Finnish Teachers as (De)Constructors of the Binary-Gendered Ideals of the Teaching Profession
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| Title: | Finnish Teachers as (De)Constructors of the Binary-Gendered Ideals of the Teaching Profession |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Salla Myyry (ORCID |
| Source: | Gender and Education. 2025 37(7):830-845. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 16 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Descriptors: | Foreign Countries, Teachers, Sex, Sex Role, Masculinity, Femininity, Cultural Influences, Social Influences, Gender Issues, Gender Identity, Sex Stereotypes |
| Geographic Terms: | Finland |
| DOI: | 10.1080/09540253.2025.2544532 |
| ISSN: | 0954-0253 1360-0516 |
| Abstract: | Teaching is a gender-segregated profession, particularly at the lower levels of education. This study empirically contributes to discussions on gendered ideals of teaching, a hot topic in the field of education for decades, by critically examining how Finnish teachers construct teachers' gender, and illustrating how these discursive practices either challenge or reinforce binary-gendered ideals within the teaching profession. According to our findings, teachers represented gender constantly as two oppositional essences or approached it as meaningless in schooling practices, with both approaches maintaining binary-gendered ideals in the teaching profession. However, the teachers additionally deconstructed the fixed cultural ideals of masculinity and femininity. We therefore argue that social and cultural ideals and expectations of gender matter and maintain gender divisions in teaching. To confirm these ideals' influence, we suggest critical evaluation of the essentialist underpinnings of culturally feminine and masculine practices in teachers' work, such as caring and generating authority. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2025 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1488305 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwGeWcdPGAx-MB2egEJ0PlODAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDDXQTkuhB-9B8Zy2yAIBEICBm9GLA72YoggOnfmKBTstDCUxm1GN77BQbhJNt_8MhPTEJO4Zlsg4JH0TPHmccSmS6QljJjLTCPPvYA9S7m6sEozSzVHtmqpACm6NkYtt9YMTwdeao9pEia7hJaH19vLvfAf9B1DxJ0WMoj7412ssjFuh4j4UTb1GNbK1vDVgmQKJpSdhmkLrXfKSkmz59dkOs74UumquZ0jc4vy8 Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0188100486;gae01oct.25;2025Sep23.06:42;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0188100486-1">Finnish teachers as (de)constructors of the binary-gendered ideals of the teaching profession </title> <p>Teaching is a gender-segregated profession, particularly at the lower levels of education. This study empirically contributes to discussions on gendered ideals of teaching, a hot topic in the field of education for decades, by critically examining how Finnish teachers construct teachers' gender, and illustrating how these discursive practices either challenge or reinforce binary-gendered ideals within the teaching profession. According to our findings, teachers represented gender constantly as two oppositional essences or approached it as meaningless in schooling practices, with both approaches maintaining binary-gendered ideals in the teaching profession. However, the teachers additionally deconstructed the fixed cultural ideals of masculinity and femininity. We therefore argue that social and cultural ideals and expectations of gender matter and maintain gender divisions in teaching. To confirm these ideals' influence, we suggest critical evaluation of the essentialist underpinnings of culturally feminine and masculine practices in teachers' work, such as caring and generating authority.</p> <p>Keywords: Teacher; gender segregation; feminization of teaching; discursive reading; binary-gendered ideals</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-2">Introduction</hd> <p>The teaching profession is over-represented by female teachers, particularly at the lower levels of comprehensive and early childhood education and care in Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (Heinz, Keane, and Davison [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref1">11</reflink>]). The over-representation of women and binary-gendered practices in the teaching profession have been long-standing topics at the forefront of critical feminist research over the past several decades. Such studies have examined the 'feminisation' of teaching (Drudy [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref2">7</reflink>]; Fischman [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref3">9</reflink>]), the caring work of educators (Anderson [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref4">2</reflink>]; Keränen and Ylitapio-Mäntylä [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref5">14</reflink>]; Pulsford [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref6">30</reflink>]; Vogt [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref7">38</reflink>]), experiences of male teachers (Woodfine [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref8">39</reflink>]), cultural perceptions of the gendered field (Hong, Robbins, and McCammon [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref9">12</reflink>]; Ticknor and Averett [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref10">37</reflink>]) and queer teachers' perspectives on teaching (Niinisalo [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref11">25</reflink>]). Despite teachers' gender being a highly discussed topic in critical feminist studies, however, the statistical domination of women in the teaching profession persists in Western societies (Ankers de Salis et al. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref12">3</reflink>]; Drudy [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref13">7</reflink>]; McGrath [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref14">20</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the public debate, the statistical domination of women in teaching has been argued to have 'feminised' the nature of teachers' work and school culture since the 1950s and 1960s (Acker [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref15">1</reflink>], 77; Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref16">22</reflink>]). In these debates, the feminization of teaching refers to the statistical outnumbering of female teachers (expected to be feminine) in relation to men (expected to be masculine; Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref17">22</reflink>]; Skelton [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref18">34</reflink>]). The normative femininity of female teachers creates the assumption that a high proportion of women leads to a more feminine atmosphere and schooling practices. Acker ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref19">1</reflink>]) called this equivalence between womanhood and femininity an 'oversimplified view of causality' (<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref20">84</reflink>). Other researchers have claimed that the statistical domination of female teachers has disadvantaged single-parent families and girls but especially boys, causing their misbehaviour and underachievement (McGrath and Sinclair [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>]). However, this position has been criticized as simplifying the feminization debate (Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref22">16</reflink>]; Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref23">22</reflink>]).</p> <p>Increasing the number of male role models is a taken-for-granted solution to inequalities of the 'feminised' school (Ankers de Salis et al. