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Parents' Attitudes toward School Choice Change in Chile: The Role of Information in an Unequal Context

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Title: Parents' Attitudes toward School Choice Change in Chile: The Role of Information in an Unequal Context
Language: English
Authors: Yahira Larrondo (ORCID 0000-0002-6057-3586), Cristian Cabalin (ORCID 0000-0003-1327-1478)
Source: Journal of School Choice. 2025 19(3):491-510.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 20
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Parent Attitudes, School Choice, Educational Change, Admission (School), Educational Policy, Parent Student Relationship, Family Characteristics, Information Utilization
Geographic Terms: Chile
DOI: 10.1080/15582159.2024.2411641
ISSN: 1558-2159
1558-2167
Abstract: The School Admission System (SAE, the Spanish acronym for "Sistema de Admisión Escolar") was recently implemented in Chile to mitigate the market logic in school admission. This system represents a drastic change in how families select schools. The following study analyzes the relationship between the sociodemographic characteristics of parents, their consumption of information, and their attitudes toward the SAE. A latent class analysis and a multinomial logistic regression model used data from a survey administered to parents. Three attitudes toward the SAE were identified: positive, neutral, and hostile; those attitudes have been influenced by several factors, including region of residence, socioeconomic group, and the quantity and objectivity of consumed information.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2025
Accession Number: EJ1489601
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0187695587;[2y6a]01jul.25;2025Sep04.05:43;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0187695587-1">Parents' Attitudes Toward School Choice Change in Chile: The Role of Information in an Unequal Context </title> <p>The School Admission System (SAE, the Spanish acronym for "Sistema de Admisión Escolar") was recently implemented in Chile to mitigate the market logic in school admission. This system represents a drastic change in how families select schools. The following study analyzes the relationship between the sociodemographic characteristics of parents, their consumption of information, and their attitudes toward the SAE. A latent class analysis and a multinomial logistic regression model used data from a survey administered to parents. Three attitudes toward the SAE were identified: positive, neutral, and hostile; those attitudes have been influenced by several factors, including region of residence, socioeconomic group, and the quantity and objectivity of consumed information.</p> <p>Keywords: Attitudes; Chile; information; school admission system; school choice</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-2">Introduction</hd> <p>School choice is a complex, multidimensional, and sociocultural phenomenon, especially with the proliferation of market-oriented educational policies (Foli & Boterman, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref1">28</reflink>]; Van Zanten, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref2">53</reflink>]). For several years, this topic has been at the center of political and public debate and has been the focus of educational research at Chilean and international levels (Ben-Porath, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref3">7</reflink>]; Carrasco et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref4">18</reflink>]; Greaves, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref5">32</reflink>]). Latin America has sparked particular interest, with Chile being one of the most emblematic cases due to its clear educational market policy installed during the dictatorship (1973–1990).</p> <p>Since that time, the Chilean educational system has operated using a voucher logic that is firmly rooted in the ideals of free school choice. Thus, school choice was determined by families' ability to pay for several decades (Bellei et al., [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref6">5</reflink>]). Furthermore, students' admission into schools was subject to the discretion of the authorities of each school. In this scenario, during 2016, the School Admission System (SAE, the Spanish acronym for "Sistema de Admisión Escolar") was gradually implemented. This mechanism was part of a set of reforms promoted by the Inclusion Law (LIE, the Spanish acronym for "Ley de Inclusión Escolar" - N°20,845, Chile), which was approved at the beginning of 2015 by Michelle Bachelet's second government which was a center-left Chilean political coalition. The main components of LIE were the end of shared financing, the elimination of profit, and the prohibition of selection in schools subsidized by the State.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref7">1</reflink>] In this way, through the SAE, Bachelet's government sought to end school selection and the discriminatory practices they incurred when admitting students.</p> <p>The SAE consists of an online and centralized platform that families use to inform themselves and apply to the schools they prefer, public or subsidized-private. According to Bellei ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref8">4</reflink>]), the SAE transformed Chile from having one of the least regulated school-choosing mechanisms to one of the most innovative countries in this area since the system works with a matching algorithm, like the ones used in school admissions in countries like the United States, the Netherlands, and Finland (Abdulkadiroglu et al., [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref9">1</reflink>]; Silvennoinen et al., [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref10">51</reflink>]). In addition, it represents a significant shift in Chile's logic of school choice from a personalized system to one fully mediated by technology. This situation allows for a transition from a completely unregulated system to a highly regulated centralized system.