Practices of Reading and Writing. Jean Daniel Revel and 19th-Century Waldensian Immigration in Uruguay
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| Title: | Practices of Reading and Writing. Jean Daniel Revel and 19th-Century Waldensian Immigration in Uruguay |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Gerardo Garay Montaner (ORCID |
| Source: | Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education. 2025 61(2):314-332. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 19 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Evaluative |
| Descriptors: | Literacy, Educational History, Immigrants, Land Settlement, Diaries, Collective Settlements, Self Concept, Literacy Education, Public Policy, Religious Factors, Biblical Literature, Christianity, Religious Education, Foreign Countries |
| Geographic Terms: | Uruguay |
| DOI: | 10.1080/00309230.2024.2338530 |
| ISSN: | 0030-9230 1477-674X |
| Abstract: | This article critically examines the life trajectory of Jean Daniel Revel, an immigrant who arrived on the coast of the River Plate during the 19th century. Revel played a pivotal role in the formation of the first Waldensian colony outside the European continent. Through a comprehensive analysis of Revel's diary, epistles, and other historical documents, this study endeavours to reconstruct the writing practices and modes or reading employed by both individuals and the collective community. These practices and modes of reading contributed significantly to shaping the distinct identity of this group, which was characterised by their unwavering commitment to promoting literacy and the dissemination of written culture, regardless of prevailing state policies. This research partially reconstructs Revel's dedicated efforts to maintain a profound connection with written culture and to propagate, through a diverse range of initiatives, the enthusiasm for religious reading and the dissemination of Scriptural teaching. It underscores the crucial importance of studying how past communities facilitated the social distribution of literacy skills and the significance they attributed to written products. Such an investigation is invaluable for a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics within historical communities. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2025 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1466385 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFZyJAMchkuojnezuYJ-HTBAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDIYrlYIal1lIE3CaUQIBEICBm3EzDBLrgrUow2ear4bGUzGO8IGp4eNQd1_zCqkIgwPIIN9Sfhpv1tKbbVA02F_DwbEvROQKpzm0381pbDca62ub5zPkncHZiXgk4FK34dhsontsdFVKMXjlB9tDK8_GpafSomAzJ7hrwng6m-Qp_Kg_UD0RRuSBIquFbUiEBMrYu82ESUGn_Ivq3BPpwreC7OCb2er_Wyk5BSgM Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0184193703;j5401apr.25;2025Apr04.03:44;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0184193703-1">Practices of reading and writing. Jean Daniel Revel and 19th-century Waldensian immigration in Uruguay </title> <p>This article critically examines the life trajectory of Jean Daniel Revel, an immigrant who arrived on the coast of the River Plate during the 19th century. Revel played a pivotal role in the formation of the first Waldensian colony outside the European continent. Through a comprehensive analysis of Revel's diary, epistles, and other historical documents, this study endeavours to reconstruct the writing practices and modes or reading employed by both individuals and the collective community. These practices and modes of reading contributed significantly to shaping the distinct identity of this group, which was characterised by their unwavering commitment to promoting literacy and the dissemination of written culture, regardless of prevailing state policies. This research partially reconstructs Revel's dedicated efforts to maintain a profound connection with written culture and to propagate, through a diverse range of initiatives, the enthusiasm for religious reading and the dissemination of Scriptural teaching. It underscores the crucial importance of studying how past communities facilitated the social distribution of literacy skills and the significance they attributed to written products. Such an investigation is invaluable for a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics within historical communities.</p> <p>Keywords: History of education; history of written culture; reading practices; writing practices; Waldensians; Uruguay</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-2">Introduction</hd> <p>This article aims to partially reconstruct the life trajectory of an individual who, despite not being recognised as a formal writer, and without any background as an educator, played a significant role as a cultural influencer. This individual was a farmer, much like his neighbouring peers, representing what can be described as "common people". Specifically, this study delves into the life of Jean Daniel Revel (1840–1905), an immigrant who arrived on the shores of the Rio de la Plata in South America, precisely at the mouth of the Rosario River, on Saturday, 17 January 1863. His arrival followed the initial groups who ventured to establish the inaugural Waldensian colony outside the European continent.</p> <p>Among his belongings, Revel carried not only the dreams of a promised land but also the early entries of a diary within a notebook. An examination of his life and writings will enable us to gain insight into the motivations that compelled him to engage in writing, reading, bookselling, preaching, and education. These multifaceted roles contributed significantly to shaping both personal and collective meanings and purposes. A comprehension of these factors facilitates a deeper understanding of the worldviews held by a portion of the 19th-century Waldensian settlers. It illuminates their connections with written culture and their fervent commitment to educational initiatives within a specific region of Uruguayan territory. Importantly, this dynamic persists to the present day, eliciting both admiration and aspirations for emulation.</p> <p>Moreover, this research unveils a complex framework that elucidates the role of education, both within and beyond formal institutions, and explores the self-driven literacy endeavours of a community of rural labourers driven by a robust religious identity. In doing so, this article encourages an inquiry that challenges conventional narratives positioning the state as the sole, and often exclusive, driver of literacy processes and the dissemination of written culture. Instead, it underscores the importance of recognising the plurality of social actors and intermediary organisations involved.</p> <p>The investigation traces its origins to 1869, marked by the visit of Pierre Lantaret, the Moderator of the Italian Waldensian Table, to the Rosario Oriental Colony. This visit sparked a significant change in the internal dynamics of the community. In the subsequent sections, an effort is made to reconstruct various aspects of the Waldensian immigrant's life, including the religious, economic, and cultural dimensions. The focus lies on comprehending their passion for reading, writing, and their overall attitude towards knowledge.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-3">"I begin the diary of my life"</hd> <p>Jean Daniel Revel commenced his personal diary on a Friday in January 1863, while he was in the midst of an oceanic voyage.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>] This geographical journey bore profound spiritual significance for the twenty-three-year-old, as evidenced by his reflection: "contemplating these vast expanses of water propelled by the wind [...] I feel small".[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>] These sentiments were intertwined with the awe-inspiring majesty of the mountains from which he hailed, capable of instilling a sense of moderation in the human scale. As Fernand Braudel posited, the Alps, with their expansive landscapes, represented a region marked by religious dissent, the perseverance of faith, and a refuge from intolerance.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>]</p> <p>Given this backdrop, what compelled Jean Daniel Revel to embark on an uncertain expedition to the far reaches of the world, traversing lands that, in his words, "Jesus Christ did not recognize"?[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>] Why did he venture into territories inhabited by "Indians" and "intransigent Catholics"? What drove him to undertake the formidable and self-imposed task of voraciously reading biblical texts and an abundance of religious literature, despite the pressing demands of work and daily chores? Ultimately, what role did his practices and testimony play in fostering community reading groups and the establishment of educational institutions?</p> <p>The term Revel employed to christen his narrative is aptly chosen: "journal de ma vie". Indeed, his "diary" unfolds as a chronicle of dated entries – a collection of annotations spanning over forty years until his untimely demise. Yet, what precisely does the act of recording his "life" signify? Primarily, it emerges as a spiritual diary, for it prominently features moments wherein Jean Daniel documented his relationship with God and introspective musings about himself. While we cannot ascertain the extent to which he believed his writing would aid in the ultimate salvation of his soul, it is intriguing to observe, albeit seemingly commonplace, a prevailing theme of a liberated conscience throughout the text. Such freedom of conscience negates the notion that his writing was driven by a need to be held accountable to a spiritual guide or director, a practice more commonly encountered in the Catholic tradition.[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref5">5</reflink>]</p> <p>Martyn Lyons has observed that during the 18th and 19th centuries, the majority of women abandoned their diaries before reaching the age of twenty.[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref6">6</reflink>] Undoubtedly, the institution of marriage and the prevailing societal expectation that husbands held a "right" to control the privacy of women's writings played a significant role in this cessation. Conversely, for men, maintaining a diary was deemed an activity of adulthood and maturity. This circumstance may partially elucidate Jean Daniel Revel's inclination to initiate his diary precisely at the commencement of a new chapter in life. In his words, "I begin the diary of my life. May the Lord grant me the grace that by continuing this diary my soul may advance in its knowledge and in its fear so that one day, when it pleases Him [...] I may be in the Heavenly City where there will be no more toil, [...] no more pain, no more fear".