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref24">3</reflink>]; Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref25">15</reflink>]). For instance, in the 1980s Finland guaranteed the proportion of male teachers through male quotas during the admission of students to teacher education programs, but these quotas were removed from the admission requirements in 1989 as contrary to the 1986 Act on Equality Between Women and Men. This removal of quotas raised concerns about the lacking male role models in Finnish schools in the 1980s and 1990s (Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref26">15</reflink>]). The need for more male teachers still lies at the heart of education policy discussions in Finland and elsewhere, even though a wealth of research has illustrated that teacher gender does not directly influence pupils' learning outcomes or definitions of a good teacher (Ankers de Salis et al. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref27">3</reflink>]; Sabbe and Aelterman [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref28">32</reflink>]; Sansone [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref29">33</reflink>]). Studies have also criticized the essentialist underpinnings of feminization discussions (Acker [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref30">1</reflink>]; Drudy [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref31">7</reflink>]; Fischman [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref32">9</reflink>]; Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref33">15</reflink>]; Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref34">22</reflink>]; Skelton [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref35">34</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref36">35</reflink>]).</p> <p>In addition to creating a lack of male teachers, feminization has been accused of promoting the low status and incomes of the teaching profession (Acker [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref37">1</reflink>]; Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref38">15</reflink>]). Drudy ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref39">7</reflink>]) accurately pointed out that 'if it is the case that numerical dominance of women in teaching, or any other profession, is associated with a decline in the status of that profession, this raises fundamental questions about the role and position of women in society' (319–320). Although the idea of the feminization of teaching has been highly criticized by feminist researchers, it has also been used robustly to explain the low status of the teaching profession – giving little attention to the social and material conditions of teaching or gendered cultural expectations related to teaching (Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref40">22</reflink>]). However, the conditions of teaching, such as low salary, stressful working environments, required patience and cultural expectations, are issues which have a great impact on choosing this career (Anderson [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref41">2</reflink>]; Drudy [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref42">7</reflink>]).</p> <p>Compared to averages from other OECD countries, Finnish teaching personnel are more robustly dominated by women: At the primary school level approximately 80% of teachers are women, and at the secondary school level the proportion of women is 70% (see McGrath [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref43">20</reflink>]; OECD [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref44">26</reflink>]). The over-representation of women and the debate about the differing characteristics of female and male teachers have deep historical roots nationally, particularly because the proportion of female teachers began to increase significantly as early as the nineteenth century (Nieminen [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref45">24</reflink>]). Through interviews, in this study we determine how Finnish teachers themselves construct teachers' gender, and how they discursively either challenge or reinforce binary-gendered ideals within the teaching profession. We highlight that even though representation of gender groups and other identity categories matter, the diversified representation of the teaching profession is not 'a social justice panacea' (Keane, Heinz, and Mc Daid [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref46">13</reflink>], 7). In addition to representation of gender groups, we grant more attention to the cultural feminine and masculine ideals and expectations that frame the teachers' discussions and interpretations of teachers' gender. Through discursive reading, we argue that social and cultural ideals and expectations matter, and therefore there is a need to deconstruct the binary-gendered normativity related to teaching profession. In the next section, we elaborate on our theoretical underpinnings of the social and cultural construction of the masculine and feminine ideals of teaching.</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-3">A critical glance at the normativity of feminine and masculine teachers</hd> <p>The teaching profession is dichotomic in gender, because the (schooling) cultures of Western societies are covered with heteronormative and binary-gendered expectations (Brett [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref47">5</reflink>]; Persson [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref48">29</reflink>]). We utilize the concept of heteronormativity with reference to the omnipresent normative way of thinking, being and doing that assumes a binary category of gender, which is either masculine or feminine by its very essence and involves heterosexual attraction to the opposite gender group. This matrix of heterosexuality maintains binary gender norms by emphasizing the ideals of a feminine female and a masculine male, and presenting them as the only existing gender identities (Butler [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref49">6</reflink>]). Thus, masculinity is not inherently tied to men nor femininity to women; gender is instead performative, constructed in relation to normative understanding of gender binarism (see also Peltola [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref50">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>Teachers' heteronormative ideals are based on the idea of two homogenous essentialist categories, perceived as entirely feminine or masculine, in which teachers and teacher-students are often categorized, and which they themselves internalize (Ankers de Salis et al. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref51">3</reflink>]; Persson [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref52">29</reflink>]). Based on essentialist underpinnings, the representatives of culturally feminine subjects are expected to be nurturing, gentle, caring and conscientious whilst their masculine counterparts are perceived as competitive, disciplinarians, sport coaches, more relaxed and having a heightened sense of humour (Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref53">15</reflink>]; McGrath [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref54">20</reflink>]; Palmer et al. [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref55">27</reflink>]; Skelton [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref56">34</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref57">35</reflink>]). In the culture dwelling within binary expectations, feminine work, such as emotional and caring tasks, is less valued compared to masculine authoritative tasks, which are viewed as more professional (Drudy [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref58">7</reflink>]; Persson [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref59">29</reflink>]; Puzio and Valshtein [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref60">31</reflink>]). This higher appreciation of masculinity than femininity, and the dichotomic expectations and perceptions of teachers, powerfully reinforce the gender segregation of teaching, but also the idea of teaching as culturally feminized and thus undervalued