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'It Was Kind of a Paradigm Shift': Challenging White Space in a Gentrifying School

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Title: 'It Was Kind of a Paradigm Shift': Challenging White Space in a Gentrifying School
Language: English
Authors: Idit Fast
Source: American Journal of Education. 2025 131(3):365-395.
Availability: University of Chicago Press. Journals Division, P.O. Box 37005, Chicago, IL 60637. Tel: 877-705-1878; Tel: 773-753-3347; Fax: 877-705-1879; Fax: 773-753-0811; e-mail: subscriptions@press.uchicago.edu; Web site: http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/journals/aje/about
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 31
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Social Class, Land Acquisition, Change, Middle Class, Disadvantaged, Whites, Equal Education, Race, Power Structure, Discipline, Administrator Attitudes, Parent Attitudes, Minority Groups
Geographic Terms: New York (New York)
DOI: 10.1086/734975
ISSN: 0195-6744
1549-6511
Abstract: Purpose: This study examined challenges to gentrifying schools as white spaces, exploring the efforts of administrators and parents to create an equitable school environment during the initial years of the Diversity in Admissions policy. Methods: In qualitative fieldwork conducted over 2 years at City, a Title I public school in New York City, I observed school leadership meetings and events and interviewed key stakeholders, including school administrators and parents. Findings: Although City initially followed the typical trajectory of a gentrifying school, characterized by an influx of white, middle-class families and the marginalization of low-income families of color, a coalition of equity-focused leaders, Black placemakers, and white accomplices challenged this trend. This coalition engaged in critical debates on power dynamics, discipline policies, and the dual language program, with varying degrees of success. The diversity committee was the main site for the coalition's work. Implications: Such coalitions could offer mechanisms to counteract the entrenched racial hierarchies and power structures typical of gentrifying schools, providing a potential model for other schools facing similar challenges.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1472593
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0184995262;jrd01may.25;2025May09.05:20;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0184995262-1">"It Was Kind of a Paradigm Shift": Challenging White Space in a Gentrifying School </title> <p>Purpose: This study examined challenges to gentrifying schools as white spaces, exploring the efforts of administrators and parents to create an equitable school environment during the initial years of the Diversity in Admissions policy. Methods: In qualitative fieldwork conducted over 2 years at City, a Title I public school in New York City, I observed school leadership meetings and events and interviewed key stakeholders, including school administrators and parents. Findings: Although City initially followed the typical trajectory of a gentrifying school, characterized by an influx of white, middle-class families and the marginalization of low-income families of color, a coalition of equity-focused leaders, Black placemakers, and white accomplices challenged this trend. This coalition engaged in critical debates on power dynamics, discipline policies, and the dual language program, with varying degrees of success. The diversity committee was the main site for the coalition's work. Implications: Such coalitions could offer mechanisms to counteract the entrenched racial hierarchies and power structures typical of gentrifying schools, providing a potential model for other schools facing similar challenges.</p> <p>School gentrification is the process whereby schools in gentrifying neighborhoods experience an increase in the share of middle- and upper-middle-class families, often white, and related material upgrades, along with the exclusion of low-income families of color and changes to school culture (Freidus [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref1">33</reflink>]; Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref2">37</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref3">66</reflink>]). Gentrified schools become sites of power struggles over values, identity, belonging, and ownership, where white and economically privileged parents mobilize, occupy positions of power, and change the school's culture, triggering tension and pushing out parents of color and low-income parents, who see the changes as a threat to their community (Ayscue et al. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref4">5</reflink>]; Billingham and Kimelberg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref5">6</reflink>]; Freidus [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref6">32</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref7">33</reflink>]; Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref8">37</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref9">36</reflink>]; Mansaray [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref10">54</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref11">66</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref12">68</reflink>]; Siegel-Hawley et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref13">73</reflink>]). In many ways, gentrifying schools are "white spaces," wherein resources are distributed according to racial hierarchies, patterns of within-organizational segregation remain despite demographic diversity, students of color are disproportionally disciplined, white culture and codes are the norm, and white parents control power positions (Castagno [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref14">12</reflink>]; Diamond and Gomez [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref15">21</reflink>]; Diamond and Lewis [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref16">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>Can school communities broadly, and gentrifying schools specifically, undermine white spaces, and if so, how? To answer this question, I draw on 2 years of qualitative fieldwork at City (pseudonym), a Title I public (noncharter) school in New York City (NYC), and a typical gentrifying school (Billingham and Kimelberg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref17">6</reflink>]; Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref18">37</reflink>]). When it opened in 2012, City served mainly low-income Black and Latinx students. With gentrification, it saw an influx of white students, especially into the lower grades, going from 7% white students in 2012 to 19% in 2019. At the time of data collection in 2019, the school was about to lose its Title I status, defined as 60% free and reduced-price lunch (FRPL) students.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref19">3</reflink>] Trying to stave off the demographic changes, the school belonged to a group of schools that turned to the Department of Education (DoE) to help manage admissions. In 2015, City was selected to be part of the Diversity in Admissions (DiA) pilot, a new voluntary diversity policy that changed admission procedures to prioritize students based on socioeconomic indicators such as FRPL eligibility, home language, living in shelters, or having incarcerated parents.</p> <p>I responded to a parent's online posting to conduct qualitative fieldwork during the first 2 years of the DiA pilot program (2016–18). I entered the field as a white, international researcher and outsider to the school and parent community. My research explored two aspects of the DiA: the demographic changes following the DiA and school leaders' attempts to integrate the school beyond diversity to include a substantive, genuine, and meaningful equitable environment (Debs et al. [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref20">17</reflink>]; Lewis et al. [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref21">50</reflink>]). I observed monthly School Leadership Team (SLT), Parent Teacher Association (PTA), and diversity committee meetings, along with Black History Month, Back to School Night, and open house events. I conducted repeat interviews with the principal, assistant principal, and parent coordinator (PC), a unique NYC employee who works closely with the principal on parental engagement, and I interviewed 22 parents, some involved in school committees and some not. Many informal conversations became a core part of data collection (Pollock [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref22">64</reflink>]).</p> <p>I build on these data and the burgeoning work on schools challenging trajectories of gentrification (Ayscue et al. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref23">5</reflink>]; Mansaray [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref24">54</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref25">68</reflink>]) to show how City initially became a typical gentrifying white space but shifted slightly when school administrators and parents challenged gentrification by building a coalition (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref26">15</reflink>]) comprising equity-focused school leaders (Ayscue et al. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref27">5</reflink>]; Khalifa et al. [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref28">43</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref29">68</reflink>]), Black placemakers (Hunter [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref30">39</reflink>]; Hunter et al. [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref31">40</reflink>]), and white accomplices (Ekpe and Toutant [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref32">27</reflink>]; Love [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref33">52</reflink>]). The diversity committee became the space for their work.</p> <p>I discuss the coalition's work in debates around power positions, discipline policy, and the dual language program, which are deeply racialized issues in the American context and are important in school gentrification and schools as white spaces (Billingham and Kimelberg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref34">6</reflink>]; Diamond and Gomez [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref35">21</reflink>]; Diamond and Lewis [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref36">22</reflink>]; Menken et al. [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref37">56</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref38">65</reflink>]). At times, the coalition was successful; at other times, it was not. The successful examples suggest mechanisms that may undermine the power trajectory of gentrification and white spaces and could potentially be emulated elsewhere.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-2">Literature Review</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0184995262-3">Gentrifying Schools as White Spaces</hd> <p>Gentrification is defined as the process in which economically privileged residents—white and also middle- and upper-middle-class families of color—move into urban neighborhoods that were historically the home of low-income, disinvested, and segregated communities of color (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref39">37</reflink>]; Zuk et al. [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref40">78</reflink>]). The new residents are better off economically and possess more social and cultural capital, enabling them to transform the neighborhood in their image and erase existing social and cultural structures and traditions, with changes in business ownership, street fronts, and aesthetics, the branding of the community, acceptable uses of public spaces, and community organization efforts and decision-making processes (Brown-Saracino [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref41">9</reflink>]; Tissot [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref42">77</reflink>]). Communities of color often experience gentrification as displacement from homes, neighborhoods, and communities (Brown-Saracino [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref43">9</reflink>]; Zuk et al. [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref44">78</reflink>]).