[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref7">7</reflink>]</p> <p>The diary also functioned as a tool for shaping personal identity and contributed to the development of individuality.[<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref8">8</reflink>] Men, foreseeing themselves as future heads of families, often wrote with the intention of bequeathing a legacy to their offspring.</p> <p>The choice of writing in French rather than "Patois" should not come as a surprise, given that the Waldensians of the Piedmont valleys were renowned for utilising French as a "cultured" language.[<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref9">9</reflink>] This decision reaffirms the notion that Revel wrote for an audience extending beyond the confines of familial intimacy. Contrarily, Revel, akin to many of the early Waldensian immigrants, was not proficient in Italian, as evidenced by an anecdote recounting his inability to converse with a young visitor (Mongiardino) to the colony in 1868.[<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref10">10</reflink>]</p> <p>Similar motivations for writing were evident at the outset of a memoir diary by another Waldensian immigrant who arrived in Uruguay in 1857. He expressed his hope that his children, upon reading these recollections, would "comprehend the sacrifices of a father and mother and the struggles involved in providing, instructing, and guiding their children in the path of God".[<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref11">11</reflink>]</p> <p>Perhaps Revel felt compelled to write as a means of contributing to the collective history of the Waldensian people, considering his membership in a group bound by strong ties of identity and living in exile on the distant shores of the world. Additionally, there was an economic impetus for keeping a record of transactions and maintaining financial order. Creating an inventory with corresponding dates served the dual purpose of internal family accounting and the provision of evidence in case of disputes.[<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref12">12</reflink>]</p> <p>Jean Daniel Revel, then, emerges as a layman who chronicled not only his spiritual journey but also various aspects of his daily life. Here, the personal diary and the spiritual diary appear intertwined, with practical concerns such as time management and bookkeeping being as compelling as the aspiration to save one's soul. The interplay between chronicle and prayer should not overshadow the religious origins of the "writing of the self" or the intrinsic connection between religious experience and the act of writing.[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref13">13</reflink>] Equally important is the recognition of Revel's roles as a husband, farmer, and father, as these facets collectively illuminate the multifaceted meanings embedded within his text.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-4">Economic exile and estrangement from the divine</hd> <p>Jean Daniel Revel was born in 1840 in the municipality of St. Jean, nestled within the Waldensian Valleys, situated in the Cotian Alps of the Italian Piedmont, near the French border. During the era of colonisation, these valleys constituted the final bastion of the Waldensian diaspora in Europe and the sole region within the Italian peninsula inhabited by Protestants. His father's passing during his childhood left him with three sisters: Marie, Marguerite, and Madelaine.[<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref14">14</reflink>]</p> <p>At the age of 18, he embarked on a journey to Marseille, following a well-trodden path taken by numerous young individuals seeking temporary employment in a practice known as seasonal or cabotage migration. The material and spiritual ambiance of their lives remained tightly intertwined with the parental home. The fear of dispersal and the allure of urban centres, perceived as havens of moral impurity, were viewed as potential threats to a community deeply rooted in rural traditions.[<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref15">15</reflink>]</p> <p>The economic hardships grew increasingly dire. By 1854, it is estimated that over 3,000 families in the valleys were grappling with destitution. The executive authority of the Church, represented by the Waldensian Table, had to rely on the benevolence of foreign co-religionists to provide assistance.[<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref16">16</reflink>] The cumulative effect of years of meagre grape, walnut, and chestnut harvests, which constituted the primary livelihood for many families, resulted in mounting debts and an escalating cost of living, particularly from 1850 onwards. The legacy of semi-slavery, historical persecutions, and enforced isolation had left them timid, compliant, apathetic, bereft of initiative, and devoid of hope for a more promising future. They were so firmly tethered to their fields and meadows that they hesitated to send their children to the two or three factories established in the Valleys' principal centres.[<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref17">17</reflink>]</p> <p>It is reasonable to hypothesise that economic circumstances and aspirations for material betterment played a pivotal role in Jean Daniel Revel's determination to emigrate, a decision he made in the company of his widowed mother, Madelaine Muston, and his newly wedded wife, Madelaine Morel. His brother-in-law awaited their arrival in this new land, equipped with several years of accumulated experience. This situation aligns with the typical composition of the initial Waldensian migratory expeditions, characterised by a familial movement. Men and women, in the prime of their lives, possessing the vigour and determination to embark on a fresh chapter and establish a new life, formed the core of this migration.</p> <p>In any case, it appears evident that Revel's foremost spiritual struggle revolved around the endeavour to avoid feeling like an exile. This sense of estrangement transcended mere physical displacement from the lands that had sheltered his parents and extended beyond economic considerations. His primary preoccupation was to evade alienation from the realm of the divine – a realm he deemed as his true homeland. In this context, exile symbolised ignorance, idleness, and helplessness. As Michel de Certeau notes, readers function as "travelers" who traverse foreign territories in quest of something, often without a clear awareness of what they seek.[<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref18">18</reflink>] In this new phase of life, Revel swiftly discovered a distinctive manner of embodying his connection to written culture, one characterised by a robust sense of community and rooted in the traditions of dissident European religious groups dating back at least two centuries. Despite encountering staunch opposition from the Catholic sphere, this stance enabled the Waldensians to establish themselves early on in the local consciousness as a community deeply committed to labour and the intellectual nurturing of their offspring.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-5">Reading as a spiritual exercise</hd> <p>The Waldensians, constituting a relatively homogeneous group, shared commonalities in terms of faith, language, culture, and education. Additionally, as underscored by Oscar Gilles, they were bound by a tightly knit network of inter-family relationships and loyalties.[<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref19">19</reflink>] However, it is imperative to exercise caution when interpreting Waldensian migration, as it was not a uniform or seamless process.</p> <p>Perhaps the most crucial distinguishing factor, as identified by researcher Gustavo Maggi and relevant to this study, pertains to the South American Waldensians. Once settled in the Río de la Plata region, they coalesced around their respective "devotions". In essence, they congregated according to dissident groups that had formed prior to the "revival" reform, and it is plausible that "the decision to emigrate was marked by their discontent with the established order".[<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref20">20</reflink>] While the available evidence does not provide complete corroboration of this assertion, it is irrefutable that the years 1865–67 were particularly challenging for the colony. During this period, the community splintered into three factions: one composed of approximately twenty adamant opponents of Pastor Morel, who convened in the Society's shed; another group, led by the former Consistory, established a "Free Church" and convened in premises constructed on Pierre Gonnet's farm; and a third faction composed of a few adherents of "Darbist" beliefs. As Pastor Morel contemplated the situation, he pondered, "What sort of religion is this, where everyone functions as a pastor except the designated pastor himself?"[<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>]</p> <p>Jean Daniel Revel was an integral part of the "free church" movement, within which members referred to each other as "brothers". They adhered to a practice of strict horizontality, particularly among the male members of the congregation. They convened on Sunday afternoons and Thursday evenings, engaging in various activities such as religious celebrations, communal readings, providing instruction to the youth, and even establishing a school, albeit one characterised by irregular operation, as was typical of educational institutions during that period.[<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref22">22</reflink>]</p> <p>For Revel, these gatherings held an implicit precedence over the institutional events of the formal Church. Notably, during the period under scrutiny, Revel's attendance at the Sunday morning service, presided over by the pastor, was noticeably different from his commitment to the evening meetings held at the home of his friend Pierre Gonnet. This divergence is so conspicuous that, during the meeting on 2 November 1866, while determining the subjects of prayer petitions, it became evident that "not all the brothers were convinced of the need to turn to the Lord for a spiritual leader".[<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref23">23</reflink>]</p> <p>These meetings possessed an aura of mystery and a commitment to rigorous observance. It is important to note that this action, more than being indicative of sectarian sentiments, aligns with the manner in which Protestantism conducted its proselytising and missionary endeavours. Small group gatherings for Bible study and the sharing of spiritual experiences were common practices. Mutual trust played a vital role in contexts marked by hostility and persecution, elucidating the diligence exercised in the admission of new members. Giorgio Tourn highlights that the term used to describe these self-convened gatherings during the 16th and 17th centuries was "petites gens", referring to humble individuals, predominantly drawn from the ranks of artisans and labourers. The Waldensians of Luberon in the South of France, who suffered a massacre in 1545, serve as a poignant exemplar of this clandestine evangelism.