profession (Puzio and Valshtein [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref61">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>In a heteronormative frame of teaching, caring, closeness to pupils and womanhood are intertwined; thus, the care and touching done by male and non-binary teachers is interpreted as culturally deviant and sexualized, even dangerous (Laiho and Jauhiainen [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref62">17</reflink>]; Tainio et al. [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref63">36</reflink>]). Being a masculine teacher at the lowest levels of education might raise suspicions of sexual abuse and disturb the normative ideal of the feminine teacher (McDonald, Coles, and Thorpe [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref64">19</reflink>]; McGrath [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref65">20</reflink>], 76), which explains why male teachers distance themselves from pupils to conform to culturally masculine teacher ideals (Tainio et al. [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref66">36</reflink>]). Even though it seems that more nuanced performances of masculinities are allowed in Western cultures (Woodfine [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref67">39</reflink>]), the 'right' kind of teacher is associated with a white, caring and feminine non-sexual subject who fits well into heterosexual norms (McDonald, Coles, and Thorpe [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref68">19</reflink>]; Ticknor and Averett [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref69">37</reflink>]).</p> <p>Moreau ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref70">22</reflink>]) challenged the idea of an innate feminine nature in female teachers, arguing that feminine skills and characters, such as care, should be approached as studied and professional skills and cultural capital that can be accumulated. Challenging essentialist feminine and masculine underpinnings as related to gender, and emphasizing a professional conceptualization of caring, may increase the appreciation of educational and teaching work, as well as dismantle the deep-rooted debate on feminization and its binary-gendered underpinnings (Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref71">22</reflink>]; Skelton [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref72">35</reflink>]; Vogt [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref73">38</reflink>], 262). Seeing care as a non-essentialist professional necessity could promote opportunities for male and non-binary teachers to express their emotions, sensitivity and care as part of their profession (Puzio and Valshtein [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref74">31</reflink>]). In this study we therefore take a critical stance towards deep-rooted essentialist binary expectations of teachers and approach them as problematic, because they misrecognize the fluidity of gender and simultaneously construct teaching as a binary-gendered profession, thereby maintaining the gender segregation in teaching.</p> <p>With our empirical data set, collected from teachers working in Finnish comprehensive or upper secondary schools, we examine how teachers construct teachers' gender and illustrate how they discursively either challenge or reinforce binary-gendered ideals. We approach gender as a diverse social construct and identity which is performed in relation to heteronormative power relations, either by maintaining or challenging the normativity of feminine and masculine ideals (see Butler [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref75">6</reflink>]). With these theoretical underpinnings we approach gender segregation as one kind of social structure that is (de)constructed in discourses which are intertwined with social practices and language usage.</p> <p>Our study makes an empirical contribution to the decades-long discussion on teachers' gender and their role in schools. There is a dearth of up-to-date research on Finnish teachers' perceptions on gender, making it unclear how these teachers for their part discursively maintain essentialist underpinnings and gendered ideals in their profession. More current research is needed, since over the past decades Western societies have made legislative changes and the conceptualization of gender in education policies and acts has diversified (Myyry [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref76">23</reflink>]), potentially influencing teachers' perceptions of gender in their profession. Thus, our findings provide valuable viewpoints for deeper discussion on the reinforcement of gendered expectations in present educational settings.</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-4">Materials and method: interview data and discursive reading</hd> <p>This study is part of the projects School Well-Being, Learning Support and Teacher Segregation, funded by the Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture in 2022–2024, and Teacher Segregation in Finland, funded by the Kone Foundation for 2024–2028. For this article we analysed interviews (<emph>n</emph> = 142) conducted with class teachers (<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref77">55</reflink>), subject teachers (<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref78">53</reflink>) and special education teachers (<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref79">34</reflink>). In our regionally representative interview data set, one interviewee did not define their gender, while the rest identified themselves as women (W, <emph>n</emph> = 111) or as men (M, <emph>n</emph> = 30). The birth years of the interviewees ranged between 1959 and 1996. Some class teachers worked in primary schools, while others worked at both primary and secondary schools. The subject teachers worked both in lower and upper secondary schools, though some only in one. When referring to different teacher groups, we use the abbreviations CL (class teacher), ST (subject teacher) and SET (special education teacher), which refer to the teachers' work status at the time of the interview. The teachers gave their informed consent to participate in the interviews as well as have their contributions published in academic publications in accordance with data protection principles.</p> <p>The interviews were conducted in Finnish remotely via Zoom during spring 2023 and recorded with audio-recorders. Online interviews made possible to reach interviewees across the country and in different life situations, for instance during their parental leaves. Online participation clearly lowered the threshold for both the interviewers and the interviewees. Occasionally the connection was unstable, and we needed to shut down videos and rely on voice only. The interviews often lasted over an hour, typically between 45 and 120 minutes. Three themes were discussed in the semi-structured interviews: the educational and professional paths, educating children from different backgrounds and pros and cons in teachers' work. The interview transcripts were analysed in Finnish but the data excerpts were translated into English for this study.</p> <p>In the interviews the teachers were asked the question, 'in what ways does gender appear at your work?'. In their responses, the teachers described the appearance of gender from both pupils' and teachers' perspectives, the latter of which is in the focus of this study. Many interviewees seemed confused by the question, potentially because the question did not define whose gender the question concerns. In contrast, the question might have seemed detached from the theme of previous questions, which dealt with the teachers' own careers and their work in general. Nevertheless, the teachers potentially gave 'top of the head' answers; if they had more time and more profound questions to answer, their responses could have been different (Skelton [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref80">34</reflink>], 80). However, this interview setting enabled us to analyse the very first perceptions that the teachers chose to articulate.