</p> <p>With gentrification, neighborhood schools can see an influx of white and economically privileged students (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref45">37</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref46">66</reflink>]), significantly influencing school demographics, student achievements, and in-school relationships (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref47">37</reflink>]). Schools become sites of struggle over identity, belonging, and ownership, and longtime residents are displaced (Billingham and Kimelberg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref48">6</reflink>]; Freidus [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref49">33</reflink>]). Gentrifying schools are often white spaces in that they are white in their norms and sustain existing racial power relations and hierarchies despite being diverse (Diamond and Gomez [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref50">21</reflink>]; Diamond and Lewis [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref51">23</reflink>]; Lewis [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref52">47</reflink>]). White parents tend to take over resources, work to shape the curriculum to fit their preferences, enter decision-making positions, change modes of communication, debate existing policies and disciplinary practices, and work to change school identity, often ignoring the voices of parents from the community the school used to serve (Diem et al. [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref53">25</reflink>]; Freidus [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref54">32</reflink>]; Mansaray [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref55">54</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref56">66</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox et al. [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref57">67</reflink>]; Siegel-Hawley et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref58">73</reflink>]). Principals find it hard to stave off white parents' actions (e.g., Billingham and Kimelberg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref59">6</reflink>]; Mordechay [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref60">57</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref61">68</reflink>]) and often perceive them as taking over school's space and agenda (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref62">36</reflink>]). Principals might also apply deficit thinking to parents of color when comparing them with new white parents (Fast [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref63">30</reflink>]). Further, decades of studies on demographically diverse schools show how they remain white spaces and maintain power relations in student discipline, tracking, advanced placement, staff biases and silence around racism, parents' opportunity-hoarding practices, differential treatment of parents, and more (Diamond and Lewis [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref64">22</reflink>]; Lareau and Horvat [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref65">46</reflink>]; Lewis et al. [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref66">50</reflink>]; Lewis-McCoy [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref67">51</reflink>]; Pollock [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref68">64</reflink>]).</p> <p>Recent work shows principals and teachers may push back against white parents' tendency to control power positions and resources in gentrifying schools. Roda ([<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref69">68</reflink>]) showed how three school principals fought to preserve their schools' demographic diversity despite neighborhood gentrification and white and privileged parents' opportunity-hoarding practices by not letting white parents take over school resources or change school structures or curricula. Mansaray ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref70">54</reflink>]) studied a gentrifying school and suggested that staff experienced the new white parents, their demands, and norms as a disruption and did not simply comply. Ayscue et al. ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref71">5</reflink>]) found that a principal supported and affirmed a mixed-race teacher who discussed political issues in the classroom in her conflict with a white mother who was dissatisfied with how the teacher taught political matters and her engagement with race. Adding to this recent work, I ask whether and how school communities can challenge school gentrification and schools as white spaces.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-4">Conceptual Framework</hd> <p>I draw on research on conditions and mechanisms that challenge white spaces, addressing four aspects of this literature: equity-focused school administration, Black placemaking, white accomplices, and coalition-forming. I integrate these elements to ask how administrators and parents at City challenged the power of school gentrification and school as a white space.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-5">Equity-Focused School Administration</hd> <p>School administrators are crucial in implementing equity-minded policies and shaping antiracist schools (Ishimaru and Galloway [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref72">41</reflink>]; Khalifa et al. [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref73">43</reflink>]). They determine the language used in their schools to talk about students and families, including the meanings of diversity, integration, and race. They can choose to highlight racial equity and mediate conflicts to shape meaning and culture at the school. They bear responsibility for staff makeup and training, define professional development goals, guide teachers in understanding racism and inequality, and help teachers identify and change how their practices reproduce these. Administrators can change the policies and curriculum to include the experiences of all students, invest funding to create equity between students, and hire teachers and staff of color (Gay [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref74">35</reflink>]; Khalifa et al. [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref75">43</reflink>]; Lewis [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref76">47</reflink>]). As recently argued in the literature on school gentrification, school leaders can rebut white parents' power and thus support equity (Ayscue et al. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref77">5</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref78">68</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-6">Black Placemakers</hd> <p>Much of the literature on parental involvement in the context of school gentrification and schools as white spaces has focused on white parents, their role as gentrifiers, the gap between their intentions and their actions, and the ways they hoard opportunities and prevent racial equity (Billingham and Kimelberg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref79">6</reflink>]; Castagno [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref80">12</reflink>]; Evans [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref81">29</reflink>]; Lareau and Horvat [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref82">46</reflink>]; Lewis and Diamond [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref83">49</reflink>]; Murray et al. [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref84">61</reflink>]). However, some scholars argue for the need to study and understand Black communities, especially in urban contexts, as agentic placemakers that "create sites of endurance, belonging, and resistance through social interaction" (Hunter et al. [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref85">40</reflink>], 31) and actively shape their neighborhoods and institutions rather than remaining passive in the face of white power (Hunter [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref86">39</reflink>]; Hunter et al. [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref87">40</reflink>]; Tichavakunda [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref88">76</reflink>]).</p> <p>A line of research in education focusing on Black middle-class parents has shown how they act as school leaders and stand against educational inequality. This research shows how Black parents work to navigate their own and their children's experiences to shield them from racism, protect their rights, develop their resilience, and ensure they are enabled to succeed by paying attention to school policy and practices, undermining stereotypes, and supporting learning experiences at home (Aguayo [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref89">2</reflink>]; Diamond and Gomez [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref90">20</reflink>]; Diamond et al. [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref91">24</reflink>]). Recent work has shown that Black parents of different class backgrounds engage in active communication with teachers, supplement children's academic experiences and create cultural experiences, form networks with other parents to understand and navigate school demands, and resist school curriculum and activities when they perceive them as hurting their children (Bolgatz [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref92">7</reflink>]; Morgan and Stahmer [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref93">60</reflink>]). This growing literature turns the gaze on how mothers who are easily seen as "oppressed" become agentic actors in their children's educational trajectory.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-7">White Accomplices</hd> <p>"White accomplices" is a recent alternative to "white allies," a concept criticized for identifying white people as supporters, more like saviors than partners, and for focusing on white "niceness" rather than efforts to challenge racism (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref94">15</reflink>]; Love [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref95">52</reflink>]). Instead, as accomplices, white people are required to interrogate whiteness in context: "What does it mean to be white where I am?" (Lewis [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref96">48</reflink>]). White accomplices focus on dismantling oppressive structures, are required to make sacrifices when systems and practices change, and let their work be led by members of marginalized groups (Boutte and Jackson [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref97">8</reflink>]; Clemens [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref98">13</reflink>]; Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref99">15</reflink>]; Love [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref100">52</reflink>]). In the context of demographically diverse schools, white parents who want to challenge schools as white spaces can refrain from taking power positions (e.g., heading the PTA), create formal structures to prevent their peers from having power, call each other out when they are acting in a privileged manner or hold power positions, interrogate whether their established practices (e.g., daytime PTA meetings) fit other parents, and work to phase out programs like "gifted and talented" because of their segregation and inequality effects (Ishimaru and Galloway [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref101">41</reflink>]; Murray et al. [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref102">61</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref103">69</reflink>]; Syeed [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref104">75</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-8">Coalition Building</hd> <p>According to Dabiri ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref105">15</reflink>]), a coalition is about identifying a common goal and mutuality, rather than white people supporting people of color, as is implied in the term "allyship," which she criticizes. A coalition, Dabiri argues, can destabilize the status quo because it creates a counternarrative to the Black-white divide. A coalition starts by acknowledging that race matters, admitting that racism and power exist and align, and naming whiteness in the organization and in what people do. A successful coalition requires a focus on systems and practices and demands sacrifices from white people in it. In a coalition, the focus is on the people of color involved, and collaboration is not supposed to be taxing for them (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref106">15</reflink>]; Mathew et al. [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref107">55</reflink>]). In this article, I examine how a coalition of equity-focused administrators, parents who worked as Black placemakers, and parents who were white accomplices challenged the school's gentrification trajectory.