</p> <p>Since its inception, the SAE has been a controversial issue. Sebastián Piñera's second government (2014–2018), a right Chilean political coalition, was in charge of implementing the SAE, but it also promoted a parallel project called "Fair Admission." This parallel project intended to give parents the option of choosing their children's school and also place a greater relevance on academic performance during admission. Some school choice policies has been defined as a populist reform par excellence as it allows parents to freely select the educational program for their children (Shakeel & Peterson, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref11">49</reflink>]). In Chile, Carrasco et al. ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref12">18</reflink>]) characterized the "Fair Admission Project" as a case of reactionary neoliberal populism. In addition to this, the implementation of the SAE occurred within a process of the mediatization of educational policies (Cabalin, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref13">12</reflink>]) in which the media, along with political forces, school communities, and civil society, have acted as relevant political actors in the discussion about the system (Cabalin et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref14">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>The information circulating in traditional and new media affects the population's attitude toward different educational phenomena or events, such as the implementation of the SAE. In this case, families' attitudes toward politics are highly relevant as the system proposes a cultural change around school choice, going from a personalized system to an online and centralized one (Carrasco & Honey, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref15">17</reflink>]). Nonetheless, the studies carried out to date on the SAE have tended to focus on evaluating its operation in terms of acceptance percentages, gender, residential and/or socioeconomic bias when applied, and admission to schools (Eyzaguirre et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref16">27</reflink>]; Honey & Carrasco, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref17">36</reflink>]; Sillard et al., [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref18">50</reflink>]). Although some qualitative studies have made progress in understanding families' perceptions of the SAE (Canales et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref19">15</reflink>]; Carrasco et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref20">19</reflink>]), to date, no research has characterized families' attitudes about the SAE or identified the determinants of these quantitatively and in an unequal educational context.</p> <p>In this setting, this article reports the results of an investigation to determine the relationship between parents' and guardians' attitudes toward the SAE and their consumption of information during the school choice process. Sociodemographic characteristics such as socioeconomic group and region of residence are also included in the analysis. On the one hand, through this study, we hope to contribute to the debate on school choice policies by using a particular case of a policy that seeks to attenuate the market in a country with a highly unequal and segregated educational system; specifically, this study is expected to provide suggestions for improving information in the school application process. On the other hand, we hope to contribute to the vast field of school choice studies from a perspective that has little research, at least in Chile, such as the relationship between school choice and information consumption.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-3">Literature review</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0187695587-4">School choice</hd> <p>With the implementation and development of market logic in different educational systems worldwide, school choice policies have acquired great relevance during the last few decades. The study of school choice has been carried out from two central perspectives. First, from an econometric perspective, families' preferences were studied and understood as rational voters and market-driving agents. Examples of these studies focused on school performance, school fee costs, and geographic distance (He & Giuliano, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref21">34</reflink>]; Machin & Salvanes, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref22">40</reflink>]). The second perspective is based on the theory of social reproduction (Bourdieu & Passeron, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref23">10</reflink>]). This approach suggests that school choice is subject to power relations and different positions in the social structure. Consequently, families decide on a school for their children based on their economic, social, and cultural characteristics, perpetuating their social condition of origin (Bonal & Bellei, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref24">9</reflink>]; Xiaoxin, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref25">55</reflink>]).</p> <p>Privatization of education has advanced by leaps and bounds around the world, particularly in developing countries (Shakeel & Dills, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref26">48</reflink>]). In Chile, the privatization and commercialization of education strengthened the logic of vouchers and the idea that families should freely choose the school for their children, which boosted growth and promoted the improvement of the educational market (Orellana et al., [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref27">44</reflink>]). However, school choice policies have not generated the expected results. Drawing on World Bank data, M. Shakeel and Dills ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref28">48</reflink>]), in their recent research, show that other things, such as equal choice, free choice, and private tuition have zero effects on learning outcomes. Additionally, evidence regarding school choice in the United States has shown that school choice does not significantly impact student outcomes (Foreman, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref29">30</reflink>]) while other research had inconclusive results (Swanson, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref30">52</reflink>]) or showed that it can even have adverse effects such as slightly increasing racial school segregation (Monarrez et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref31">42</reflink>]). Similarly, in Chile, school choice has generated segregation and discrimination in the most socio-economically vulnerable sectors (Hofflinger & von Hippel, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref32">35</reflink>]).