</p> <p>We also examined how the teachers construct teachers' gender, and asked how they either challenge or reinforce binary-gendered ideals within the teaching profession. For this data analysis, we applied Faircloughian discursive reading (Fairclough [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref81">8</reflink>]). We approached discourses as social meaning-making which is reflected and constructed in language usage (such as texts) and social practices (such as gendered divisions of the teaching profession). In this way, we identified different discourses and determined how they potentially maintained or challenged the normative power relations that dwelled in the teachers' language usage and social practices.</p> <p>The discursive interview analysis consisted of three distinct yet intertwined phases: analysis of text, discursive practices and social practices. In the text analysis phase, we carefully analysed the language used and (repeated) expressions related to teachers' gender, as well as assessed the themes constructed in the contents of the interviews. In the discursive practices phase, we monitored how the expressions in the interviews constructed assumptions and interpretations of gender. After that, we moved to the social practices phase and reflected on how the discursively constructed interpretations (i.e. discursive practices) potentially maintain the ideals and expectations of the teaching profession. Together, these three phases illustrated how language usage reflects and constructs normative social practices, such as gender segregation.</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-5">Results and discussion</hd> <p>In the interviews, the teachers answered the question, 'how does gender appear in your work?'. From the responses related to teachers' gender, we constructed three intertwined yet distinct discourses in which the teachers approached gender differently. One teacher could construct more than one discourse in their speech. The discourses that maintained gender binarism were slightly more predominant in the interviews than ones that challenged it. Firstly, the teachers represented gender as a meaningless difference that does not or should not matter in teachers' work or the teaching profession. Secondly, they constructed two monolithic images of a feminine female teacher and a masculine male teacher, who should be equally represented in school staff. Thirdly, they challenged the binary-gendered schooling practices and the different positions of teachers framed by the normativity of gender binarism. We now illustrate how these different discourses were constructed and how they (de)construct binary-gendered ideals of the teaching profession.</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-6">The meaningless gender</hd> <p>Finland has been viewed as a model country for gender equality, with equality considered an achieved state of affairs. Finland has even been called 'a country of genderless gender', because its equality rhetoric focuses on equality between individuals, paying no attention to gendered structures (Lempiäinen [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref82">18</reflink>]). In this way, Finland's binary-gendered structures and practices have stayed unchallenged in equality policies, that is, until the latest changes in legislation concerning gender diversity (see Myyry [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref83">23</reflink>]). Against this historical background, it was not surprising that in the interviews, the teachers represented their own gender identity as meaningless in their profession. Simultaneously, in this discourse teachers' gender was represented as identifying as either a woman or a man. This assumed binary categorization of gender is emphasized in the following interview excerpt in which a teacher represented the possible gender identity categories for teachers as dichotomic ('I am a woman, not a man'). However, for pupils the categories were multiple ('a girl or a boy or nonconforming') and partly unspecified ('or whatever it is'):</p> <p>Well, [gender] doesn't appear. It doesn't appear that I'm a woman, not a man. It doesn't appear whether the pupil is a girl or a boy or nonconforming or whatever it is. It doesn't matter. At least I hope it wouldn't appear in any way. (CT15, W)</p> <p>This excerpt illustrates how the diversity of teachers' gender is still an uncommon topic in Finnish schools and teacher education (see Niinisalo [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref84">25</reflink>]). It also shows how in this discourse, teachers' gender was constantly represented as belonging to one of two unquestioned and neutral binary categories, expected to have no influence on schooling practices and thus need not be critically scrutinized.</p> <p>Even though the previous excerpt set the claim of the irrelevance of gender fairly unambiguously ('gender doesn't appear', 'it doesn't appear that I'm a woman, not a man'), the interviewee ended their answer with a clause of uncertainty, stating, 'At least I hope that it would not appear in any way'. By expressing uncertainty, this and other teachers indicated that they know that there is a desired level to address gender issues. Indeed, gender should not influence their work, an idea expressed in the following excerpt: 'So, I would like to say that gender does not appear in my work in any way, but it is not true, I guess' (ST18, W). Multiple interviewees constructed a desired level of meaningless gender as their aspiration, only to represent it as unlikely in immediately following clauses (e.g. 'but it is not true, I guess'). Expressions such as 'I guess' additionally underlined the uncertainty related to the topic of gender.</p> <p>The meaninglessness of gender had a well-established status in discourses on teachers' gender. It raised uncertainty and complicated the discussion of gender. Thus, for instance, in the following interview excerpts the teachers were hesitant to make claims about how gender appears in their work. The claims suffered from a relativist view on gender, meaning that the teachers were not able to name how gender could appear because the appearance was understood as dependent on the perspective being discussed:</p> <p>It might be that it [gender] appears a lot ... it does, or it might not. It depends probably on how you think about it, like are those traits typical for a man or not. (CT18, M)</p> <p>Well, I don't know in this teaching [profession] ... Well, it probably appears in [it], and this is pretty silly, technical work is being taught mostly by men and textiles by women ... And we have more women than men as teachers. But I don't know. I probably can't pay attention to that either, like how it is ... I don't know, everybody does, whether a man or a woman, their own work, what they are assigned to do. (SET18, W)</p> <p>The discourse of meaningless gender and its relativist tone restricted the discussion about teachers' gender, even silenced it. Instead of gender, the interviewees highlighted other characteristics of individuals, such as work experience and personality. Consequently, gendered practices (e.g. gendered craft teaching) were obscured, and stereotypical interpretations became irrelevant to the discussion.</p> <p>Based on these results, we argue that the discourse of meaningless gender makes it challenging to scrutinize and deconstruct the power relations involved in the debate on feminization and gender segregation in the teaching profession. This feeds into the normativity of gender binarism and gendered power relations. While the aim might be to show consciousness regarding gender issues and equality, in fact, this discourse ends up doing the opposite by constructing a false image of a gender-neutral profession in which gendered practices do not exist. At its worst, this discourse can jeopardize the recognition of binary-gendered ideals related to teaching, and thus leave the gender divisions of the profession unchallenged.