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-9">Data and Method</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0184995262-10">Study Context</hd> <p>My study took place in the context of NYC's confluence of school segregation, gentrification, and choice. NYC has the largest and one of the most segregated school systems in the country, with race-ethnic and economic school isolation of Black, Asian, and Latinx students (Cohen [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref108">14</reflink>]; Kucsera and Orfield [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref109">44</reflink>]). This pattern may change with gentrification. Since the early years of this century, many NYC neighborhoods have seen increases in the share of white residents and white school-age children in neighborhoods previously home to families of color (Austensen et al. [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref110">4</reflink>]; Mordechay and Ayscue [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref111">59</reflink>]). In the early days of gentrification, gentrifiers avoided the NYC public school system (DeSena [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref112">18</reflink>]) but later started attending local public schools. However, gentrifying parents tend to cluster in specific schools (Mordechay and Ayscue [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref113">58</reflink>]) and may leave their gentrified neighborhoods for education (Candipan [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref114">11</reflink>]).</p> <p>The tendency of gentrifiers to cluster in schools of their choice is supported by NYC's complicated school-choice system that facilitates opportunity-hoarding practices (Candipan [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref115">11</reflink>]; Orfield [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref116">63</reflink>]; Sattin-Bajaj and Roda [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref117">72</reflink>]). Since 2002, enrollment has been based on school choice managed by the central admissions office. Parents apply to public elementary schools (noncharters) in the winter/spring prior to the year when their child starts prekindergarten or kindergarten. Families must apply to the public school system even if they plan to send their child to the zoned school down the block, and they can include any public elementary school in the city on their list. An estimated 40% of kindergarten students in the public school system attend schools other than their zoned schools, with Black families who are not eligible for FRPL (presumably middle- and upper-middle class) and families in gentrifying neighborhoods opting out of zoned schools at the highest rate (Candipan [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref118">11</reflink>]; Hemphill and Mader [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref119">38</reflink>]; Mader et al. [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref120">53</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-11">The DiA</hd> <p>In 2015, a group of principals, alarmed by rapid gentrification in their schools, turned to the city for help, asking for a policy to control admissions to maintain their schools' demographic diversity. The DoE initially refused, citing the "Parents Involved" Supreme Court decision (<emph>Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 Et Al</emph>. 551 U.S. 701 [2007]), which barred consideration of individual students' race and ethnicity in school admissions. However, the schools were asked to submit proposals detailing how they would like to change their composition through admissions using criteria other than race and ethnicity. Eighteen schools submitted proposals. In November 2015, the DoE created the DiA, and seven public noncharter schools were selected to participate. This was the first official attempt in decades to integrate public schools in NYC (Cohen [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref121">14</reflink>]; Johnson [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref122">42</reflink>]). There is no publicly available account of why these schools were selected or the considerations behind the policy design.</p> <p>For each school in the pilot, the DiA specified criteria for setting aside seats each year for students entering prekindergarten and kindergarten, the main entry points. The specific criteria and the percentage of prioritized seats varied by school and included some combination of FRPL students, English-language learners (ELLs),[<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref123">4</reflink>] students in families served by the city's Administration for Children's Services,[<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref124">5</reflink>] students in temporary housing, and students with an incarcerated parent. The DoE managed application and enrollment via the central choice system. When parents marked one of the pilot schools on their list of priorities, they were asked to mark a checkbox next to the priority categories they fit, given the school's specific criteria. According to my interviews with school administrators and background interviews with DoE officials, after assignment, the DoE was not involved in registering the students or in other aspects of the DiA pilot, and no additional resources were given to the schools to implement the policy or manage diversity (see Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref125">68</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-12">Study Site</hd> <p>City, a zoned public school, opened in 2012 to replace a neighborhood school closed by the city because it was "failing" and "unsafe." The closed school was a Title I school serving only students of color. City was in the same location but opened as a new school in a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood. From 2000 to 2010, the share of white residents in the neighborhood increased by 38%, the median household income increased by 136%, and the share of Black residents decreased from 80% to 50%. A report listed it at the top of gentrifying neighborhoods in the city.[<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref126">6</reflink>]</p> <p>In 2016, when the DiA started, the school was what Green et al. ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref127">37</reflink>]) term a "tipping point gentrifying school" where there is an overall increase in school enrollment but greater enrollment of middle-class students than low-income students, and the school offers special programming to attract middle-class families. Compared with the district, the school had more white students, more Asian students, and fewer FRPL students, a typical pattern in gentrifying schools in NYC and elsewhere (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref128">37</reflink>]; Mordechay and Ayscue [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref129">59</reflink>]). The school shared the building with a charter school that opened in 2012 with City to replace the closed-down school. The charter school remained predominantly Black and Latinx and low-income throughout the years, despite gentrification, whereas City gained a reputation in the neighborhood, according to staff and parents, as the school for gentrifiers (Fast [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref130">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>City had three types of classrooms: general education, dual language, and integrated coteaching (ICT). The DoE's admissions office handled admissions to all programs via the application system. The DiA set-aside for the school was 20% of seats prioritized for ELLs (presumably meant to attract native Spanish speakers to the dual language program), students in temporary housing, and students whose families were served by the Administration for Children's Services.</p> <p>Figure 1 presents the demographics of the kindergarten class and the school from its establishment to the 2018–19 school year. It shows a sharp decline in the share of FRPL and Black students at the school level and an even more rapid decline in the kindergarten class in the first years after the school opened. In the first 2 years of the pilot, the kindergarten lost 8% of the FRPL students and 3.5% of the Black and Latinx students. Many at the school felt the DiA helped to stop the loss of Title I status, because the decline became less rapid. However, the overall loss of Black students and the decrease in the share of FRPL students in kindergarten continued despite the DiA, and the school hovered around the 60% cutoff for Title I. The share of Latinx students increased at the school level over the same years, from 24.7% in 2012–13 to 30.77% in 2018–19, but the kindergarten class showed an opposite trend, and it lost Latinx students. The share of ELL students dropped from 19.4 to 13.2 over this period, so setting aside seats for ELL students for the dual language class did not support the school's efforts. The share of Asian students remained constant, 5–7%, with fluctuation at the kindergarten level. The share of white students increased from 7.1% to 18.7%.</p> <p>Graph: Fig. 1. School and kindergarten composition.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-13">Data Collection and Analysis</hd> <p>My fieldwork started in September 2016 and lasted 2 school years. I gained access to the school by answering a call to study the DiA pilot, which was sent to university listservs by a mother at the school. Her call described the pilot and asked anyone interested to write to her. I was in my third year of graduate school and searching for a case on parents' involvement in school policy implementation, so I responded. In hindsight, as an international student, I was an outsider to the troubled history of school integration policies in the United States. I thus was not fully aware of the breadth of the field I was entering.</p> <p>This mother became my key informant. She was white, had a graduate education, a high-paying job at a large news firm in the city, and connections across industries. She introduced me to the principal, a self-identified Haitian American who became my second key informant. Notably, one was white, one was a woman of color, one was a school administrator, and the other a parent. They gave me different perspectives on what was happening at the school, but both were in leadership positions and advocates of the DiA. One of my core challenges was expanding my data collection beyond their perspectives.