</p> <p>The SAE was created precisely to correct inequalities, segregation, and discrimination in Chilean schools (Cabalin et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref33">14</reflink>]). It represents a dramatic change in the Chilean public system, as it seeks to reduce the market and reverse the neoliberal logic of privatization and segregation that has characterized the Chilean education system in recent decades (Bellei & Munoz, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref34">6</reflink>]). This situation generated a series of political debates around how the SAE works. Although its opponents focused their criticism on the elimination of merit in admission and the loss of the right of parents to choose the education they want for their children, its defenders have highlighted that the system increases equity, promotes equal opportunities, and helps reverse the country's educational segregation (Bellei, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref35">4</reflink>]; Carrasco et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref36">16</reflink>]).</p> <p>In general, the SAE has successfully assigned places based on family preferences. However, some research has detected an essential difference in application preferences according to the socioeconomic level that persists after implementing this system (Carrasco et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref37">19</reflink>]; Honey & Carrasco, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref38">36</reflink>]; Sillard et al., [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref39">50</reflink>]). Eyzaguirre et al. ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref40">27</reflink>]) point out that students who belong to the most vulnerable sector of the country in socioeconomic terms apply to fewer schools and more frequently to schools with low academic performance and a higher vulnerability index than those students whose families have a better socioeconomic situation. Consequently, Carrasco and Honey ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref41">17</reflink>]) consider that although there are relatively low gains in terms of equality in access from the SAE, patterns of inequality in the admission of students in those most desired schools continue to be reproduced. This persistence of inequality in application and access could be related to factors external to how the SAE works.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-5">Information about and attitudes toward school choice</hd> <p>Currently, educational policies are implemented within a complex information environment, where the media act as political actors in the discussion about education, in a process known as policy mediatization (Malin et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref42">41</reflink>]). Information and misinformation about educational policies are produced and circulated (Bronstein et al., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref43">11</reflink>]). This environment affects families' attitudes toward various educational phenomena (Cabalin & Andrada, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref44">13</reflink>]; Cabalin et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref45">14</reflink>]), especially in subjectively complex processes such as school choice.</p> <p>Some research has focused on the impact of the information parents consume on their attitude, disposition, or satisfaction with school choice processes (Glazerman et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref46">31</reflink>]; Hamid et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref47">33</reflink>]). To illustrate, Lay ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref48">37</reflink>]) points out that most families use biased sources of information to obtain information about schools or admission processes. The author suggests that this kind of situation causes an improvement in the attitude of parents and guardians, at least in terms of their satisfaction, because those who consume more information consider more and better educational opportunities and, for the same reason, are less likely to enroll their child in their first choice. Furthermore, Shakeel and Henderson ([<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref49">47</reflink>]) highlight that exposure to more information about charter schools does not foster more significant support for them in rural areas of the United States. Along the same lines, when studying the school admission systems of England and Scotland, Bhattacharya ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref50">8</reflink>]) concludes that parents' attitudes do not improve when they have more options and more information about school choice. The suggestions say that when English parents have more choice options and information, they feel less empowered and more dissatisfied than families in Scotland who have a more limited school-choosing mechanism.</p> <p>In the Latin American context, a recent study conducted in Brazil indicates that the lower classes tend to develop a neutral attitude and a modest interest in school choice because they see few possibilities for social advancement through education, a situation that is aggravated by the lack of information about how the educational system works (Costa & Rocha, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref51">23</reflink>]). In Chile, Córdoba ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref52">21</reflink>]) shows that the sources of information most used by families are not very objective and mainly come from their own experience and their closest social network. Given this, Carrasco et al. ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref53">19</reflink>]) indicated that access to biased sources could generate a negative attitude in parents and, at the same time, discredit the SAE and its foundations of educational fairness.</p> <p>Finally, it should be noted that some studies have analyzed families' unequal positions in the information environment. Alegre and Benito ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref54">2</reflink>]) in Spain and Xiaoxin ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref55">55</reflink>]) in China point out that high social class families are in an advantageous position to actively search for objective information in school choice and be admitted to a prestigious school. Along these lines, it has been documented that educational level, ethnicity, and territory also generate inequalities in accessing and using information on school choice (Córdoba et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref56">22</reflink>]; Fong, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref57">29</reflink>]; Zuković & Milutinović, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref58">56</reflink>]). Several studies have emphasized the gaps between rural and urban sectors in school choice and access to information about educational institutions (Prieto et al., [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref59">45</reflink>]; Sanderson, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref60">46</reflink>]; Shakeel & Henderson, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref61">47</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-6">Methodology</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0187695587-7">Information production</hd> <p>We use a quantitative analysis on a 2022 survey study where the participants were parents and guardians of the children enrolled through the SAE in schools in four regions of the country: Antofagasta, Valparaíso, Metropolitan Region (MR), and Bío Bío. The regions were chosen to represent different geographic macro-zones of Chile. Due to the feasibility criteria of the study, the macro-zones North, Centre, and South were used.</p> <p>A group of experts developed and validated the data collection methodology. It consists of different dimensions that are assessed using Likert scales, such as sources of information, the reasons to choose a specific school, media consumption, attitudes toward education, and the school choice process.</p> <p>The sample was selected in a probabilistic, multistage, and stratified manner. There were two selection stages. First, communes within the regions were selected proportionally to the number of students at the educational stages (primary or secondary). Afterward, schools within those communes were selected. To form the strata, the region, administrative dependency of the school (public or private-subsidized), and demand for admission to the school (high and low) were considered. Then, the schools to be selected were implicitly stratified, ordering them according to the proportion of SAE vacancies they had in the last choosing process with systematic sampling with probability proportional to size. The school demand variable for the SAE was constructed from information on vacancies and applicants for each school. The variable obtained was dichotomized according to the 50<sups>th</sups> percentile, leaving a dichotomous variable with "low" and "high" demand categories (see Table A1 in the Appendix).</p> <p>Oversampling was used to address estimated low response rates. Two non-response categories were considered: that of schools, estimated at 50%, and that of parents, estimated at 90%. Expansion factors were constructed to assign participants a weight that correctly represents the target population and has a representative sample.</p> <p>There were 2351 total survey participants with an overall response rate of 36%. All participants authorized their participation in the study through an informed consent form endorsed by the University of Chile. Of these, 11% had missing values in some of the variables of interest and were eliminated from the analyzed response database. Consequently, the sample used for the analysis was comprised of 2083 parents and guardians. The weight factor adjustment to account for the non-response participants ensures that listwise deletion does not significantly affect the representativeness of the data.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-8">Analysis strategy</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0187695587-9">Latent class analysis</hd> <p>First, through a Latent Class Analysis (LCA), profiles of parents and guardians were identified according to the attitudes they expressed about the SAE. The LCA allows us to adjust a model that constructs groupings based on each individual's probability of belonging to a particular class according to their responses to the survey (Lazarsfeld & Henry, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref62">38</reflink>]). The assumption behind the construction of latent classes is that membership in different groups is due to different patterns of scores observable on the survey. In other words, the LCA can be understood as a probabilistic classification method that identifies qualitatively different subgroups within populations with similar external characteristics. In this way, it is ideal to characterize and classify the different types of attitudes that parents and guardians adopt toward the SAE.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-10">Variables</hd> <p>The LCA uses categorical, nominal, or ordinal variables (Collins & Lanza, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref63">20</reflink>]).