</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-7">The essentialist approach to teachers' gender</hd> <p>Secondly, the teachers constructed teachers' gender as two essentialist, binary categories. This essentialist discourse formulates monolithic images of a feminine female teacher and a masculine male teacher, mutually opposite and exclusive. The following excerpt displays how the interviewee represented the meaninglessness of gender as a desired level for addressing gender issues (in the discourse introduced above). However, this level has not been achieved due to a different perceived essence of female and male teachers ('women have', 'men have'):</p> <p>Well, we are a female majority field, clearly. Especially with us in the primary school, out of fourteen we have two male teachers. I would long for that, that it were more even. Even though it [gender] should not matter, or [we are going] into a more neutral direction here in general, but then it [gender] has, in many things ... it is like ... That us people, we are different, because men in general have more of that calm touch to work, and women have more of that stress and making a fuss, so somehow ... and men bring more such ... Or it is of course [based on] personality, but that kind of laid-backness and even this kind of disorganisation, that is always welcome, that spirit of doing things. (CT40, W)</p> <p>The central point of the binary essence discourse is that women and men should be equally represented in school staff, because of their assumed different, complementary essences. From the interviews the working style of male teachers characterized them as calm, relaxed, distant to pupils, careless and tolerant to disorder, simultaneously constructing an image of conscientious female teachers. Compared to male teachers, female teachers were constructed as maternal, stressed and controlling subjects, which has been and is still a common perception in Western societies (Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref85">15</reflink>]; Palmer et al. [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref86">27</reflink>]). Following this, the characteristics that were associated with female teachers were constructed as less valuable than the ones associated with male teachers, because those are not the characteristics that teachers want to be more prevalent at school (see Puzio and Valshtein [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref87">31</reflink>]).</p> <p>The teachers depicted male teachers as authorities whose gender automatically and naturally guarantees them the leadership position in the classroom. Contrary to these male figures, in the discourse female teachers needed to work actively and consciously to gain positions of authority, because they were not expected to have natural authority, as men do. The authority and respect of men was thus constructed as innate, something that belongs to men from the very beginning of their teaching career. In comparison, for female teachers, their young age and early career phases gave them vulnerable status in the classroom:</p> <p>I have recognised that male teachers usually gain a sort of automatic respect, no one ever ... They don't need to engage in any kind of disciplinary instruction, ever. They just enter the class and pupils are like, okay, let's do the work. (ST10, W)</p> <p>While male teachers were depicted as authorities by nature, female teachers were constantly represented as maternal because of their gender. When female teachers talked about their maternal characteristics, a considerable number of them intertwined their professional status with their status in their private lives, such as being mothers or wives. Being a mother was constructed as an innate essence for women which enables the formation of warm, caring and close relationships to pupils, which was in many ways also expected from them:</p> <p>[ ... ] I'm already a bit like a mother figure to pupils. I'm getting to that age that I could be their mother. [ ... ] For example, I dare to hug the pupils. If I were a male teacher, I probably wouldn't hug [them] ... (ST11, W)</p> <p>Well, I am a woman. I also consider myself a woman. I am a mother, a mother of three. I am maternal, empathetic. I could assume that gender is somehow related to this. (CT4, W)</p> <p>The female teachers' emphasized maternity constructs teaching as caring work characteristic to women, involving closeness to pupils and touching (e.g. hugging). As the interviewees tightly wove care work only to maternity, closeness and caring were quietly constructed as inappropriate and non-normative for men and non-binary teachers. This implies a stubborn tendency to discuss teachers in terms of heteronormative family roles, wherein female teachers become 'substitute mothers' (Acker [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref88">1</reflink>], 88). At the same time, male teachers were offered the role of 'de facto dad' (Palmer et al. [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref89">27</reflink>]; Woodfine [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref90">39</reflink>]), as the following excerpt illustrates:</p> <p>Both role models are needed. That everyone would learn as a child to act with adult men as well, since [not everyone has an] adult man at home, not all families. (CT21, W)</p> <p>Discussions about men as 'de facto dads' maintained the monolithic images of a masculine male teacher as well as a boy, constructing them as compatible counterparts: one subject who is in need, and another subject who can fulfil that need. The male teachers were expected to play the role of missing fathers for pupils from single-parent families, which simultaneously were constructed as deficient due to missing the heteronormative representation of two parents. Thus, the teachers viewed the school as an extension of families. In this scenario of 'incomplete' single-parent families, male teachers are expected to fulfil the role of a father in a heteronormative nuclear family and teach pupils how to be and act with men. Teachers' gender thereby becomes a messy entwining of public and private spheres in which teachers are expected to play the roles of 'lacking' mothers and fathers, as defined deterministically based on their gender. However, these heteronormative expectations of maternity and paternity, but also ideals of masculine male and feminine female teachers, intertwine problematically with the public and private arenas of both teachers and pupils themselves, making it difficult to define the professional limits of teaching (see Hauver James [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref91">10</reflink>]). The idea of familial school is historically ingrained, and thus it might be difficult to challenge heteronormativity (Nieminen [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref92">24</reflink>]).