</p> <p>My primary modes of data collection were observations and interviews. I attended open house tours, Back to School night, and Black History Month celebrations; I observed 16 SLT meetings, 16 PTA meetings, and 10 diversity committee meetings (totaling about 150 hours). The SLT is a state-mandated body composed of the principal, teachers (union chapter leader and other selected representatives), and parents (PTA chair and other elected representatives). The SLT submits its policy and instructional goals to the state every year and then tracks them.[<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref131">7</reflink>] The SLT was racially mixed; the principal and most of the staff (teachers and paraprofessionals) were people of color, and parents self-identified as Black or white, with one mother defining herself as Spanish.</p> <p>The PTA met twice monthly for a general assembly, on the evening of the third Thursday of the month (with babysitting and pizza for the children) and on the following Friday morning when the children were in class. This was done to accommodate parents' different work schedules. Each meeting started with an update from the principal and the PC; they left, and the chair gave updates and discussed agenda items. Parents could bring up issues in an open floor session. Attendance varied from 10–20 on Friday mornings to 20–60 on Thursday evenings. The PTA executive comprised the chair or co-chairs, treasurer, and secretary. In the first year of data collection, the chair was Black Caribbean; in the second year, there were cochairs, one Black and one white. The treasurer was a Black father in the first year of my fieldwork and a white mother in the second, and the secretary was a white mother. The PTA executive met monthly, but I did not observe these meetings because they often overlapped with diversity committee meetings. The Black mother who cochaired the PTA in the second year of my study was also on the diversity committee that year.</p> <p>The white mother who pushed for the DiA, initiated the study, and was my key informant had established the diversity committee. As I describe later, she was the PTA chair but left her post out of awareness of her position as a white mother chairing the PTA. She stopped chairing the diversity committee during my fieldwork for the same reason. The committee was voluntary, met monthly on a Friday morning, and comprised only parents. The principal and PC often joined conversations but were not officially on the committee. Attendance varied over the years and between meetings. Several white and Black mothers were consistent in the first year. In the second year, the committee's composition changed but remained demographically mixed: the chair was South Asian, the secretary was white, and the Black PTA cochair was a member. It is difficult to give a count of attendees as attendance shifts. In addition to being allowed to observe meetings, I was added to the diversity committee's listserv, and I had access to all discussions. The listserv had about 40 parents, and I believe parents would have been added if they had attended a meeting or expressed interest. Many parents on the listserv were not active members during my fieldwork. Parents were notified about my addition to the listserv; none objected.</p> <p>I also conducted semistructured, in-depth interviews with school administrators and parents (table 1). I conducted eight interviews with the principal and three with the PC. The PC changed while I was there; I had two interviews with the first and one with the second. The principal and the first PC were women of color and were born in the city; the second PC was white and had moved to the city in her twenties like many other white parents. She was a mother at the school and became the PC after years of volunteering. Interviews with administrators lasted 45 to 75 minutes. I started by asking for updates on the DiA and followed up with questions arising from recent observations and conversations with parents.</p> <p>Table 1. Interview Sample Characteristics</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><th style="border-bottom: solid thin black" valign="bottom" scope="col" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Race/Ethnicity (Self-Identified)</th><th align="center" style="border-bottom: solid thin black" valign="bottom" scope="col" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Education (Self-Identified)</th><th align="center" style="border-bottom: solid thin black" valign="bottom" scope="col" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Official School Role (School Year)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th colspan="3" valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1">Parents:</th></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Diversity Committee chair (16–17)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Less than high school</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Law degree</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Law degree</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> West Indian</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Art design</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">PTA chair (16–17)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MBA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Diversity Committee (16–17)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White Jewish</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MFA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">SLT (17–18)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> South Asian</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Diversity Committee cochair (17–18)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BSc</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">PTA cochair (17–18)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MFA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">PTA cochair (17–18)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Afro-Latina</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Part college</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Diversity Committee (16–17)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> African Descent</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MBA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Diversity Committee (17–18)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">SLT</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MBA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Associate's degree</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">SLT</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">...</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Diversity Committee cochair (17–18)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Black</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Part college</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">PTA chair, closed-down school</td></tr><tr><th colspan="3" valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1">Administrators:</th></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> Haitian American</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">EdD</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Principal</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> African American</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">High school</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Parent Coordinator (16–17)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">BA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Parent Coordinator (17–18)</td></tr><tr><th valign="bottom" scope="row" rowspan="1" colspan="1"> White</th><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">MA</td><td valign="bottom" rowspan="1" colspan="1">Assistant Principal</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Graph</p> <p>1 Note. BA = bachelor of arts degree, PTA = Parent Teacher Association, MFA = master of fine arts degree, MA = master of arts degree, SLT = School Leadership Team, BSc = bachelor of science degree, MBA = master of business administration degree, EdD = doctor of education degree.</p> <p>I conducted 22 interviews with parents. I focused on parents holding leadership positions, but I included parents who were generally uninvolved in the school to get a broader perspective. I recruited participants in three ways. First, I recruited parents central to school committees and the PTA executive. Then, I used their networks for snowball sampling to recruit parents who were less or not involved. Finally, I used my observations of school events and general PTA meetings to approach parents I did not know. These recruitment efforts yielded a sample in which about half of my interviewees were active on school committees and half were uninvolved. Although this does not represent the parent population, it represents what Small ([<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref132">74</reflink>]) calls "the vital few" who lead community-level processes.</p> <p>Table 1 presents the parents' race-ethnicity self-identification, self-described level of education, and official role at the school if they had one. Twenty-one were mothers. Six were on the diversity committee, four had official PTA roles, and three were on the SLT. About a third identified as white, and about half identified as Black. The sample was highly educated; almost half had a graduate or professional degree. Four did not have a college education (either high school or partial college), and all four identified as Black. My sample overrepresented white and Black parents compared with the school's composition. However, it reflected the composition of parents active on the PTA, SLT, and diversity committee, as these were almost exclusively Black or white. Only one mother identified as South Asian, and another identified as Afro-Latina. I interviewed both. I address the implications of this bias in the discussion.</p> <p>I developed the parents' interview protocol as the study progressed to address topics coming up in meetings and conversations. The interviewees set the location. This varied from a park to a private room at the school to their homes or places of work. All interviewees gave their informed consent in writing, and all interviews but one were audio-recorded and transcribed. When one interviewee refused to be recorded, I took notes during the interview. I started each interview by asking for general demographic information, the interviewees' educational biography, and how they came to live where they did. Then I asked how they chose the school for their children, their experience so far, the most significant challenges facing the school, and whether they were a part of the PTA, SLT, or diversity committee, what these bodies did, and how they perceived their work. Finally, I asked them to define diversity, explain the DiA pilot in their own words, and give their opinion. When issues emerged throughout my fieldwork, such as discipline issues or the dual language program (discussed in the Findings section), I added a probing question: "I've been hearing a lot about the debate over X; I was wondering if/what you've heard or thought about it."</p> <p>My data analysis was built on "flexible coding" (Deterding and Waters [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref133">19</reflink>]) and combined deductive and grounded theory. Using Nvivo Qualitative software, I read through a sample of administrator and parent interviews; I indexed them according to the interview protocol and based on concepts in the literature (e.g., diversity rhetoric and critical race frames, school vision, parents' leadership instances) and performed thematic ground-up analysis to add codes emerging from the data. I read through the entire data set and created an Excel spreadsheet; each row was a participant/event, and each column was a code (a theme) from the data (see Sattin-Bajaj et al. [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref134">71</reflink>]). Toward the end of my research, I returned to the principal, several mothers, and the SLT to share my findings. It was important to me as a researcher to see how they reacted and whether my interpretations made sense to them.