</p> <p>Five Likert-type variables were considered in the study. They measured the level of agreement with some statements about the SAE through 5 response categories. Table 1 presents the variables, their categories, and their distribution.</p> <p>Table 1. Distribution of responses on variables used in the LCA.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Variables (about SAE assertions)</td><td>Strongly Disagree (%)</td><td>Disagree (%)</td><td>Neither agree nor disagree (%)</td><td>Agree (%)</td><td>Strongly Agree (%)</td><td>Total (%)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>The SAE eliminates disadvantages based on social origin.</td><td>8.2</td><td>9.3</td><td>27.5</td><td>32.8</td><td>22.2</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>The SAE allows a choice of establishment.</td><td>13.3</td><td>9.9</td><td>19</td><td>32.5</td><td>25.4</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>The SAE does not recognize merit and effort.</td><td>7.1</td><td>9.8</td><td>35</td><td>23</td><td>25.1</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>The SAE is not a positive development for education in the country.</td><td>14.4</td><td>16.4</td><td>34.2</td><td>17.9</td><td>17.1</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>The SAE is a lottery.</td><td>9.2</td><td>8.7</td><td>28.8</td><td>22.3</td><td>31</td><td>100</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0187695587-11">Multilevel multinomial logistic regression</hd> <p>A multinomial logistic regression model was implemented to understand the relationship between information consumption and the sociodemographic characteristics of the survey participants and the attitudes they expressed. The model's dependent variable is the latent classes that represent the attitudes parents and guardians have about the SAE. Meanwhile, the independent variables are grouped into sociodemographic characteristics and information consumption. The sociodemographic characteristics are the area of residence (MR, other regions) and the GSE (high, medium, low), and they were constructed from the educational level and occupation of the head of the household, in addition to the total household income. The GSE (the Spanish acronym for "Grupo Socioeconómico") was imputed according to the income bracket in cases without educational level and/or occupation information. The variables that measure information consumption correspond to the amount of information that was accessed during the process (a lot, a little), the eagerness with which information was sought (a lot, a little), and the type of information source available that was mainly referred to (official, unofficial). Table 2 presents the variables, their categories, and their distribution.</p> <p>Table 2. Distribution of responses on variables used in multinomial logistic regression.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Variable</td><td>Category</td><td>Distribution (%)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>GSE</td><td>High</td><td>28.6</td></tr><tr><td>Medium</td><td>43.8</td></tr><tr><td>Low</td><td>27.7</td></tr><tr><td>Place of residence</td><td>Metropolitan Region</td><td>47.3</td></tr><tr><td>Other Regions</td><td>52.7</td></tr><tr><td>Amount of information consumed</td><td>A lot</td><td>76.9</td></tr><tr><td>A Little</td><td>23.1</td></tr><tr><td>Eagerness to search for information</td><td>A lot</td><td>74.6</td></tr><tr><td>A little</td><td>25.4</td></tr><tr><td>Type of information consumed</td><td>Official</td><td>31.7</td></tr><tr><td>Not official</td><td>68.3</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Analyzes were conducted using RStudio. The Weller et al. ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref64">54</reflink>]) guide analyzed the "LCA." The analyses were conducted with the poLCA package, with the function of the same name. Liu's ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref65">39</reflink>]) guide was used to estimate the multilevel multinomial logistic model. The model was fitted using the glmer function of the lme4 package.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-12">Results</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0187695587-13">Types of attitudes constructed with the LCA</hd> <p>A model with three classes was chosen based on the Akaike (AIC) and Bayesian (BIC) statistical criteria for theoretical and interpretive robustness. This model presents one of the lowest estimated AIC and BIC values and a relative entropy of 0.81, which suggests a good classification of cases among the identified classes. The model is represented in Figure 1.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Latent classes of attitudes of parents and guardians about the SAE.</p> <p>The LCA constructed three classes in which the parents and guardians were classified according to their attitudes toward the SAE. The first and the smallest (18%) group is comprised of the parents and guardians who adopted a positive attitude toward the SAE. In general, they agreed that the SAE allowed them to choose the school they wanted for their children and that the system allowed students to not be at a disadvantage due to their social origin. At the same time, they did not agree with the statements that the SAE is not a positive advancement for the country, that it is a lottery, or that it does not consider the merit of the students and families in admission.</p> <p>The second and the largest (54%) group consists of the parents and guardians who expressed a neutral attitude toward the SAE. Their responses fall into category three, which neither agreed nor disagreed with the survey statements. Consequently, the survey's tendency showed responses that did not have strong opinions about the SAE either way. It was decided not to eliminate this option so that there would not be too many missing answers.</p> <p>Finally, the third group consists of 28% of the survey participants. It includes the parents and guardians who opposed the SAE. These participants agreed that the SAE is not a positive advancement for the country, that it is a lottery, and that it does not consider the merit of the students and families in admission.