</p> <p>The teachers did not desire an increased number of female or non-binary teachers, or their stereotypical characteristics (except in one case, CT39, F). Instead, they repeatedly raised the concern of lacking men by counting how many men their school community has. Having male teachers in the workplace was considered fortunate. The work status of the men did not even matter – whether 'he' is a teacher or a pupil's personal assistant, he nevertheless guaranteed the fortune of the school community:</p> <p>I'm a man and other employees are all women here. Or, let's say that luckily, it is good, that such a small school has one man. (CT50, M)</p> <p>My fortune was that in my class there was ... there were two of us adults, I had one [male] pupil's personal assistant working almost full-time. We were always sort of both represented. (CT7, W)</p> <p>According to our analysis, the interviewees constructed the existence of male teachers as an unquestionable good fortune in the school community. In many responses the need for male teachers was not explained in any way. However, when the need for male teachers was explained, gender was constructed as an identity category and, thus, male teachers were perceived as able to better understand boys and act as role models for them. In one interview (CT39, W) this same logic was applied to gender minorities, with the interviewee arguing that the representation of non-binary teachers is necessary so that there is someone who understands gender non-conforming pupils. Like Brett ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref93">5</reflink>]) discussed, 'LGBT+ teachers' identities can carry a form of queer capital, offering important positives' for school communities (<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref94">61</reflink>). However, queer identities, like male or female identities, should not be seen as representative of monolithic identity groups, but instead as cultural representations which make visible the impossibility of a homonormative school culture or a male majority in the teaching profession in some contexts (see Atkinson and DePalma [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref95">4</reflink>]).</p> <p>We assert that the essentialist discourse framed gender as a two-category essence that is innate rather than socially constructed. Here, the teachers mainly framed their talk with gender binarism, which misrecognizes the diversity of gender identities. The essentialist discourse was firmly intertwined with culturally ingrained worry talk about the missing substitute father and male role model (see Acker [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref96">1</reflink>]; Palmer et al. [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref97">27</reflink>]). These concerns are to be remedied by increasing the quantity of male teachers and their assumed masculine presence, which includes, for instance, carelessness and disorder. The teachers used this presence to justify the desire to have more men in schools. The counterfactual description of men, however, included their 'natural' authority, perceived as a laissez-fair mentality in a positive sense, which female teachers essentially lacked, according to the discourse.</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-8">Socially and culturally constructed teachers' gender: awareness of ideals</hd> <p>The third discourse concerns teachers' approach to binary-gendered schooling practices and different socially and culturally constructed expectations of female and male teachers. While this discourse challenged the normative binary essence of gender and raised discussions about the gender non-conformity of cisgender teachers who do not fit external expectations, it also marginalized the existence of non-binary teachers by framing the talk with binary categories.</p> <p>When problematizing the binary-gendered practices of the teaching profession, the teachers described themselves, in some sense, as non-normative gendered subjects who challenge the idea of feminine and masculine practices among teachers, such as by teaching both binary-divided hard (masculine) and soft (feminine) materials, or countering male dominance in the field of mathematics:</p> <p>Of course, in primary school, PE is the same for everyone, and in crafts there are no longer separate techniques for girls and boys, and I myself teach both textile work and technical work. I feel like I am part of some everyday equality work, and I am not even the only woman who teaches technical work here. (CT17, W)</p> <p>The first thing that came to mind was, I would think like this ... For example, that I'm teaching technical work now, that even as a child I've always been bothered by the thought, if someone thinks that because I'm a girl, I can't do something. Or that I can't do something because of my gender. (ST9, W)</p> <p>In the above excerpts the teachers described the choices they have made as border crossing, since they perform their gender against normative gender binarism. They were aware that they challenge the cultural ideal of a female teacher, but they advocated for their choices.</p> <p>Both female and male teachers were depicted as affected by binary gender norms. Since men are often a minority gender group in the teacher community, they are expected to take care of tasks such as teaching PE and hard materials in crafts, or taking care of digital devices, all culturally marked to men. Thus, the agency of men was limited: As teachers, they face expectations of masculinity concerning their expertise and topics of interest. For this reason, male teachers are expected to pull on the stereotypical boots they are hired to fulfil:</p> <p>Of course, there's also a kind of – that you realise that I should go to all ballgame events myself and take care of [them] ... (CT27, M)</p> <p>Well, in principle, I have been, of course, a technical work teacher. And I have of course also been a digital equipment tutor, even though I know nothing about those [digital equipments]. Then I have had a lot of PE and religion [in the school timetable] put on me, which traditionally are subjects taught by men. PE, on the other hand, is a subject I like, so I don't know if it matters. (CT41, M)</p> <p>Many male interviewees took a critical stance on the stereotypical image and expectations that target them. Male teachers represented these divided cultural expectations as self-evident and something they must adopt with phrases such as 'I should go', 'in principle, I have been, of course', 'I have of course also been' and 'I have had [ ... ] put on me'. Laiho and Jauhiainen ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref98">17</reflink>]) illustrated that male teacher trainees view these gendered expectations for men as both beneficial and harmful to them. They considered these expectations to be beneficial in job applications, because schools are willing to hire men to promote gender balance among their employees. However, like in the excerpts above, the male student-teachers did not feel they fit these expectations and were baffled about the stereotype of having innate authority compared to their female colleagues.</p> <p>Awareness of gendered stereotypes arose from interactions with students as well. Female teachers were represented as being under hetero- and cis-normative control, having been moralized and even harassed because of their appearance, family life or marital status. The following excerpts exemplify how the teachers represented the struggles over heteronormative practices and their role as transformers of them, and how they problematize the cultural image of the feminine female teacher:</p> <p>I was asked, when I was absent the previous day as my children were ill, and I came back to work the next day, did your kids get better? No, they didn't. Well, where are they? I said, well, they're at home with their dad. Does the father take care of sick kids in your household? [ ... ] I think it's good that I can quite boldly shake up their stiff and old-fashioned preconceptions about families or whether I am a proper human being, if I have not gotten married then or there or so. (ST14, W)</p> <p>Many have asked me, are you a girl or a boy, since you have a girl's name but you look like a boy and you wear boys' clothes, and then we engage in conversation. Yes, I am a woman but I don't strongly identify with the female gender, and I like dressing the way that feels best to me ... I don't [think it's heavy], since usually those who ask are thinking about these themes a lot, and that is what I have wanted to offer young people myself ... that I can discuss and ease and give information and viewpoints and peer support. [ ... ] Of course those that approach me on [social media] or somewhere very inappropriately, those are pretty heavy. (SET2, W)</p> <p>Gendered stereotypes were