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-14">Positionality</hd> <p>My position in the field was multifaceted. As any researcher, in some key aspects, I was an outsider; in others, I was an insider, and this position changed between parents (Adu-Ampong and Adams [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref135">1</reflink>]; Bukamal [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref136">10</reflink>]; Lareau [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref137">45</reflink>]). As an international student, I was always an outsider to some extent, with a non-American accent and non-American cultural norms. I believe it took me longer to build rapport with American-born parents than it would have for an American doing the same study. I spent longer on the sidelines observing before I could form relationships (Bukamal [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref138">10</reflink>]). I am visibly white. As such, I believe I was perceived as an insider by white mothers and potentially an outsider by mothers of color. At the same time, my foreign accent and non–white-American habitus allowed me to get closer to mothers of color, especially young ones, as I was also not a part of the white mothers' group and differed from them in many aspects (how I spoke, dressed, wore my hair, etc.). Mothers of color, especially young ones, were open with me in their criticism of the school and white parents, describing incidents of microaggression or their anger about racist incidents with school administrators and staff. In hindsight, I know that in one interview with a Black mother, I said things that offended her because of my unfamiliarity with the complicated context of race in America and my white skin. This interview was a pivotal moment in my data collection, as it brought into sharp relief my position as a white researcher in the field, a position I was not fully aware of at the beginning as an outsider to the American racialized system. The interview triggered reflexivity on my racialized position as white in the field, a position I kept in mind as I was interpreting and writing. Finally, an unexpected but important aspect of my positionality was that I became a mother shortly before I started fieldwork. My first field observation was as a mother of a 3-month-old. The mothers around me hurried to bring me into their circle with advice and encouragement. Granted, I was a new mother, not handling tough school-choice decisions or relationships with my child's friends and teachers, but I was a mother, nonetheless. Consequently, my relationship with the mothers at the school became warmer.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-15">Findings</hd> <p>In the this section I show how the coalition formed at City challenged the school as a white space. I present events that occurred during the school's establishment and were reported to me and reflected on by interviewees, as well as events I observed during my fieldwork. In figure 2, I provide a timeline of events with labels for school years to guide the reader through the processes.</p> <p>Graph: Fig. 2. Events timeline.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-16">School Gentrification: Becoming a White Space</hd> <p>In its first years, City was a typical gentrifying, tipping-point school (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref139">37</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref140">66</reflink>]), quickly becoming a white space (Diamond and Lewis [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref141">23</reflink>]) and a site of struggle over culture, practices, identity, and belonging (Freidus [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref142">33</reflink>]). White parents created their own methods of communication that excluded others (Freidus [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref143">32</reflink>]). As the principal said in an interview, they "set up their little Yahoo groups, and so information was traveling through different channels, and some of our families of color didn't have that information." Parents of color from the closed-down school described this period as difficult. Maria, a Black Caribbean, was on the diversity committee. She had an undergraduate degree and worked for the city for decades. In an interview, Maria said the atmosphere among longtime Black and Latinx families at the school in its first years was: "You came here and took our school from us, and there was no reason for that." She added, "We got kicked out of school."</p> <p>Michelle, another member of the diversity committee, self-described as of African descent, held a master's degree in business administration and owned a business with her husband. In an interview, Michelle described the first years of the school as a series of cultural conflicts between Black parents and white gentrifiers over practices and policies: "You have a cultural clash where, in the beginning, the kids would call the teachers by their first name. To be in Black communities, that's a no-no. No kids call you by the first name. You have to be addressed with Mr. or Miss, auntie or uncle.... At [closed school], we addressed Mr. or Miss."</p> <p>Tanisha was a Black mother of four who grew up in the neighborhood. She had a partial college education, worked for the DoE, and was the PTA president of the closed school. When describing the first months, she said, "Gentrification had just happened. When the school opened, third–fifth grades were Black and Brown, pre-K through second were Caucasian." To her amazement, at a meeting of parents at the end of the summer, she discovered the prekindergarten parents had held meetings all summer; they called them PTA meetings and talked about changing the school bylaws. In doing so, they assumed there was a vacuum and took over a supposed need without considering that an active community was already there (Siegel-Hawley et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref144">73</reflink>]). The principal was equally surprised to discover the white parent–led PTA: "It was almost like a conspiracy theory. I literally felt like I left the auditorium for a minute and when I came back, the whole executive board with the exception of the treasurer were all white. They had spoken to their friends, they got people to vote for each other."</p> <p>Maria, Michelle, Tenisha, and the school principal all described a gentrifying school that was quickly becoming a white space: white parents took over power positions and resources, there was conflict around school identity, culture, and policies, and longtime neighborhood residents felt they had lost their community (Freidus [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref145">33</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref146">68</reflink>]; Siegel-Hawley et al. [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref147">73</reflink>]). However, parts of the community did not accept these changes and worked to undermine them.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-17">Formation of the Coalition</hd> <p>During my fieldwork, I repeatedly heard stories about a critical meeting in the second year of the school (2013–14; see fig. 2) with the principal, her assistant, the school counselor, the white PTA chair, and a group of Black parents. I have triangulated the stories to discuss the meeting as an important moment in the challenge of the school as a white space, notably the formation of a coalition where Black and white parents, together with the administration, challenged the status quo and the school's racialized systems (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref148">15</reflink>]).</p> <p>Tenisha was one of the parents who initiated the meeting and acted as a placemaker resisting the changes at the school by interacting with the principal and other parents (Hunter et al. [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref149">40</reflink>]). Tenisha said in an interview that when she entered City on the first day, she felt "the air was heavy," and people were in cliques: the prekindergarten and kindergarten white parents, the biracial parents, and the fourth–fifth-grade parents. As a placemaker, Tenisha went to the principal and said, "We need to have a conversation with parents from each grade because we are falling apart; we can't be a school like that." When I asked about it, the principal said the meeting took place because parents of color, presumably one of them Tenisha, approached her: "It was parents of color who approached me and said, 'This is what we're feeling. We're feeling that we're not always included in things that are going on in the school ... or we're not told about certain things, and events are catered to your pre-K and kindergarten kids.' ... And I then let [white PTA chair] know about it, and I thought we needed to have a meeting because this is how people were feeling."</p> <p>The principal, as an equity-focused leader, listened to Tenisha and other parents of color and created the space for the meeting to happen. Tenisha said: "[The principal] created the platform. All the right people were in the room. She was aware of the race tensions in the school, and she didn't look away. When gentrification happens, the school can create a place for people to speak, to get feedback, and listen to what people have to say.... We ended up coming together in the Art Room. The principal, assistant principal, social worker, and [names of other parents]. We started talking about race, white privilege, the elephant in the room."</p> <p>The principal showed a commitment to equity, mediating conflicts, shaping meaning, and pushing back against white parents' tendency to assume control over school resources (Gay [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref150">35</reflink>]; Murray et al. [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref151">61</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref152">68</reflink>]), and Tenisha acted as a Black placemaker who demanded the meeting and spoke out about the problems she saw at the school. Together, they enabled the meeting and created a platform to build a coalition.</p> <p>In turn, the meeting led to the emergence of white accomplices (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref153">15</reflink>]). Two white women were at the meeting: the assistant principal and the PTA chair. Both described the meeting in interviews and conversations as a crucial learning moment and a turning point. Laura was the white PTA chair in the first years of the school, a member of the group of parents who convened a PTA meeting over the summer before the school reopened, unaware and not acknowledging that the closed-down school had an active PTA. Laura told me about the art-room meeting as we chatted outside the school. Initially, she said, "I wished I could have a paper bag over my face so that people would listen to me regardless of who I am and how I looked and not be racialized." But as part of becoming an accomplice, she said she "realized that that's not fair and can't happen." She started asking questions about and understanding that as a white person, she was racialized, her race mattered, and acting otherwise was problematic (Annamma et al. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref154">3</reflink>]; Boutte and Jackson [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref155">8</reflink>]; Lewis [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref156">48</reflink>]). After this meeting, Laura started the diversity committee; the following year, she vacated her position as PTA chair and was replaced by a Black mother. This was an important step, as the PTA is a site of power struggles in gentrifying schools (Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref157">65</reflink>]).