</p> <p>Once the three profiles of attitudes about the SAE were constructed, a multinomial logistic regression model was used to evaluate the probability of belonging to one of the groups of parents and guardians according to sociodemographic characteristics and information consumption. Table 3 presents the results of the multinomial logistic regression model.</p> <p>Table 3. Coefficients and odds ratio multinomial logistic regression model.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Variables</td><td>Attitudes of Parents and Guardians (ref = Negative Attitude)</td></tr><tr><td>Coefficients</td><td>Odds Ratio</td></tr><tr><td>Neutral Attitude</td><td>Positive Attitude</td><td>Neutral Attitude</td><td>Positive Attitude</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Intercept</td><td>0.50***</td><td>−1.11***</td><td>1.65***</td><td>0.32***</td></tr><tr><td>GSE (ref = Low)</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Medium</td><td>0.34***</td><td>−0.13</td><td>1.40***</td><td>0.87</td></tr><tr><td>High</td><td>0.28**</td><td>0.03</td><td>1.32**</td><td>1.03</td></tr><tr><td>Place of residence (ref = Other regions)</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Metropolitan region</td><td>0.22***</td><td>0.99***</td><td>1.25***</td><td>2.69***</td></tr><tr><td>Amount of information (ref = A little information)</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Much information</td><td>0.35**</td><td>0.55***</td><td>1.42**</td><td>1.73***</td></tr><tr><td>Eagerness to search for information (ref = A little eagerness)</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Much eagerness</td><td>−0.23</td><td>−0.31</td><td>0.79</td><td>0.73</td></tr><tr><td>Sources of information (ref = Not official)</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Official</td><td>−0.18</td><td>−0.25*</td><td>0.82</td><td>0.77*</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 <emph>p</emph> <.10*, <emph>p</emph> <.05**, <emph>p</emph> <.01***.</p> <p>Both sociodemographic variables (GSE and place of residence) incorporated in the model present a significant relationship with the parents' and guardians' attitudes toward the SAE in at least one of its categories. Regarding the GSE of the families, the model shows that parents from Middle and High GSE are more likely to be in the neutral attitudes class than in the negative attitudes class, compared to parents from Low GSE. Meanwhile, those residing in regions other than the Metropolitan Region are more likely to develop negative attitudes toward the SAE.</p> <p>Two variables that characterize information consumption (more or less) are explanatory factors of the attitudes parents and guardians adopted toward the SAE. In particular, parents and guardians who consume more information are more likely to develop neutral or positive attitudes. The ones who consume less information are more likely to take a stance against the SAE. The primary source of information the parents and guardians used when informing themselves about the SAE is also significant. Specifically, compared to those who received most of their information from official media, parents who consume information from unofficial media are more likely to be in the positive attitude classification than in the negative attitude classification. Finally, it is worth mentioning that the eagerness of the parents to search for information was not significant in explaining the attitude assignment.</p> <p>To demonstrate the results of the multinomial logistic regression, Figures 2–4 plotted the probabilities of belonging to the positive, neutral, and negative classes according to the place of residence, the amount of information consumed, and the sources of information consulted. Figure 2 shows the importance of the place of residence and the amount of information consumed. In particular, it shows that survey participants consuming a large amount of information have higher probability of being in the class of positive attitudes, for official and unofficial consumption. Meanwhile, Figure 4 shows that parents and guardians from regions other than the Metropolitan Region more frequently adopt a negative attitude toward the SAE. Likewise, parents from non-metropolitan areas who consume information from official sources have an increased probability of being in this class versus the class of positive attitudes toward the SAE.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 2. Probability of adopting a positive attitude toward the SAE according to place of residence, amount of information consumed, and sources of information consulted.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 3. Probability of adopting a neutral attitude toward the SAE according to place of residence, amount of information consumed, and sources of information consulted.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 4. Probability of adopting a negative attitude toward the SAE according to place of residence, amount of information consumed, and sources of information consulted.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-14">Discussion</hd> <p>Parents' and guardians' attitudes toward the SAE reflect the country's territorial and socioeconomic inequality and the complex political context in which this new admission system was implemented.</p> <p>M. D. Shakeel and Henderson ([<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref66">47</reflink>]), in their study of school choice in rural America, point out that local conditions can shape how people think about school policy. In this case, parents and guardians from regions other than the capital more frequently develop negative attitudes toward the SAE. In some countries, for example, in Sweden, it was shown that the geographical area highly influences parents' and guardians' attitudes about school choice, emphasizing the problems that metropolitan concentration generates for the school admission process (Andersson et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref67">3</reflink>]).