[<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref24">24</reflink>]</p> <p>For these devoted individuals, the ecclesia was not a formal institution but a community of believers defined by the presence of the Spirit. It was not a theoretical abstraction but a lived encounter with Christ mediated through His Word. The impact on their reading practices is self-evident. Free from the need for intermediaries and guided by the Spirit, faithful believers from all walks of life engaged in reading the Bible and other "edifying" texts. They read silently and aloud, for personal edification and for the benefit of their families or communities. Their reading was deliberate, each line was absorbed with care, and they leaned over the pages as a spiritual exercise that penetrated their minds and souls. Reading, for them, was a sacred activity that encompassed the entirety of their existence, transcending the mundane and becoming a deeply spiritual endeavour.[<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref25">25</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-6">Books, libraries, and schools</hd> <p>Amidst the demanding tasks in agriculture, Revel consistently carved out moments for reading. With fervour, he delved into the pages of hundreds of books, either brought with him in his suitcases or ordered from Europe. In fact, books constituted the bulk of his personal belongings, with two hundred titles serving as the foundation of a library he meticulously curated within his home.</p> <p>Within weeks of settling in Uruguay, Revel embarked on an intensive lending initiative. In January 1864, he provided Mr. Ardouin with "Proofs of the Prophets" and subsequently furnished Mr. Adolphe with two volumes of "Discourses and Collections of Sermons". Colonists could subscribe to his library, contributing one peso annually to sustain these cherished "objects of love".[<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref26">26</reflink>] According to Daniel Dalmás, a frequent patron, the quality of the materials was "exceptional", and he consumed them with unbridled passion.[<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref27">27</reflink>]</p> <p>Revel compiled an extensive list of requested titles, predominantly centred on religious subjects, evoking the practices of "intensive reading" akin to 16th-century Protestant Europe.[<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref28">28</reflink>] In his letters to his sister-in-law, Susanna Morel, in Italy, he frequently beseeched her for books. With the assistance of Pastor Monod, the Religious Book Committee of Toulouse regularly dispatched crates containing Bibles and religious literature. His sister, Madame d'Argaut, served as another steadfast supplier. Pastor Milne also contributed numerous volumes to Revel's collection, available for all those eager to partake in reading.</p> <p>Additionally, magazines circulated widely. Until his passing, Revel dutifully maintained subscriptions to publications such as <emph>La Feuille Religieuse</emph>, <emph>La Chambre Haute</emph>, <emph>La Famille</emph>, <emph>L'Education Chrétienne</emph>, <emph>Rayon de Soleil</emph>, <emph>Lectures Illustrées</emph>, <emph>Le Journal des Missions</emph>, <emph>Le Témoin</emph>, <emph>Le Signe des Temps</emph>, <emph>Le Messager de L'école du Dimanche</emph>, <emph>L'Almanach des Bons Conseils</emph>, <emph>L'Ami de la Jeunesse</emph>, <emph>Petit Glaneur</emph>, and <emph>La Jeune Ménagère</emph>.[<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref29">29</reflink>] These publications were disseminated outside of places of worship or during religious gatherings, garnering a positive reception among the community.</p> <p>The progress of literacy and the cultivation of written culture in the nascent Eastern Republic of Uruguay had been advancing at a notably sluggish pace. In 1868, a group of young individuals established the <emph>Sociedad de Amigos de la Educación Popular</emph> (Society of Friends of Popular Education), an institution primarily dedicated to the promotion of elementary education. In his inaugural address, José Pedro Varela Berro, who, eight years later in 1876, would assume the role of Director of <emph>Instrucción Pública</emph> (Public Instruction), presented figures that shed light on the educational landscape of the nation. As of 1867, there were a mere 13,000 children enrolled in elementary schools in Uruguay, with an estimated 47,000 more lacking any form of formal education. Approximately one hundred schools existed to serve this limited demand, but nearly half of them were concentrated in Montevideo, the capital city, leaving vast rural regions of the country devoid of educational opportunities.[<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref30">30</reflink>]</p> <p>The Society of Popular Education, originating in Montevideo, endeavoured to establish branches throughout the country. This endeavour, grounded in civic and associative principles, led to the creation of popular libraries instead of schools. The objective was twofold: to support the challenging task of existing school instruction and simultaneously foster the emergence of a reading audience. In 1873, approximately 140 kilometres from Colonia Valdense, the port city of Nueva Palmira witnessed the establishment of the <emph>Biblioteca de la Asociación de Amigos de la Educación Popular</emph> (Library of the Association of Friends of Popular Education). In the same department of Colonia, 60 kilometres from Colonia Valdense, the historic Colonia del Sacramento, originally founded by the Portuguese, did not acquire a public library until 1874, and even then, it was of modest proportions. Another notable outcome of this initial impetus was the Mac Eachen Popular Library in Paysandú, located nearly 300 kilometres to the north of Colonia Valdense, established in 1874.[<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref31">31</reflink>]</p> <p>In the year 1863, a full five years prior to the establishment of the <emph>Sociedad de Amigos de la Educación Popular</emph> (Society of Friends of Popular Education) and a decade preceding the inauguration of the first public library outside Montevideo, Jean Daniel Revel embarked on an initiative to foster an active lending library from his own abode. This pioneering dissemination strategy foreshadowed the essence of public libraries to come – books and periodicals traversing from household to household, serving as subjects of discourse during regular or occasional gatherings. In essence, even prior to the earliest "modernizing" endeavours in Uruguay, a small community had firmly entrenched reading as a socio-cultural practice. As opined by Maurín, these readings "constituted an exceedingly valuable supplement to the formal educational institutions".[<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref32">32</reflink>]</p> <p>Though procuring reading materials may seem uncomplicated in today's context, the reality in that era was far more intricate. The process of obtaining these literary treasures entailed a complex journey – an epistolary dispatch undertaken on horseback, voyaging among other letters and a multitude of cargo within the hulls of ships: a voyage that spanned forty to fifty days across the unpredictable seas, followed by the reverse process upon reaching the distant shore: bundles stowed, gradual distribution, a universe of news and desires to be eagerly absorbed. To acquire a book in this corner of the world was akin to securing a priceless gem. The sending and receiving of books necessitated meticulous organisation. Revel meticulously documented his orders in his memoirs, as if the act of writing served to hasten time and alleviate anxiety.[<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref33">33</reflink>]</p> <p>The anticipation was always well rewarded. In the spring of 1866, Revel received a parcel from Paris, brimming with books.[<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref34">34</reflink>] With the exception of a few copies reserved for the school, the remainder were eagerly acquired. A librarian and bookseller, Revel also assumed the role of a colporteur. On Monday, 5 July 1869, he generously donated ten Bibles to the newly constructed school on David Combe's estate.[<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref35">35</reflink>] The circulation of printed materials under his stewardship was relentless. Jean Daniel meticulously recorded the names of borrowers and the titles of the borrowed volumes in his diary. On several occasions, he found it necessary to undertake the task of binding copies that had deteriorated during transit. By around 1865, in a letter addressed to friends in Europe, he wrote, "I can assert that God has already extensively employed my books to introduce many friends in the Colony to His precious knowledge".[<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref36">36</reflink>] In that very year, Revel established yet another library in the heart of the Colony to cater to the "needs" of readers spanning all corners of the colony.[<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref37">37</reflink>]</p> <p>In retrospect, esteemed representatives of the Waldensian Church would later attribute much of the "spiritual and intellectual development" within this South American colony to the profound "influence" wielded by Jean Daniel Revel. This influence was channelled through his unceasing preaching, the wide distribution of his books and newspapers, and the fervour with which he pursued his educational endeavours.[<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref38">38</reflink>]</p> <p>During the 1860s, the Waldensian community's primary connection with the Uruguayan state was primarily mediated by the <emph>Sociedad Agrícola del Rosario Oriental</emph>.[<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref39">39</reflink>] Founded in 1857, this institution was established to facilitate the sale of land and to serve as an intermediary between the European migratory contingents and the government. This privately held company boasted prominent leaders who actively engaged in the country's political affairs. The formal agreement entered into between the settlers and the <emph>Sociedad Agrícola</emph> mandated the colonists to maintain complete autonomy from the internal conflicts that beset the republic. Evidently, Revel's diary and various testimonies of the time indicate that the tumultuous armed uprisings of the era had a limited impact on the internal dynamics of the Waldensian community.