</p> <p>Elizabeth, the assistant principal, a white woman, described the meeting as a watershed moment in her process of becoming a white accomplice:</p> <p>A lot of [the meeting] was about people feeling not included and not having access to things, and so, we had a parent body who was really active and trying to do things, and I think we had a Yahoo group at the time and all sorts of things, and some of the parents of color felt like they were not really being included in the process.... And I think some of the people of color they wanted to be invited, and the white people felt like you were just supposed to step ... for white people to hear that they were not being inclusive even though they thought they were. And that's kind of a hard pill to swallow.... So, I think in many ways it was kind of a paradigm shift, and I think it's crucial in people's journeys to be able to work through all of those thoughts and things.</p> <p>Elizabeth, like Laura, started interrogating her place as white at the school and the racialized school practices (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref158">15</reflink>]). As Tenisha spoke in the interview, it seemed she felt the transition that Laura and Elizabeth experienced: "I think people were open to changing what is the norm. Open around having to learn: How I, as a white person, impact the school that is mostly parents of color." This is important in forming an effective coalition: white people must move beyond niceness and make efforts to change (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref159">15</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-18">Challenging White Space</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0184995262-19">SLT election</hd> <p>After the meeting, the coalition began interrogating racialized practices at the school. One example occurred at a PTA meeting at the beginning of the 2017–18 school year when parents voted to fill an empty SLT seat. The principal opened the meeting with a statement repeating her commitment to work on school integration beyond diversity (Debs et al. [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref160">17</reflink>]; Lewis et al. [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref161">50</reflink>]): "[I] talk about it [integration] whenever I can. There is a divide, there is tension ... parents of color feel this is not their arena, look around now [she counts four parents of color; the rest are white]. I'm trying to do this work, and as a woman of color, it's hard."</p> <p>With this statement, the principal framed the conversation around race and integration and turned the attention to white parents' power, setting the meaning of the following discussion (Gay [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref162">35</reflink>]; Khalifa et al. [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref163">43</reflink>]).</p> <p>After the principal's opening comments, two Black mothers ran for the open SLT seat (Hunter et al. [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref164">40</reflink>]). One spoke to the parents, and the other, who could not attend the meeting because she was on a work trip, sent her biography. The mother at the meeting presented herself as a "local business owner [with] many networks, with finance and arts; both are the avenues where I want to see the school grow." The second sent a note presenting herself as an educated woman working for the city who "recently moved to the neighborhood and wants to work for diversity in the school and school equity." Both mothers presented themselves as Black placemakers working to shape their community (Hunter et al. [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref165">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>The mother at the meeting was elected to the position. Immediately after the vote, the other parents in the room, who, as the principal pointed out, were primarily white, started discussing how the mother who was not there could contribute to the school. They expressed concern that losing the spot would discourage her from involvement. The parents got excited and came up with ideas and positions for her. Then, a white father called everyone out, saying they should not be making decisions for her or discussing her position without her presence. His statement closed the debate. Acting as a white accomplice, the father would not let a group of mostly white parents discuss the fate and position of a Black mother in school leadership without her presence; he pointed to the problematic situation and stopped it (Boutte and Jackson [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref166">8</reflink>]). Other white parents acted as accomplices by stepping back and not running for the seat (Murray et al. [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref167">61</reflink>]).</p> <p>Although this was a small event, it shows how the coalition worked together to challenge the school as a white space. The principal created the space to focus on racial equity by framing the school's work around it in her opening statement. Black parents nominated themselves to the open SLT seat and emphasized their role in the community, and white parents were accomplices by not running for the seat and by not letting other white parents discuss the fate of a Black mother. The mother who was elected became the representative on the SLT; the other mother joined the diversity committee and later became PTA cochair.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-20">Discipline policy</hd> <p>In a second example of its work, the coalition challenged parents' demands for punitive policies toward Black boys. The school's discipline policy triggered a harsh conflict throughout the implementation of the DiA. The conflict intensified in the fall of 2017, when a group of parents, white and Latinx, complained about repeated incidents with three Black boys, called these incidents bullying, demanded the boys be removed from the classroom or the school, asked for a more punitive school discipline policy, and requested an antibullying consultant. Their complaints and demands aligned with the known reality in the United States, where discipline is racialized, and Black students, especially boys, suffer disproportionally from punitive disciplinary actions and school staff biases (Davison et al. [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref168">16</reflink>]; Elmesky and Marcucci [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref169">28</reflink>]; Freidus [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref170">34</reflink>]). Importantly, racialized disciplinary practices are a key element in the maintenance of schools as white spaces (Diamond and Lewis [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref171">22</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref172">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>The parents who complained were not part of the PTA's executive board, SLT, or diversity committee. They made their complaints public during general PTA meetings, and I collected information in my observations and in interviews with other parents and administrators. I later interviewed two of the parents. In addition to asking for punitive policies, they blamed the principal for protecting bullies in the name of racial inequality, saying she protected them because of her commitment to school diversity and integration and because they were Black. Linda, a white mother with a bachelor's degree who worked in advertising, wanted the boys suspended. She blamed them for bullying her son. In an interview, she criticized the principal's approach to discipline: "I blame [the principal], and she knows this. I have said this to her face, in tears. Because she developed a real mission for being seen as a school that was about diversity. And what happened during those few years that she put so much energy into helping all of the children, she neglected a lot of children.... Somebody articulated it very well, saying that [the principal] let children's stories outside of the classroom, their history, their story, what was going on in the home, get in the way of how she saw them at the school."</p> <p>The coalition of equity-focused principal, Black parents as placemakers, and white accomplices fought Linda and her friends and their demands to make the school's disciplinary policy more punitive. The principal was clear about her approach to discipline, and she framed discussions using the language of racial justice (Khalifa et al. [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref173">43</reflink>]). In an interview, she explained her stand: "There were two camps of thought around behavior ... with what the purpose of behavior management is at school. That it's not to be punitive. Some perceive me as too soft, 'Oh she just let them get away with things.' That was not the case. But I'm not suspending kids in elementary school!"</p> <p>The mothers on the diversity committee supported the principal's objection to punitive measures and helped her challenge the school as a white space where Black boys were disproportionally disciplined. In a diversity committee meeting, Anna, a white mother with a college education, spoke out against calling the boys bullies and questioned the value of an antibullying intervention: "The bullying issue is misplaced; it's a school climate issue and violence issue. It's about physical assault and physical boundaries. My perception is that there is no one group of [students] that is being harassed.... It's a classroom that got used to fighting. I am worried that all this bullying and victim language exacerbates everything. There is an actual problem, there is fighting, and that is screwed up, but a bullying workshop won't solve the problem."</p> <p>Donna, a Black mother with a college education who was the PTA cochair, also had reservations about the antibullying program, and she questioned the resources Linda and her friends wanted to take from the budget. She resisted their tendency to act as if the money was theirs, thinking it should be used for the benefit of the entire community: "That goes back to what is this goal? In the first meeting it was like, my kid is being bullied and they don't get support, so let's bring in the $7,500 program. But if this is just for your kid, take them for counseling."</p> <p>The mothers on the diversity committee worked as placemakers and accomplices. Together with the principal, they challenged other parents' attempts to criminalize and punish Black boys, working toward a shared goal of racial equity. Ultimately, the antibullying workshop did not take place; instead, the diversity committee organized a parent workshop on issues of racial equity, diversity, and inclusion. Linda and another family pulled their children out of the school. The alleged bullies remained. Leaving the school was not a positive outcome, but the coalition comprising the equity-focused principal, Black placemakers, and white accomplices fended off an attempt to penalize Black boys for bullying, thus challenging the school as a white space.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-21">Not Always Successful: Dual Language Program</hd> <p>The coalition sometimes struggled to challenge the school as a white space. This was the case with the dual language program debate. Dual language programs sometimes function like "gifted and talented" programs, attracting privileged parents and creating within-school segregation in diverse schools (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref174">37</reflink>]; Menken et al. [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref175">56</reflink>]; Roda and Menken [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref176">70</reflink>]). For these reasons, the coalition wanted to phase out the program, but mothers on the SLT objected. I observed the debate in repeated discussions at SLT and diversity committee meetings and on the diversity committee's listserv, and I heard about the issue from parents and administrators in interviews and informal conversations. I have triangulated the data to describe the debate.