</p> <p>The study reported that parents and guardians from the low socioeconomic group develop negative attitudes toward the SAE to a greater extent compared to high and middle-income families, who tend to adopt a neutral attitude. A possible explanation for this result is that low-income parents tend to perceive education as the only possibility of socioeconomic advancement for their children, so those who have the possibility choose a public school and are satisfied with their choice (Önder & Önder, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref68">43</reflink>]). In Chile, Bellei et al. ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref69">5</reflink>]) pointed out a few years ago that families from low-income sectors are aware that in schools close to their homes, there are students with social and behavioral problems, including risky ones, so that for some of them, school choice functions as social protection. Thus, the feeling of losing control and freedom regarding school choice may explain why lower-income families develop negative and non-neutral attitudes toward the SAE compared to higher-income families. Additionally, it is necessary to point out the possibility that the study sample does not capture the upper limit of families from higher socioeconomic levels in Chile, as they are likely not to participate in the SAE and enroll their children in private schools.</p> <p>Regarding the consumption of information, it was evident that it acts as a critical factor in adopting attitudes about the SAE, particularly around the amount of information consumed and objectivity of the sources of information to which the parents and guardians had access. The amount of information behaves in the expected way, as suggested in other studies (Delale O'Connor, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref70">26</reflink>]; Zuković & Milutinović, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref71">56</reflink>]); that is, consuming little information related to a greater probability of adopting a negative attitude when facing a phenomenon that emerges as unknown and that, in this case, implies a new way of implementing school choice. However, this result contradicts what was stated by Lay ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref72">37</reflink>]) to the extent that the author indicates that a more significant amount of information processed during school choice could be related to a negative attitude about the process.</p> <p>Alternatively, the variable that reports the objectivity of the information sources through which families were informed demonstrated a peculiar behavior. Specifically, and contrary to what was reported in previous literature (Carrasco et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref73">19</reflink>]; Córdoba, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref74">21</reflink>]; Fong, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref75">29</reflink>]), learning about the SAE from official sources, such as the Ministry of Education website, increases the probability of adopting a negative attitude toward the SAE. A first possible explanation could be how the information about the SAE was transmitted from the formal media, considering that the official dissemination of the policy was criticized for being excessively complex. Delale O'Connor ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref76">25</reflink>]) suggests that the information provided to the most vulnerable families must be practical and solid to avoid generating a negative disposition toward the school choice process and mechanism. Another possible explanation, related to the previous one, lies in the political context of the implementation of the SAE and the information that opponents of the system disseminated regarding how it works.</p> <p>Education in Chile is highly politicized (Cummings et al., [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref77">24</reflink>]). The implementation of the SAE took place during Sebastián Piñera's second government, which was openly against the policy developed during Michelle Bachelet's second government. Even the Minister of Education of the former president's government promoted a parallel admission project to eliminate the SAE and restore academic performance as the primary variable in school admission (Carrasco & Honey, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref78">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>The media widely covered this dispute, and the vision of opponents of the SAE was privileged (Cabalin et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref79">14</reflink>]). Carrasco et al. ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref80">18</reflink>]) propose that the discursive strategy followed by the authorities of the Piñera government was based on two strategic arguments that generated a negative impact on perceptions about the SAE: the first one was that the SAE eliminated the possibility of freely choosing an educational establishment and, the second one, that it did not consider the merit and the effort of families to receive the education they deserve. Consequently, the official information to which the surveyed parents and guardians had access may not have adequately reflected how the SAE works and its objectives, particularly to the extent that some state organizations and the media promoted a change in the values proposed by the SAE, diverting the discussion toward quota placements, chance, and injustice, leaving aside the principles of educational equity and fairness.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-15">Limitations</hd> <p>Finally, it is essential to consider that the results discussed here present some limitations. Mainly, through the variables in the analysis, it has been impossible to fully capture the complexity and subjectivity behind school choice or adopting an attitude. In that sense, a mixed methods approach could shed more light on the phenomenon, as done by Alegre and Benito ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref81">2</reflink>]) and Carrasco et al. ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref82">18</reflink>]). Likewise, consideration could be given to incorporating additional variables such as political position, which are reported as essential factors in using official sources of information and public opinion regarding a controversial policy such as the SAE.