[<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref40">40</reflink>]</p> <p>In terms of educational initiatives, the colony's residents were primarily entrusted with the responsibility of establishing schools, with minimal involvement or support from the Uruguayan state. The president of the <emph>Sociedad Agrícola</emph>, Ruperto de las Carreras, explicitly stated in 1865 that the colonists possessed the freedom to "construct schools wherever and for however long they deemed necessary".[<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref41">41</reflink>] Throughout the 1860s, the community operated with just two schools. One of these schools was situated in a makeshift structure constructed from earth and straw, located within the residence of Pierre Gonnet. This location was particularly significant as it often hosted gatherings of the "dissidents", among whom Jean Daniel Revel was prominent. The other school operated in Villa La Paz, within the inadequate premises of the Agricultural Society. Jean Costabel served as its director, and he received his salary directly from Mr. de las Carreras.[<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref42">42</reflink>]</p> <p>In the account of the moderator of the <emph>Mesa Valdense</emph>, who visited the colony in 1869, he noted the presence of twenty-four pupils at the Gonnet school, with the majority being boys. August in the southern hemisphere is characterised by chilly weather, and he observed that many of the children attended school barefoot. They arrived on horseback, often two or three sharing a single animal. While he acknowledged their "lack of intelligence", he attributed their lagging educational progress to the limited time they spent in school. On a positive note, he praised the teacher as a "good man" who demonstrated remarkable conscientiousness, albeit lacking in professional preparation. Upon visiting the village school, he found that the teacher, Mr. Bonnet, was better equipped for the role, having undergone several years of training at the normal school of La Tour. However, he observed that for various reasons – ranging from a scarcity of textbooks to irregular attendance or deficiencies in the headmaster's teaching abilities – the pupils appeared generally immature for their respective ages.[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref43">43</reflink>]</p> <p>The Waldensians depend greatly on having both a school and a teacher within their community. The Waldensian teacher holds a crucial role in preparing the children for their responsibilities within the faith. Even in the absence of a pastor or minister and their preaching, the teacher assumes the task of imparting catechism classes and instructing not only in literacy but also in the reading of the Bible. This figure held such an intimidating presence for Catholics that in 1685, when French King Louis XIV annulled the Edict of Nantes to legally sanction persecutions against Huguenots and Waldensians, he specifically mentioned "ministers and teachers".[<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref44">44</reflink>]</p> <p>A prevalent custom towards the latter part of the 19th century involved the substitution of the pastor by the schoolmaster in various religious duties such as leading worship, overseeing Sunday school, and teaching catechism when the pastor was unavailable. Despite not holding the roles of either a pastor or a teacher, Revel frequently assumed responsibility for these three activities.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-7">Self-education</hd> <p>The pursuit of self-education emerged as a recurring theme in Revel's life, an attribute shared by many settlers of his era, whose intellectual enrichment stemmed from the diligent perusal of esteemed literary works. Lidia Berton de Revel fondly reminisced about the pervasive culture that characterised numerous settlers during this epoch, a culture nurtured through self-instruction, primarily by immersing themselves in the pages of edifying books.[<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref45">45</reflink>]</p> <p>Notably, Revel embarked on the endeavour of teaching himself the intricacies of the English language, a testament to his self-learning spirit. His library, a treasure trove of knowledge, harboured a plethora of English-language volumes. His intellectual curiosity extended to subscribing to publications like the Christian Herald, wherein he avidly absorbed the sermons and writings of renowned revivalist preachers such as Talmage, Spurgeon, Moody, and Finney.[<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref46">46</reflink>]</p> <p>The capriciousness of weather often presented serendipitous opportunities for reading. When inclement rain thwarted agricultural endeavours, Revel would find solace within the pages of a book. Rainy days became sanctuaries of contemplation, where he could dwell in the realms of literature.[<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref47">47</reflink>] However, Revel's dedication to reading transcended meteorological constraints. Even during a predawn waggon ride on a brisk Saturday morning in June 1868, as he ventured from home in pursuit of sand by the creek, he seized the moment to absorb the insights of "Some Important Truths from the Word of God". This impromptu encounter with knowledge fortified his spirit, emboldening him to return home and continue with his winter planting.[<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref48">48</reflink>]</p> <p>Reading was not a solitary endeavour but a communal one, often undertaken among friends. On a November day in 1868, in the company of Pierre Ardouin, Revel engaged in a shared reading experience, with Jean Daniel assuming the role of the narrator.[<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref49">49</reflink>] The chosen text, "Some words for those who work for the conversion of souls", sparked profound reflections and discussions among the participants. Similarly, on a tranquil Saturday evening in April 1865, Revel congregated at Pierre Gonnet's residence with seven or eight acquaintances, where he recited passages from "The present century and the century to come". This reading session extended into a vibrant dialogue concerning matters pertinent to the Church of Jesus Christ.</p> <p>Sunday, 29 April 1866, marked a day of rest and spiritual enrichment. Revel, accompanied by his brother-in-law and mother, attended Sunday school in the morning. Later in the day, relentless rain precluded the customary afternoon gathering at Gonnet's house. However, in the evening, Revel convened with fellow devotees at Paul Artus's residence. Following a meditative exploration of the Word, Revel resumed his earlier literary pursuit, concluding the book he had embarked upon earlier in the day. The gathering was marked by rapt attention as they delved into the engrossing narratives within the text, emblematic of the community's shared commitment to intellectual and spiritual growth.[<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref50">50</reflink>]</p> <p>Jean Daniel Revel, although initially reticent due to his shyness,[<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref51">51</reflink>] gradually emerged as a prominent figure within his community, earning respect and trust as an authoritative voice on religious matters. Beyond his role as a public reader, Revel actively engaged in educational pursuits, demonstrating unwavering commitment to the spiritual and intellectual growth of his fellow community members. His involvement extended to nurturing the "Sunday school" and participating in religious formation meetings tailored to children and youth.</p> <p>A notable instance occurred on Saturday, 1 December 1866, when approximately fifty children, accompanied by a nearly equal number of adults, gathered at half-past ten in the morning for a session of hymn-singing and meditation on the Word of God.[<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref52">52</reflink>] Revel had assigned the children the task of memorising the initial twenty-two verses from the third chapter of the Gospel according to John, coupled with the <emph>Te Deum</emph> hymn, fostering memorisation through recitation. As the session concluded, Revel generously distributed notebooks along with crayons and pens to encourage writing among the participants.[<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref53">53</reflink>]</p> <p>Revel's dedication extended to the oversight of Sunday schools and regular visits to similar institutions in the vicinity. He also assumed responsibilities as a member of the daily school examining board, an assignment held in high regard. During these examinations, Revel often delivered speeches to the children, accompanied by the distribution of visual aids and literary materials.</p> <p>In the realm of communal reading, substantial periods were devoted to contemplation and reflection. For instance, on Sunday, 7 June 1868, an extensive analysis of verses 26 to 29 from Luke 6 spanned from 11 o'clock in the morning until noon. In the afternoon, the focus shifted to chapter 6 of the first epistle to Timothy, sustaining the discourse for three hours. Revel led these reflections, discerning their fruitfulness, stating, "first for me and I hope for the others as well".[<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref54">54</reflink>]</p> <p>Revel exhibited an unwavering dedication to self-improvement, seizing opportunities for learning, whether in solitude or alongside his wife. He approached his self-learning endeavours with utmost seriousness. A poignant example occurred on Monday, 8 June 1868, when Revel expressed regret over missing an afternoon of reading due to his commitment to provide lessons on subjects and numbers to his brother-in-law Paul's house. Although he embraced this role voluntarily, Revel held himself to rigorous standards, frequently grappling with self-doubt and self-critique, viewing any perceived lapses in seriousness as detrimental to his spiritual well-being.[<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref55">55</reflink>] He was no stranger to inner turmoil, alluding to the "ailments attached to this poor body of sin", suggesting that he may have imposed upon himself a greater expectation for scholarly diligence.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-8">"Sensationalist" books</hd> <p>Evenings, following the demanding farm labour of the day, often found him under the dim light of a lamp, meticulously reviewing and correcting drafts of letters, either his own or those of neighbours less literate who sought his help in maintaining connections with their homeland in the valleys.