also discussed in terms of authority, which was constructed in relation to specific communities. The interviews embodied how the disrespect of female teachers was constantly attached to pupils' home cultures and homogeneous groups of 'immigrant pupils' or 'members of Christian minority communities'. In the essentialist discourse, the lacking authority of teachers was constructed as a matter of female essence, and thus, women and their assumed femininity were constructed as a cause of problems in schooling practices which require masculine authority. However, this third discourse on gendered ideals approached the question of authority as a matter of gendered power relations, which are socially and culturally constructed and maintained, thereby allowing space to challenge the cultural expectations related to female teachers. In the following excerpt, the interviewee describes the struggle over respect and authority as a young female teacher:</p> <p>I was always told, when I had difficult classes, that female teachers just are like that, cheeping here in front [of the class] and thus they do not [give] proper discipline or anything else. Like that kind of belittling has come first and foremost from some homes. That it is the teacher's fault because she is a female teacher. If you were a male teacher, there wouldn't be any problems. (CT45, W)</p> <p>This interviewee constructed the intersection of womanhood and relatively young age as culturally unvalued in school practices. Consequently, teachers positioned at this intersection are controlled by heteronormative power relations. Unlike their younger colleagues, older female teachers did not talk about harassment, which may be because they were not seen as sexual subjects anymore. These female teachers did problematize gendered power relations in schools when expressing that they struggle for respect in a culture of gender-based harassment and its downplaying.</p> <p>This discourse presented gendered practices in the interviews as socially constructed and changing, since the discourses and stereotypes on what a female or male teacher should be clashed with the lived experiences of the interviewed teachers. The critical stance towards these stereotypical expectations of femininity and masculinity that some teachers brought up opens a possible pathway towards challenging gendered normativity in relation to teachers more generally.</p> <hd id="AN0188100486-9">Concluding discussion</hd> <p>Female teachers form a vast majority in the teaching profession, and thus the field has been approached as culturally 'feminised' in Finland and elsewhere (Lahelma [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref99">15</reflink>]; Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref100">22</reflink>]). In this paper, we critically examined how Finnish teachers discursively either challenge or reinforce binary-gendered ideals within the teaching profession. We reflected critically on the essentialist underpinnings of the three discourses that arose from our examination, thereby emphasizing the need to challenge the binary-gendered ideals of teaching if we aim to dismantle the professions' binary-gendered divisions.</p> <p>Based on teacher interviews, we formulated three discourses through which teachers approached gender differently. Firstly, they sidelined the discussion of gendered practices by emphasizing the meaninglessness of teachers' gender in schooling practices. We therefore argue that cherishing neutrality seems to be an ingrained discourse in the talk of Finnish teachers. Secondly, the teachers constantly represented gender as two oppositional essences when discussing maternal and paternal characteristics or culturally feminine and masculine dimensions of teaching, but also when representing male teachers as guarantees of a better school community. These first two discourses have essentialist underpinnings and thus reflect and construct binary-gendered divisions of teaching, which is closely related to the professions' feminization and gender segregation (see Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref101">22</reflink>]; Tainio et al. [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref102">36</reflink>]). However, thirdly, as a step forward, the teachers also deconstructed the fixed cultural ideals of masculine men and feminine woman, which might stem from discursive changes in educational gender equality policies (see Myyry [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref103">23</reflink>]). We assert that even though teachers increasingly recognize and challenge the cultural construction of binary-gendered ideals and expectations of teaching, it is still common to maintain rigorous normativity on gender binarism that is rooted solely in assumed natural proclivities.</p> <p>From these results, we argue that social and cultural ideals and expectations demand consideration if we aim to challenge the gender division of the teaching profession (see Anderson [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref104">2</reflink>]; Moreau [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref105">22</reflink>]). So far policy discussions on feminization and boys' underachievement in schools have focused on defining simple and rational solutions, such as increasing the number of male teachers (Skelton [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref106">35</reflink>]). According to our findings, the undervaluation of femininity and essentialist, dichotomic understanding of gender exist in many teachers' perceptions, efficiently maintaining the uneven presentation of genders and the idea of feminized school culture and teaching. As such, there are no simple solutions in challenging the gender divisions of the profession, even if some inclinations of these changes could be analysed in the material. Rather, more profound actions towards cultural changes are needed. We urge teachers and teacher-students to critically discuss why teachers' gender should not matter or why it should be taken into account in the teaching profession, and what normative expectations are attached to different genders.</p> <p>Although the discussion on teachers' gender should not be equated to male and female teachers, we do want to highlight that representation matters (see Keane, Heinz, and Mc Daid [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref107">13</reflink>]). Equal representations of male and female, but also a proportional representation of non-binary teachers can loosen the normativity of gender binarism in school settings. In this study, teachers questioned the social and cultural ideals and expectations that target them, which illustrates that they are not entirely satisfied with the gender roles to which they are expected to conform. We justify on these grounds that a greater number of male teachers could facilitate the idea that not all men have to conform to the narrow the masculine roles most often offered to them (see McGrath [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref108">20</reflink>]). The gendered patterns of choices, and the gender representation of the teaching profession resulting from them, might depend on cultural perceptions of masculinity and femininity (Drudy [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref109">7</reflink>]). Thus, representation matters, but it should be approached as an issue inter-related to cultural ideals and expectations. Moreover, the deconstruction of teachers' binary-gendered ideals could attract a diverse pool of applicants for teacher education who also stay in the profession (see Ankers de Salis et al. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref110">3</reflink>]).