided our profession towards creating positive outcomes for all people.
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  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1464429
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RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/08841233.2025.2469534
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 32
        StartPage: 441
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Social Work
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: College Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: College Faculty
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Jews
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Racism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Religious Discrimination
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Nondiscriminatory Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Minority Group Students
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      – SubjectFull: Values
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      – SubjectFull: Educational Principles
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      – SubjectFull: Humanistic Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Affective Objectives
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Justice
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Competence
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Integrity
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Service Occupations
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Interpersonal Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Human Dignity
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teaching Models
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: 'So, You're a Zionist?': Reflections on Philosophy, Theory, Ethics and Values in Social Work Education and Social Justice Advocacy
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            NameFull: Mary Twis
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              Type: published
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              Value: 1540-7349
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