[<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref56">56</reflink>] Writing at length sometimes wearied him, as he noted: "I got very tired of writing so much". A decade into the establishment of the colony in America, many still lacked the literacy skills to correspond with their distant families.[<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref57">57</reflink>] Revel's compassionate nature led him to devote countless hours to crafting letters that bridged the geographical divide.</p> <p>During his visit in 1869, the Moderator of the Waldensian Table, Mr. Pierre Lantaret, left the colony with more than 100 or 130 letters, entrusted to his suitcases. On those tranquil nights, Jean Daniel would illuminate his workspace and meticulously record entries in the diary that he intended to leave as a precious legacy for future generations.</p> <p>Saturdays were dominated by the task of kneading and baking bread for the week ahead, a labour-intensive endeavour that occupied a significant portion of the day. As the evening approached, following a biblical tradition, the "liturgical day" commenced, often involving visits to other families, the reading of scripture passages, and spirited gatherings. Topics of great interest included the "progress of the church" and the "manifestations of God" in contemporary times. For instance, on 1 July 1868, at the Felix family's home, discussions ran late into the night, covering themes such as "the position of the Church and the gifts of the Holy Spirit", along with "His glorious manifestation in the midst of the nascent Church and His potential for manifesting Himself in the present as in the past".[<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref58">58</reflink>] Two weeks earlier, Revel had read a book titled "Six Letters on the Spiritual Manifestation of the Son of God", an experience that "strengthened" his belief in the possibility of such "manifestations" occurring in their era. However, he lamented that "faith and fidelity" among believers were often lacking.[<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref59">59</reflink>]</p> <p>During a gathering at his brother-in-law Paul Davit's house, Revel engaged in a spirited debate with Jean Long regarding "spiritual gifts". Jean Long held the view that, "unfortunately", appeared to be a prevailing sentiment, suggesting that God might have withdrawn the extraordinary gifts bestowed upon the early Church. Revel, however, believed that if the Most High "did not manifest himself as before", it was due to "our fault". Both parties agreed that epiphanies of profound spiritual realities seemed scarce in their time, leaving the question of God's presence in their daily lives as an ever-looming concern.</p> <p>The ongoing concern persisted. On the evening of Monday, 20 July 1868, Monsieur Felix returned the visit, and they delved into a "tract" titled "What is Irvingism". This religious group originated in London under the leadership of Edward Irving (1792–1834), a deposed Presbyterian minister. While Irving is recognised as a "forerunner", the movement's true foundation was attributed to the actions of the Spirit of God. During Irving's ministry, extraordinary events unfolded, including spontaneous speaking in different tongues, prophecies coming to pass, miraculous healings, and even the resurrection of the deceased. These occurrences were seen as "manifestations of the Spirit", leading to the formation of a religious community modelled precisely after the early apostolic church. Revel and Felix shared the belief that, "if we are faithful", it was possible to receive the "gifts of the Holy Spirit and His personal presence within His Church".[<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref60">60</reflink>]</p> <p>During another Saturday evening in the same year, Revel immersed himself in "The Life of Martin Boaz", likely referring to Martin Bucer (1491–1551), a prominent disciple of Martin Luther and a key figure in the Protestant Reformation. Bucer developed a unique reformation approach, emphasising that the value of a doctrine should ultimately be measured by its impact on people's lives.[<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref61">61</reflink>] For Revel, this book offered "abundant spiritual instruction" that deeply nourished his faith. He expressed his longing for the zeal of Martin Bucer, stating, "Oh, how I envy the activity of Martin Boaz". The internal conflicts within the Waldensian community made him yearn for the times of this reformer, and he sought the strength to emulate Bucer's unwavering faith in Jesus's work.</p> <p>The second pastor sent from Italy to oversee the colony's spiritual life, J.P. Salomon, penned a letter to Europe recounting his initial impressions. He mentioned their eager anticipation of the books promised by the communities in the valleys to be sent to America. Salomon observed that the books they already possessed were "largely consumed by avid readers", but he raised concerns about the presence of "sensationalist writings and pamphlets" in the colony. These writings often focused on topics like the millennium or the personal reign of Christ as King of the Jews, drawing attention away from fundamental Christian truths. Salomon firmly affirmed his adherence to the traditional creed that "He will come down from heaven to judge the living and the dead". Nevertheless, he expressed patience towards these theories while warning about their potential to overshadow the importance of repentance, faith, and the work of the Holy Spirit.[<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref62">62</reflink>]</p> <p>As Solomon penned these notes, he had Jean Daniel Revel in mind – a tireless architect of the circulation of books through loans, community readings, meditations during religious gatherings, and spontaneous discussions in everyday settings. Despite the challenges in obtaining books, the flow of printed materials within the colony had reached a magnitude that caused concern for the pastor. This led to a hastening of the dispatch of other books, containing different content and ideas, in an effort to influence a change in the intellectual currents of the community.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-9">Reading the body</hd> <p>Reading and writing are not abstract intellectual activities; they involve the body and have a profound impact on it. Revel's writings often emphasise the physical and emotional benefits of reading and writing, highlighting their effects on both the soul and the body. In a letter to his godfather, he expressed his gratitude for the books he had received, acknowledging not only their role in his intellectual development but also their contribution to his physical and spiritual well-being:</p> <p>I feel unable to testify to the gratitude my heart feels towards you, not only in relation to what you have taken the trouble to send me, but also for the great service you rendered to my body and soul by giving me the means to instruct me and by encouraging me by your words and actions.[<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref63">63</reflink>]</p> <p>He felt the comfort of reading as a balm that ran through his viscera and helped to ease the burden of existence. He felt that the pain was less when he wrote. On Sunday, 8 February 1863, while sailing a few leagues off the Uruguayan coast, anxious to reach the port of Montevideo, Revel and his wife decided to stay in the cabin. They did not attend the service or the meeting afterwards; although there was much to be thankful for, Jean Daniel was not feeling well. Neither was Madelaine, "still suffering from kidney and headache". They spent the day reading together, as if to ease the pain.[<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref64">64</reflink>]</p> <p>Four months later, on Friday 26 June, when they were settled in the Colony, Jean Daniel ploughed until midday; in the afternoon, his wife Madelaine helped him prepare the mud and straw dough to cover the walls of the <emph>ranciou</emph>; they worked "until very late at night". Early the next morning, Jean Daniel hurried to prepare the new place, with the walls still damp. Madelaine was not feeling well. She spent the day in pain and uncertainty. Towards the end of the afternoon, she finally gave birth to "a child only three and a half months old".[<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref65">65</reflink>] The child had no name yet, and in his diary, Jean Daniel had made no mention of the pregnancy.</p> <p>This loss shocked the couple. In a letter to his sister on 3 February 1864, Jean Daniel would have liked to announce the birth of their first child in the new year. He was unable to do so; "this little being was about three and a half months old, already very well formed". He seemed to accept the divine plan: "what can we do, the Lord wanted it that way, and we must resign ourselves to his holy will". But he immediately sought to understand: "I can't tell you how it happened, why, or how". However, she hazarded an explanation: "we suspect it may have happened when he accompanied me in the cart to fetch firewood"; "what do carts do?", he wondered, "but we cannot be sure". Discouragement did not overcome him and he was optimistic; just seven months after Madelaine's first birth, Revel was confident that "although I was not lucky enough to tell the story at New Year, I think I will be able to tell it in May, Lord willing".[<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref66">66</reflink>]</p> <p>With some discrepancy in the dates, Madelaine did indeed give birth to Jean Daniel Emile at noon on 20 April 1864: a child who was "my joy and satisfaction".[<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref67">67</reflink>] However, it was not that simple, there were consequences. On 18 April 1865, he wrote to his sister-in-law, moved by the "report" Madelaine had sent her with regard to her health; "I fear she will have much to suffer if the Lord allows her to have more children", he said. We do not know his wife's condition. He asks her to find out if "there is still a way to cure her" and if she can get what "Raspail" recommends for "such a case as this"; "As it is almost a year since it happened to her, I fear there is no hope of a full recovery".[<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref68">68</reflink>]</p> <p>The 19th century was the scene of multiple disputes between explanatory systems of health and disease; the advances of "scientific" medicine claimed to dominate all fields, but met, at every turn, with the millenarian holistic conceptions that sought to restore, through drugs and therapies, the "normal functioning" of the organism as a whole.