</p> <p>The dual language program first came up at the end of the first year of the DiA at a diversity committee meeting. The committee hosted a teacher who wanted to explore collaboration between the diversity committee and school staff. The teacher said "different classrooms have different cultures" with "marked differences" between classes, specifically differences between dual language and general education classes. Laura responded, "I'm going to be radical and say we need to get rid of dual language class." Michelle said she could not understand why her son, who was a special needs child and learned in an ICT class, did not get to learn Spanish.</p> <p>The discussion continued in the following weeks on the diversity committee's listserv. In a post, Rachel, a white mother with a master's degree in social work, wrote that she felt her son was part of an advantaged group at the school, and she questioned this: "I first started thinking about [equity between the classes] last year at the holiday show when I noticed how beautifully diverse my son's dual language class was and the complete lack of diversity [students were predominantly Black] in the non-dual language class."</p> <p>Rachel, who was on the diversity committee and acted as a white accomplice questioning her whiteness and privilege in the context of the school (Dabiri [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref177">15</reflink>]), hit on the main issue: Black students were underrepresented in dual language classes. Daven, a Black Caribbean father who was a high school teacher with a master's degree and served on both the diversity committee and the SLT, wrote that they were having the same conversation at home. His wife was wondering, "What 'ass you have to kiss,' excuse me, to get your children into those classes?" This sentiment was common among Black parents who participated in the conversation. Lakisha, a Black mother with partial college education who was working for the city and whose children were FRPL, shared her frustration with the dual language admission process in a post: "I noticed when I helped my cousin's kid [to get] in the school, they immediately put him in the dual language program. He looks as if he could be white, but his dad is Spanish, and I thought that was very unfair being that I already [have] two kids attending there and was always told the classes are full."</p> <p>For Lakisha, the treatment of her cousin proved what she had felt for a long time: the dual language program was discriminatory. In a later interview, when I asked about dual language, she said she felt the registration staff in the school's main office, who were Hispanic, were discriminating against her and her children because of their dark skin: "My father speaks fluent Spanish. But you are not going to think that because of our skin color." Lakisha advocated replacing the segregated dual language program with Spanish enrichment for the entire school. In this, she acted as a placemaker and resisted the discriminatory patterns at the school.</p> <p>The principal also saw a problem with the dual language program. She explained why she put it in place to begin with, describing a process common to gentrifying schools (Green et al. [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref178">37</reflink>]): "We started it to get kids here; we were here to please." She reiterated to the diversity committee and the SLT that she was not married to it and was explicit about wanting to interrogate the school's practices (Diamond and Gomez [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref179">21</reflink>]): "We realized what we've done in terms of diversity. So now we are thinking on how to manage that."</p> <p>The SLT, like the diversity committee, was racially diverse. However, the two mothers who did not identify as Black, one white and the other a recent immigrant from Spain, both had children in the dual language program; they had different attitudes toward racial equity and integration than the mothers on the diversity committee, and they were against ending the dual language program. When the principal first brought up the issue of dual language at the SLT, I wrote in my field notes that when she said, "Next topic, dual language program," parents immediately reacted with "wow" and "ta ta ta ta" (Beethoven's famous opening to the Fifth Symphony, as if expecting drama). The principal, as an equity-focused leader, framed dual language as related to segregation: "There has been a back and forth primarily with diversity committee members on how dual language classes unintentionally created segregation of classes and funneling of resources.... That was before we developed awareness. But then it [dual language] developed to something that people go to be with similar people. I was surprised of how classes were segregated. There was general Black class, and dual language white and Hispanic ... the way dual language class looks sends a message of division."</p> <p>Alexandra, the recent immigrant from Spain and a teacher herself whose children were in the program, pushed back, saying the issue was parents' preferences. The principal countered by explaining why parents' preferences lead to segregation: "I had a parent that wanted his white kid to go to the dual language class with his other six white friends and didn't understand why they broke them up. We don't want to keep them all together! We don't want to create more segregation. But some parents don't really want integration. They have political ideals, but then their kid is learning with a kid suffering from trauma, and they don't want them there, they don't want that."</p> <p>Here, the principal referred to the dual language program as a tool to move away from economically integrated classes, referring to poverty-related trauma, as she often did when she described behavioral issues. She went on to describe the diversity committee members as accomplices who understood what needed to be done for diversity, seeming to contrast them with the SLT: "And that is what I appreciate about the diversity committee, that these are parents that understand that for equity some people have to give up something, and they are willing to sacrifice in their own lives."</p> <p>But mothers on the SLT kept pushing back. Rebecca, a white mother married to a South American man, had an undergraduate education, worked from home, and spent many hours volunteering at the school. Raising bilingual children, Rebecca chose the school for its dual language program. To counter the principal, she said: "You don't want to hurt kids just in the name of integration, we want to make sure kids get the resources they need. Also, we have only two classes per grade and that is always going to be a problem. You're damned if you do and you're damned if you don't."</p> <p>Rebecca suggested another common narrative of objection to integration that put her on a different path from the mothers on the diversity committee. She was unwilling to make sacrifices in her children's education for integration. When I interviewed Rebecca about her role on the SLT and the dual language debate, she tied the issue to neighborhood gentrification and used racist stereotypes:</p> <p>Gentrification is happening. So you are having young white families who are coming in, and you are also having an influx of immigrants [to the neighborhood] who don't speak English as a first language. So those immigrants who are Spanish speaking, of course are going to the dual language program, right? And then you are having these younger white families who want their kids to be bilingual, and they are going into dual language classes. So, in terms of diversity, you are already taking up majority of the seats. These families are fighting for these seats. And then, it's not ... how do I say it ... I don't know what to say.... There is a culture priority, there is a cultural difference. To be blatant about it, there is no right or wrong, but there is a cultural difference of people who have the importance of whether they want their kids to speak two languages or not. I have not seen many Black families in our school who want their kids to speak two languages. So, they are not pushing to get into that class, and they don't realize how to get in the class.</p> <p>Like white parents in diverse schools often do, Rebecca applied anti-Black stereotypes to parents of color, citing "cultural differences" and saying they were not interested in dual language (Evans [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref180">29</reflink>]), a claim Lakisha, Michelle, or Daven would not have accepted.</p> <p>Furthermore, like many white parents with good intentions (Evans [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref181">29</reflink>]), Rebecca was enthusiastic about diversity but wary of what racial equity might mean:</p> <p>It's hard, it's hard, never in my life have I had conversations about race, heatedly about race until I got here and put my daughter in this school. And not in a bad way at all. But parents are bringing so much of their what they are experiencing in their everyday lives and putting it on school.... And you know, if my kid is safe, if my kid is happy, if my kid wants to go to school, I'm great. I'm thrilled with the diversity, I do see other schools in and I'm just like, yikes, it kind of scares me how segregated schools are. So, it is thrilling to me she can be there. But it's intense. Just people come with a lot of baggage.</p> <p>Rebecca wanted diversity if it did not mean compromise. She pushed back against the coalition's attempts to end the dual language program.</p> <p>Facing the pushback, the coalition of parents and the principal was limited in what it could do, and it took two small steps. First, a section was added to the parents' handbook explaining how to enter the dual language program to expand access, not leaving it as word-of-mouth information within certain social networks. Then, in a step geared toward equity, the diversity committee got the PTA to inaugurate a change in fundraising for things like art supplies. Instead of class-by-class fundraising, the school moved to grade-level fundraising to compensate for classroom racial and income segregation.</p> <p>Although these changes were important, in the case of the dual language issue, the coalition of equity-focused administration, Black parents' placemaking, and white accomplices was blocked by parents in power positions who did not focus on the goal of racial equity, and it was ultimately unable to challenge school as a white space.</p> <hd id="AN0184995262-22">Discussion</hd> <p>I asked whether school communities broadly and gentrifying schools specifically can challenge becoming white spaces. My case study was City, a Title I gentrifying school implementing the DiA pilot and working to change the school's demographic composition, stave off the loss of Black and FRPL students, and create a more equitable, meaningfully integrated school (Lewis et al. [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref182">50</reflink>]). I found the school kept its Title I status but could not stop the decrease in the share of Black and FRPL students in its incoming classes. I have discussed the demographic outcomes of the DiA elsewhere (Fast [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref183">31</reflink>]), focusing here on the second part of the DiA: school leaders' efforts to fight the power of gentrification and white space.</p> <p>Previous research suggests that gentrifying schools become white spaces (Freidus [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref184">33</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref185">66</reflink>]), but recent work indicates that this can be challenged (Ayscue et al. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref186">5</reflink>]; Mansaray [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref187">54</reflink>]; Roda [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref188">68</reflink>]). Indeed, at City, a coalition of equity-focused administrators, Black placemakers, and white accomplices challenged the school as a white space, and the diversity committee became a key site for this work. However, pushback from parents in power positions who were not accomplices limited what the coalition could do.