</p> <p>Most importantly, we suggest that the essentialist underpinnings of culturally feminine and masculine practices of teachers' work, such as care and authority, should be critically evaluated not as embodied features but as professional skills. Primary school teachers might appear as substitute mothers and fathers in school settings (Palmer et al. [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref111">27</reflink>], 269), but that should be defined as a professional matter, not as the innate and essential characteristics of binary gender groups (Puzio and Valshtein [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref112">31</reflink>]). Emotional awareness, empathy, and being caring and nurturing, which are culturally attached to femininity, are professional skills that can be learned and trained in teacher education. For prospective teachers, it is necessary to be aware of the heteronormative underpinnings of feminine care and touch, which can challenge the cultural image of threatening or paedophiliac masculine touch and closeness to pupils (see Tainio et al. [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref113">36</reflink>]). Touching and caring are not the only topics that need to be reflected from the viewpoint of binary-gendered practices and heteronormativity, but additionally, culturally masculine life spheres, such as teaching PE, require critical deconstruction.</p> <p>Further research is needed on how historically and culturally constructed masculine and feminine teacher tasks (e.g. care and technical skills), and teachers' roles as substitute fathers and mothers, are discussed in teacher education. 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Gender and Education 37 (2): 227 – 243. https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2024.2430185.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Salla Myyry; Sara Juvonen; Heidi Huilla and Sonja Kosunen</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Salla Myyry is a post-doctoral researcher in the School of Educational Sciences and Psychology at the University of Eastern Finland. Her research focuses on gender equality policies, agonist democracy and feminist pedagogy in contexts of comprehensive and higher education.</p> <p>Sara Juvonen works as a post-doctoral researcher in the School of Educational Sciences and Psychology at the University of Eastern Finland. Her research interests concern the relationship between school and society, educational inequality and societal questions regarding the teacher profession.</p> <p>Heidi Huilla works as a post-doctoral researcher in the School of Educational Sciences and Psychology at the University of Eastern Finland. Her research fields cover urban and school segregation, disadvantaged schools and inclusive education. Currently, she is studying the segregation of teachers in Finland.</p> <p>Sonja Kosunen works as a professor of education in the School of Educational Sciences and Psychology at the University of Eastern Finland. Her research interests are widely in the construction of inequalities in education and are positioned in the academic fields of sociology of education and urban studies.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib84" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref28"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref36"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref62"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref64"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref77"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref78"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref82"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref91"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref94"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Finnish Teachers as (De)Constructors of the Binary-Gendered Ideals of the Teaching Profession – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Salla+Myyry%22">Salla Myyry</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1564-770X">0000-0002-1564-770X</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Sara+Juvonen%22">Sara Juvonen</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2798-9376">0000-0003-2798-9376</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Heidi+Huilla%22">Heidi Huilla</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2845-3496">0000-0002-2845-3496</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Sonja+Kosunen%22">Sonja Kosunen</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8093-7052">0000-0001-8093-7052</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Gender+and+Education%22"><i>Gender and Education</i></searchLink>. 2025 37(7):830-845. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 16 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teachers%22">Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sex%22">Sex</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sex+Role%22">Sex Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Masculinity%22">Masculinity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Femininity%22">Femininity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Influences%22">Cultural Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Influences%22">Social Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Gender+Issues%22">Gender Issues</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Gender+Identity%22">Gender Identity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sex+Stereotypes%22">Sex Stereotypes</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Finland%22">Finland</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/09540253.2025.2544532 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0954-0253<br />1360-0516 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Teaching is a gender-segregated profession, particularly at the lower levels of education. This study empirically contributes to discussions on gendered ideals of teaching, a hot topic in the field of education for decades, by critically examining how Finnish teachers construct teachers' gender, and illustrating how these discursive practices either challenge or reinforce binary-gendered ideals within the teaching profession. According to our findings, teachers represented gender constantly as two oppositional essences or approached it as meaningless in schooling practices, with both approaches maintaining binary-gendered ideals in the teaching profession. However, the teachers additionally deconstructed the fixed cultural ideals of masculinity and femininity. We therefore argue that social and cultural ideals and expectations of gender matter and maintain gender divisions in teaching. To confirm these ideals' influence, we suggest critical evaluation of the essentialist underpinnings of culturally feminine and masculine practices in teachers' work, such as caring and generating authority. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1488305 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/09540253.2025.2544532 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 16 StartPage: 830 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Teachers Type: general – SubjectFull: Sex Type: general – SubjectFull: Sex Role Type: general – SubjectFull: Masculinity Type: general – SubjectFull: Femininity Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Gender Issues Type: general – SubjectFull: Gender Identity Type: general – SubjectFull: Sex Stereotypes Type: general – SubjectFull: Finland Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Finnish Teachers as (De)Constructors of the Binary-Gendered Ideals of the Teaching Profession Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Salla Myyry – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Sara Juvonen – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Heidi Huilla – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Sonja Kosunen IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0954-0253 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1360-0516 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 37 – Type: issue Value: 7 Titles: – TitleFull: Gender and Education Type: main |
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