[<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref69">69</reflink>]</p> <p>The shortage of doctors, the dubious qualifications of many of them and the high cost of treatment favoured the appearance of manuals of home or popular medicine to penetrate the homes of families, seeking to solve a wide range of ailments.</p> <p>Thus the "Raspail Manual", published in 1845, spread rapidly through Europe, both in its original version and in parts, making it easily accessible to readers through periodicals and magazines. François Vincent Raspail (1794–1878) was a French chemist, member of the Academy of the Faculty of Medicine in Paris; his Manual of Health and Domestic Pharmacy was an easy to consult book in which readers had a certain role, reorganising their physical space, learning to manage their diet and to take care of themselves from external elements detrimental to their health. The handbook soon met with the enmity of the professional medical profession.</p> <p>For several years there were no doctors in the Colonia, and when they came – as was the case of the Swiss doctor who lived in Montevideo and who visited the homes of some neighbours with Pastor Salomón – they did not always leave a good impression: "I consulted the doctor for Madelaine and Mama, regarding their ailments, and he had the audacity to charge us 5 pesos for the few words he gave us", wrote Revel.</p> <p>In the letter of 18 April Jean Daniel relied on the Raspail reading for his wife's ailment. In a few days it was Jean Daniel who suffered from an illness which "had its seat first in the head and then in the stomach" and which forced him to remain in bed for almost the whole of May. The seriousness and the bewilderment made his mother and wife fear that the illness would "bring him to the gates of the grave". Revel was finally able to recover thanks to his wife's care and "the Raspail system of medicine, which was very useful".[<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref70">70</reflink>]</p> <p>Winter was a particularly critical period for illness and childbirth. On 6 July 1866, Jean Daniel was ploughing his field in the morning when his mother ran anxiously to meet him; his companion was in great pain and asked him to return quickly. He set out to do so, but while he was taking the yoke off the oxen and setting off on his return journey, Madelaine had a baby. "I went into the room and what a surprise I had to see this little creature already crying while mother was tending to her". It was a girl, they would call her Marie; the father was happy and was quick to thank the Lord for having "granted such a wonderful deliverance to the one I loved so much and for whom I feared so much thinking that she would probably suffer and perhaps even leave me because of her huge pregnancy".</p> <p>Revel hastened to warm the bed so that she could shelter from the cold. Some time of rest passed, but after an hour she felt an intense pain in her belly "which made her think she was carrying another child". Unable to lie down because of these contractions, she got up. Two more hours passed and nothing changed. Her husband wept bitterly as he watched her suffer and thought she might "not be able to free herself". She finally gave birth to another, bigger baby girl, but "she had stopped living". Madelaine went back to bed, again the fever, the cold compresses, but after a long rest she recovered.[<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref71">71</reflink>]</p> <p>Madelaine's health worsened with each birth, and in December 1868 another baby girl was born lifeless, probably suffocated by her mother's loss of blood. She was buried near the acacia tree where the body of Marie's twin sister also lay.[<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref72">72</reflink>]</p> <p>A year later, in July 1869, while Revel was at the usual Sunday evening meeting, a "dreadful symptom" was noticed by Madelaine: "the womb protruded forcefully from the vagina and had in the protruding part a deep wound with a strong inflammation". The "Raspail system" was consulted again. That evening the mood was one of farewell; affectionate words from his wife regarding the care of the two small children and the search for peace in her soul. The next morning, in spite of the intense cold, Revel went to consult a certain Charling [sic]; he gave him hope and some small remedies. In the afternoon, Jean Daniel was able to see the "dreadful" illness with his eyes; "the womb was very inflamed and let more blood flow from its contusion than in the previous days". Madelaine went to bed at about four o'clock and lay for three hours with headaches and stomach pains. She finally gave birth to two little ones, "both well formed, but dead".[<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref73">73</reflink>]</p> <p>On 19 June 1872, another girl, Elisa Rosalie, was born. On 20 April 1874, another twin pregnancy left only one girl alive. Of the three twin births, only two children survived. So far, in a period of eleven years, Madelaine had seven pregnancies, four children alive and six lifeless.</p> <p>A well-deserved rest took Madelaine and her family on 31 January 1871 to different places in the area, such as the "Swiss Administration", a distance of 10 kilometres from the Revel-Morel home. "Since we have been in America", wrote Jean Daniel, i.e. eight years, "Madelaine had not yet visited the Swiss Colony".[<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref74">74</reflink>]</p> <p>Death, however, gave no respite; on Thursday, 22 February 1872, one of her sons, Louis-Félix, died of asphyxiation due to a cold that was building up in his chest. In 1891, Jean Daniel Emile, the eldest son, inexplicably lost his life; he was 21 years old.[<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref75">75</reflink>]</p> <p>Jean Daniel arrived in America persuaded of a rather pessimistic anthropology: "the heart of man is corrupt and desperately wicked and cunning above all things"; his first impression on arriving on the banks of the Rosario River and entering a virgin forest, marvelling at the immensity of nature, he reflected: "How happy and contented our colonists were to be able to contemplate these species of trees and bushes which at this moment are in full freshness and beauty. I had never had an idea of what a forest could be that had never been visited by the murderous hand of man".[<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref76">76</reflink>] It is the voice of a man who feels "ashamed", "shy" and "afraid" of the world, feelings that only find rest in the arms of an implacable god.[<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref77">77</reflink>] On the nights of 13 and 14 February 1865 he was on the edge of a dying man's bed; he finally died and was buried on the 16th: "How blessed were those nights to my soul, for I learned to know the end of all the vanities of this world, and also that death which is a king of terror to the wicked, but a messenger of good tidings to the child of God".[<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref78">78</reflink>] Two months later, faced with the loss of his wife's pregnancy and the severity of her illness, he thought he found a vengeful and just god responsible: "I believe he has allowed this to happen to us because of our pride and lack of gratitude for the good things he lavishes on us.[<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref79">79</reflink>]</p> <p>A profound transformation, however, was coming to life in Revel, a product of contact with suffering and reading. Four years later, he said that his heart was unwilling "to submit to the will of the Lord and to believe that all is for the best".[<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref80">80</reflink>] Finally, in 1898, shocked by the death of little Clotilde, daughter of Elisa, the Revels' first granddaughter, he wrote: "Oh no, death is not the work of God".[<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref81">81</reflink>]</p> <p>The frequent experience of pain and death is, as we can see, narrated at length. It was unusual, in the mentality of the 19th century, to give such a moving account of these interrupted lives. The feelings of anguish at his companion's suffering are also surprising; Jean Daniel made no secret of his sorrows and fears. The despair that can be perceived in the description of his beloved's body, mysterious, unfathomable, leads him to seek – more than in the advice of doctors and healers – a solution in the pages of Raspail's manual, and in the verses of the Bible, a consolation. Written culture did not eat the body. Writing was used to express the feelings of the experience of pain and the vulnerability of bodies abandoned to nature and divine will. As time went by and we progressed through the pages of his notes, we visualised the importance that Jean Daniel gave, through writing, to each of these interrupted, unborn lives. He gave them an ontological status, if that is the right expression. Each life lost, each pain inflicted, seemed not to fit into the divine plans. All of them, supernatural beings and poor mortals, lay twinned in the face of the inexplicable, mediated by reading and writing.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-10">The triumph of written culture</hd> <p>The biography of Jean Daniel Revel presents significant insights into the reading patterns and the intricate relationship between a segment of the Waldensian community and the realm of written culture. This scholarly investigation offers a glimpse into the societal landscape of Uruguay during the latter half of the 19th century, revealing a transition in reading practices that had previously experienced their zenith a century earlier. The act of reading, predominantly conceived as a spiritual exercise transcending physical and metaphysical boundaries, held a sacrosanct status permeating various aspects of existence. This fervour for reading was propelled by a robust determination to overcome obstacles, manifesting itself diversely across various settings and occasions. Both private and public reading assumed equal significance, mutually reinforcing each other symbiotically.</p> <p>A meticulous analysis of this life segment contributes significantly to William Garrett Acree's perspective on <emph>everyday reading</emph>.[<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref82">82</reflink>] It aligns with his interest in non-conventional reading modalities, offering insights into the atmosphere of societal upheaval and the implications of Revel and his contemporaries' persistent engagement with disseminating written, printed, and manuscript materials. The depicted everyday reading patterns diverge from the consumption of easily digestible literature. These habits, interwoven with agricultural pursuits and the struggle for subsistence, were geared towards engaging with a complex tapestry of religious ideas.