</p> <p>As previous work has similarly found, at City, positions of power, discipline policies, and dual language programs were central sites for creating white spaces (Billingham and Kimelberg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref189">6</reflink>]; Diamond and Gomez [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref190">21</reflink>]; Diamond and Lewis [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref191">22</reflink>]; Menken et al. [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref192">56</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref193">65</reflink>]). But debates over them also became sites for challenging those spaces. Like Roda ([<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref194">68</reflink>]) and Ayscue et al. ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref195">5</reflink>]), I emphasize the importance of principals in this work. However, I add that principals need the support of a coalition of parents. In the case of City, the coalition comprised Black parents who worked as placemakers and resisted the power of school gentrification and white parents who acted as accomplices, interrogating their whiteness in the context of the school and foregoing power.</p> <p>When challenges to the school as a white space succeeded, as in the discipline debate, Black placemakers and white allies were able to support the principal's commitment to racial equity. The coalition was less successful in the case of the dual language program. White and Spanish (self-defined) mothers on the SLT whose children were in the dual language program wanted to keep the resources the program gave them, providing "preferences" and cultural justifications for retaining them. These mothers were in power positions but did not act as accomplices, and change was harder to achieve.</p> <p>My study has broader implications for schools as white spaces. It suggests that a diversity committee could be a key structure for challenging power, but it needs to be a place where parents committed to racial equity can gather, share, and support each other, and it should cooperate with the principal. Diversity committees have previously been mentioned as sites for organizational work toward racial equality (Dobbin and Kalev [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref196">26</reflink>]; Orfield [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref197">62</reflink>]; Posey-Maddox [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref198">66</reflink>]). My study supports this contention. As Diamond and Gomez write, "People need productive ways to pause, disrupt, and deconstruct how routine activities reproduce racial injustice and create more racially just practices" ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref199">21</reflink>], 5). Diversity committees might be the place to do this work.</p> <p>Moreover, if a school wants to challenge patterns of white spaces, when parents run for elected leadership roles, their positions on racial inequality and their willingness to be white accomplices (if they are white) might be a valuable part of their platform. It could also be useful to ensure the PTA executive represents the school composition. As for the dual language program, it is difficult to say from my study whether it should be closed at City. Of course, it should be racially and economically balanced as a baseline. All students should receive language enrichment, whether in the dual language program or not. And it needs to be clear to everyone how to get into the program. Because my study did not reach the school's Latinx population, however, I cannot be sure that these changes would support equity. Their voices were not part of my research.</p> <p>This was my study's key limitation: the parents I observed and interviewed were almost exclusively Black or white, even though the school had about 30% Latinx students. This might be due to my identity as a foreigner: I could not detect or approach this community. It might also be due to my focus on the DiA implementation and the parents who were most involved (Small [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref200">74</reflink>]). Latinx parents were not represented in school leadership or at school events. This bias in my data collection reveals a problem with the school's efforts to challenge white space; despite focusing on racial equity, the parents and the principal missed the substantial Latinx population. When the coalition tried to cancel the dual language program, it was because of the lack of Black students in it. There were no discussions about the place of Latinx students and what would happen to them if the program were canceled. This raises the question of how to challenge white spaces in a way relevant to all marginalized groups, especially when school leadership consists of and is focused on Black-white relationships.</p> <p>Further, my analysis of one school limits generalizability. However, the dynamics I identified at City as a gentrifying and demographically diverse school fit with the literature, and my findings are relevant to other schools that are white spaces. Future work should further explore the role of diversity committees in challenging white spaces compared with other parent structures (for a recent engagement, see Roda [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref201">69</reflink>]). Researchers should examine the detailed interactions between potential members of coalitions to see how coalitions are formed and become active. They should ask whether and how schools that do not have equity-focused leadership can challenge white spaces, including beyond the Black-white dichotomy. Finally, future work should include teachers and students in analyses of a coalition's work and its outcomes.</p> <ref id="AN0184995262-23"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref135" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Idit Fast is an assistant professor at the School of Education, Ben Gurion University of the Negev. Her research focuses on parent-school relationships, educational policy, school integration, and educational inequalities.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref89" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> I would like to thank Lauren J. Krivo for her support. I would like to wholeheartedly thank the study participants who let me be a part of their school and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable and constructive feedback. The study was made possible by the generous support of the Center for Engaged Scholarship Dissertation Fellowship Award.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref19" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> See https://cec1nyc.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/title-1-101-overview-ppt.pdf.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref110" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> The official name of the category at the time.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref4" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> See https://<ulink href="http://www.nyc.gov/site/acs/index.page">www.nyc.gov/site/acs/index.page</ulink>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref5" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Source suppressed to protect school identity.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref92" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> See https://ptalink.org/topic-areas/parent-leadership/slts. 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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Class%22">Social Class</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Land+Acquisition%22">Land Acquisition</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Change%22">Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Middle+Class%22">Middle Class</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Disadvantaged%22">Disadvantaged</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Whites%22">Whites</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Equal+Education%22">Equal Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Race%22">Race</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Power+Structure%22">Power Structure</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Discipline%22">Discipline</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Administrator+Attitudes%22">Administrator Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Attitudes%22">Parent Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Minority+Groups%22">Minority Groups</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22New+York+%28New+York%29%22">New York (New York)</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1086/734975
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0195-6744<br />1549-6511
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Purpose: This study examined challenges to gentrifying schools as white spaces, exploring the efforts of administrators and parents to create an equitable school environment during the initial years of the Diversity in Admissions policy. Methods: In qualitative fieldwork conducted over 2 years at City, a Title I public school in New York City, I observed school leadership meetings and events and interviewed key stakeholders, including school administrators and parents. Findings: Although City initially followed the typical trajectory of a gentrifying school, characterized by an influx of white, middle-class families and the marginalization of low-income families of color, a coalition of equity-focused leaders, Black placemakers, and white accomplices challenged this trend. This coalition engaged in critical debates on power dynamics, discipline policies, and the dual language program, with varying degrees of success. The diversity committee was the main site for the coalition's work. Implications: Such coalitions could offer mechanisms to counteract the entrenched racial hierarchies and power structures typical of gentrifying schools, providing a potential model for other schools facing similar challenges.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1472593
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1472593
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1086/734975
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 31
        StartPage: 365
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Social Class
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Land Acquisition
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Change
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Middle Class
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Disadvantaged
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Whites
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Equal Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Race
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Power Structure
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Discipline
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Administrator Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Minority Groups
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: New York (New York)
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: 'It Was Kind of a Paradigm Shift': Challenging White Space in a Gentrifying School
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Idit Fast
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2025
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0195-6744
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1549-6511
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 131
            – Type: issue
              Value: 3
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: American Journal of Education
              Type: main
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