</p> <p>However, the undisputed merit of the Waldensian society in promoting practices fostering a connection with written culture was perceived as insufficient by external observers. According to perspectives from Lantaret or Solomon, for the Waldensians to persist in a modernising society, they needed to not only deepen their enduring associations with written culture but also integrate an educational framework enabling them to assume pivotal roles in the burgeoning mercantile society. This necessitated embracing a spirituality less fixated on eschatological concerns and more receptive to the evolving social and commercial dynamics.</p> <p>Revel's approach to health-related issues reflects a rational attitude prevalent in societies deeply enmeshed in written culture. In societies with limited literacy, the perception of reading and books often harbours elements of mysticism and magical thinking. Nonetheless, Jean Daniel's approach was devoid of such notions; when consulting Raspail's manual, he sought practical advice emphasising strict adherence to cause-and-effect relationships, rather than expecting extraordinary remedies.</p> <p>In the colony's nascent days during the 1860s and 1870s, writing was not a universally practised endeavour. A group of scribes, varying in their levels of prior training but significantly enriched by self-directed learning, provided services to the community by transcribing letters and official documents. Revel's involvement surpassed mere transcription; his role as a diarist reveals a minority behaviour within the colony, not marginal but distinctive. The meticulous documentation of events over forty years represented an appropriation of time, organising events in a structured, chronological, and valued sequence. Revel's writing aimed to encapsulate personal and collective histories intertwined with educational pursuits. These initiatives, irrespective of state policies, facilitated the establishment of schools, emulating a process observed in France and other Western European countries.[<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref83">83</reflink>] This endeavour reinforced within the Waldensian community the conviction that the triumph of the written word was integral to a significant aspect of their religious identity in the region.</p> <p>Conversely, Jean Daniel embodied an autodidactic approach, diverging from prevalent cultural norms. Autodidacts not only attest to the possibility of learning but also "to the capacity to articulate and preserve acquired knowledge, challenging cultural inertia".[<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref84">84</reflink>] Each book or pamphlet read privately or shared contributed to an irreversible transformation. Subsequently, Revel disseminated his knowledge in various settings, perpetuating his learned insights through Sunday school, arithmetic classes, and prayer meetings, or offering solace to neighbours.</p> <p>Contrary to a simplistic assumption that educational concerns were inherent to the Waldensian identity, Jean Daniel Revel's story elucidates that cultural advocacy was historical, precarious, and marked by moments of impetus and setbacks. These endeavours were spearheaded by individuals not necessarily hailing from the upper echelons of society.</p> <hd id="AN0184193703-11">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.</p> <ref id="AN0184193703-12"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> The <emph>diary</emph> of Jean Daniel Revel was written between 1863 and 1905. The original consists of fourteen small notebooks; the transcription of the original was made by Rita Bouissa and the digitisation by Oscar Gilles in 2018. I have used the last version corrected by Gilles in 2020. The <emph>Diario Personal</emph>, consisting of 302 pages in A4 format, together with copies of letters sent, drafts of letters and other writings, totals 406 pages (A4). The translation in this document is my responsibility. A small part of the personal diary has recently been published with interesting comments.; Mireille Gilles y Oscar Gilles, <emph>El diario de Jean Daniel Revel (1862–1905). Testimonio de los primeros años de la colonización valdense en Uruguay</emph> (Montevideo: S/D, 2018).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Jean Daniel Revel, <emph>Diario personal, copias cartas enviadas, escritos varios, 1862–1905</emph> (transcription of the original by Rita Bouissa, transcription to digital file by Oscar Gilles, 2020), 9.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref3" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Fernand Braudel, <emph>El Mediterráneo y el mundo mediterráneo en la época de Felipe II</emph> (Madrid: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1976), 41.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref4" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Santiago Guigou, <emph>Diario de memorias</emph> (translation by Oscar Gilles, unpublished document, 2019), 12.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref5" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Philippe Lejeune, <emph>On Diary</emph> (Hawai: University of Hawai, edited by Jeremy D. Popkin and Julie Rak, Biographical Research Center, 2009), 61.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref6" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Martyn Lyons, <emph>Historia de la lectura y de la escritura en el mundo occidental</emph> (Buenos Aires: Editoras del Calderón, 2012), 338.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref7" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 7.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref8" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Lejeune, <emph>On Diary</emph>, 51 and ss.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref9" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> <emph>Patois</emph> is the name given to a group of languages of the "Oc" or "Occitan" family, spoken in the southern half of France, from the Atlantic to the Alps, and on the Italian side in some Alpine valleys of Piedmont. Cf. Philippe Vigier, "Diffusion d'une langue nationale et résistance des patois en France au XIXe siècle", <emph>Romantisme</emph> 25–26 (1979): 191–208.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 78; Gilles y Gilles, <emph>El diario de Jean Daniel Revel</emph>, 22.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Guigou, <emph>Diario de memorias</emph>, 41.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Lejeune, <emph>On Diary</emph>, 51.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Roger Chartier, <emph>Escuchar a los muertos con los ojos</emph> (Buenos Aires: Katzs, 2008), 21.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Gilles y Gilles, <emph>El diario de Jean Daniel Revel</emph>, 8.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Jean Pierre Baridon, "Abrégé de l' Histoire de la Colonie Vaudoise", <emph>Bollettino della Società di Studi Valdesi</emph> 126, no. 204 (2009): 169.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Teófilo Pons, "Juan Pedro Baridon. Un pioneer de nuestra emigración (tercera parte)", <emph>Boletín de la Sociedad Sudamericana de Historia Valdense</emph> 16 (1950): 17.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Teófilo Pons, "El problema de la emigración en los Valles hace cien años", <emph>Boletín de la Sociedad Sudamericana de Historia Valdense</emph> 22 (1956): 6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Michel de Certeau, <emph>La invención de lo cotidiano 1: Artes de hacer</emph> (México: Universidad Iberoamericana, 2000), 187.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Oscar Gilles, interviews with author, (Colonia Valdense: 2022).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Gustavo Maggi, "Canto coral en la Iglesia de Colonia Valdense. Periodo fundacional de la Iglesia (1860–1878)", <emph>Cuestión de fe. Boletín de las Iglesias Evangélicas Valdenses</emph> IV, 86 (2016): 4.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ernesto Tron, "Miguel Morel", <emph>Boletín de la Sociedad Sudamericana de Historia Valdense</emph> X, no. 2 (1936): 63–64.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 39.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 56.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giorgio Tourn, <emph>Juan Calvino. El reformador de Ginebra</emph> (Barcelona: CLIE, 2016), 74.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Jean-François Gilmont, "Reformas protestantes y lectura", in <emph>Historia de la lectura en el mundo</emph> occidental, ed. Guglielmo Cavallo y Roger Chartier (Madrid: Santillana, 2004), 375–414; 378.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 378.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Daniel Manuel Dalmás, <emph>Diario</emph> (El Pinar: transcription by Daniel Dalmás, unpublished document, 2009), 22.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Roger Chartier, "La historia entre representación y construcción", <emph>Prismas. Revista de historia intelectual</emph> 2 (1998): 197–207.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Boletín de la Sociedad Sudamericana de Historia Valdense</emph>, Año XVI, no. 9 (1961): 18.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Juan Aldo Maurín, "Las petites écoles", <emph>Cuaderno de Historia Valdense</emph> 5 (1979): 6.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 147.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Aldo Maurín, "Las petites écoles."</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 147.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 56.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 86.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 334.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 368.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Boletín de la Sociedad Sudamericana de Historia Valdense</emph> 27 (1961): 18.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Nelva Bigatti and Lucía Pucci, <emph>Bases para la Primera Colonia Agrícola del Uruguay (mayo de 1857)</emph> (S/I: Comisión del Patrimonio de Villa La Paz y Rincón del Rey, 2008).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> J. P. Salomón, "Noticias de la Colonia del Rosario", <emph>L'Echo des Vallées</emph> 35 (1871): 8.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 38.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> J. P. Lantaret, <emph>Les Vaudois dans L'Uruguay, Journal de la visite que leur a faite le Modérateur de L'Eglise Vaudoise au mois d'aout, 1869</emph> (Pignerol: Joseph Chiantore, 1870), 48.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 72–73.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Giorgio Tourn, "Colonización valdense en el Río de la Plata", in <emph>El Mensajero</emph> Valdense, ed. Entrevista realizada por Jorge Roland (Colonia Valdense, 1991), 8.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Berton, <emph>Boletín</emph> 8.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> <emph>Boletín de la Sociedad Sudamericana de Historia Valdense</emph> 27 (1961): 16.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 71.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 63.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 76–77.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 46.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 335.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 57.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 8.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 61.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 59.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 91.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 68.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 64.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 70.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Paolo Ricca, "La Riforma come fenómeno Europeo", <emph>Riforma, Risorgimento e</emph><emph>Risveglio</emph>, ed. A cura di Paolo Ricca (Torino: Claudiana, 2011), 39.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Salomón, "Noticias de la Colonia del Rosario".</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 335.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 14.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 33.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 321.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 339.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Dulce Pombo, "O Livro D'Ouro do Povo – O Sistema Médico de Raspail em Portugal no Século XIX", <emph>RECIIS – R. Eletr. de Com. Inf. Inov. Saúde</emph> 5, no. 4 (2011): 32.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Revel, <emph>Diario personal</emph>, 343.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 55–56.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 79.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 87.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 113.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 129.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 11.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 21.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 336.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 339.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 86.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ibid., 265.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> William Garrett Acree, Jr., <emph>Everyday Reading: Print Culture and Collective Identity in the Río de la Plata, 1780–1910</emph> (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> François Furet and Jacques Ozouf, <emph>Reading and Writing. Literacy in France from Calvin to Jules Ferry</emph> (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 302 and ss.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Jean Hébrard, "La autodidaxia ejemplar: ¿Cómo aprendió a leer Valentin Jamerey-Duval?", in <emph>Prácticas de la lectura</emph>, ed. Roger Chartier (La Paz: Plural, 2002), 27.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Gerardo Garay Montaner</p> <p>Reported by Author</p> <p></p> <p>Dr. Gerardo Garay Montaner earned his PhD in Educational Sciences from the National University of La Plata, Argentina. He holds undergraduate degrees in philosophy and education, and currently serves as an Assistant Professor of the History of Education at the Universidad de la República in Uruguay.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref40"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref49"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref51"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib60" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl52" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl53" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl54" bibid="bib63" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl55" bibid="bib64" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl56" bibid="bib65" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl57" bibid="bib66" firstref="ref66"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl58" bibid="bib67" firstref="ref67"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl59" bibid="bib68" firstref="ref68"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl60" bibid="bib69" firstref="ref69"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl61" bibid="bib70" firstref="ref70"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl62" bibid="bib71" firstref="ref71"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl63" bibid="bib72" firstref="ref72"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl64" bibid="bib73" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl65" bibid="bib74" firstref="ref74"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl66" bibid="bib75" firstref="ref75"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl67" bibid="bib76" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl68" bibid="bib77" firstref="ref77"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl69" bibid="bib78" firstref="ref78"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl70" bibid="bib79" firstref="ref79"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl71" bibid="bib80" firstref="ref80"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl72" bibid="bib81" firstref="ref81"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl73" bibid="bib82" firstref="ref82"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl74" bibid="bib83" firstref="ref83"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl75" bibid="bib84" firstref="ref84"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Practices of Reading and Writing. Jean Daniel Revel and 19th-Century Waldensian Immigration in Uruguay – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Gerardo+Garay+Montaner%22">Gerardo Garay Montaner</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3574-1760">0000-0002-3574-1760</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Paedagogica+Historica%3A+International+Journal+of+the+History+of+Education%22"><i>Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education</i></searchLink>. 2025 61(2):314-332. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 19 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Evaluative – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Literacy%22">Literacy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+History%22">Educational History</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigrants%22">Immigrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Land+Settlement%22">Land Settlement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Diaries%22">Diaries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Collective+Settlements%22">Collective Settlements</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Concept%22">Self Concept</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Literacy+Education%22">Literacy Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Public+Policy%22">Public Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Religious+Factors%22">Religious Factors</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Biblical+Literature%22">Biblical Literature</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Christianity%22">Christianity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Religious+Education%22">Religious Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Uruguay%22">Uruguay</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/00309230.2024.2338530 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0030-9230<br />1477-674X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This article critically examines the life trajectory of Jean Daniel Revel, an immigrant who arrived on the coast of the River Plate during the 19th century. Revel played a pivotal role in the formation of the first Waldensian colony outside the European continent. Through a comprehensive analysis of Revel's diary, epistles, and other historical documents, this study endeavours to reconstruct the writing practices and modes or reading employed by both individuals and the collective community. These practices and modes of reading contributed significantly to shaping the distinct identity of this group, which was characterised by their unwavering commitment to promoting literacy and the dissemination of written culture, regardless of prevailing state policies. This research partially reconstructs Revel's dedicated efforts to maintain a profound connection with written culture and to propagate, through a diverse range of initiatives, the enthusiasm for religious reading and the dissemination of Scriptural teaching. It underscores the crucial importance of studying how past communities facilitated the social distribution of literacy skills and the significance they attributed to written products. Such an investigation is invaluable for a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics within historical communities. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1466385 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/00309230.2024.2338530 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 19 StartPage: 314 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Literacy Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational History Type: general – SubjectFull: Immigrants Type: general – SubjectFull: Land Settlement Type: general – SubjectFull: Diaries Type: general – SubjectFull: Collective Settlements Type: general – SubjectFull: Self Concept Type: general – SubjectFull: Literacy Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Public Policy Type: general – SubjectFull: Religious Factors Type: general – SubjectFull: Biblical Literature Type: general – SubjectFull: Christianity Type: general – SubjectFull: Religious Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Uruguay Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Practices of Reading and Writing. Jean Daniel Revel and 19th-Century Waldensian Immigration in Uruguay Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Gerardo Garay Montaner IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0030-9230 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1477-674X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 61 – Type: issue Value: 2 Titles: – TitleFull: Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education Type: main |
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