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-16">Conclusion</hd> <p>The SAE challenges the patterns that have supported market-based education in Chile for decades. It proposes a cultural change regarding how families choose schools for their children (Carrasco & Honey, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref83">17</reflink>]). Consequently, generating positive attitudes toward implementing and using this system constitutes a highly relevant step in meeting the objectives of the SAE.</p> <p>This study shows the resistance faced by educational policies that attempt to mitigate the market in a segregated and unequal educational system. In this regard, it was confirmed that socioeconomic level and place of residence are essential aspects in adopting attitudes about the SAE, as is the discourse about educational policies, who is in charge of it, and how it is done. The concentration in the country's capital affects the population residing in regions other than the MR. At the same time, the discursive construction against the SAE, of which both some media outlets and state organizations were part, could have diminished the opinion of parents and guardians regarding the new admission system, which resulted in some cases in the adoption of a negative attitude toward the SAE. Both results identify vital aspects that must be installed in the political arena and considered in disseminating educational policies.</p> <p>The implications of the findings of this study are pointed out in two directions. First, regarding educational policies more structurally, as concluded by a previous study, the results suggest guiding school choice more publicly with a design that enhances the admissions system and its objectives (Carrasco & Honey, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref84">17</reflink>]). Additionally, the results suggest improving the SAE's connection and communication with this policy's user population. There is a need to provide more quality information from the official information media, improving the experience of finding and using information for families. Second, this study constitutes a contribution to the literature on school choice by providing a communication perspective that analyzes as a variable not only the type of information source, as has been done in some studies, but also the amount of information consumed and the eagerness in which one searches for information.</p> <p>It is essential to mention that the results presented here must be complemented by new research. As an example, it would be relevant to delve into the meaning people make about the information they receive from the different sources of information, and how they process the information received and what implications this has on their attitude. Also, considering the politicized context in which the SAE was implemented, one could delve into the relationship between the attitudes adopted and some variables, such as political positions or beliefs about the role of education.</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-17">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <p>Correction Statement</p> <p>This article was originally published with errors, which have now been corrected in the online version. Please see Correction (<ulink href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15582159.2024.2419159">http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15582159.2024.2419159</ulink>)</p> <hd id="AN0187695587-18">Appendix</hd> <p>Table A1. Sampling strata.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>Region</td><td>Demand</td><td>Administrative Dependency</td></tr><tr><td>Public – Admin. Delegate</td><td>Subsidized Private</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Antofagasta</td><td>High Demand</td><td>Stratum 1</td><td>Stratum 2</td></tr><tr><td>Low Demand</td><td>Stratum 3</td><td>Stratum 4</td></tr><tr><td>Valparaíso</td><td>High Demand</td><td>Stratum 5</td><td>Stratum 6</td></tr><tr><td>Low Demand</td><td>Stratum 7</td><td>Stratum 8</td></tr><tr><td>MR</td><td>High Demand</td><td>Stratum 9</td><td>Stratum 10</td></tr><tr><td>Low Demand</td><td>Stratum 11</td><td>Stratum 12</td></tr><tr><td>Bío-Bío</td><td>High Demand</td><td>Stratum 13</td><td>Stratum 14</td></tr><tr><td>Low Demand</td><td>Stratum 15</td><td>Stratum 16</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ref id="AN0187695587-19"> <title> Note </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref7" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> In Chile there are: (i) public schools (municipal or dependent on local public education services); (ii) subsidized private schools; and (iv) paid private schools. 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  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Parents' Attitudes toward School Choice Change in Chile: The Role of Information in an Unequal Context
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  Label: Language
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  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Yahira+Larrondo%22">Yahira Larrondo</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6057-3586">0000-0002-6057-3586</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cristian+Cabalin%22">Cristian Cabalin</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1327-1478">0000-0003-1327-1478</externalLink>)
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  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+School+Choice%22"><i>Journal of School Choice</i></searchLink>. 2025 19(3):491-510.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 20
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Attitudes%22">Parent Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22School+Choice%22">School Choice</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Change%22">Educational Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Admission+%28School%29%22">Admission (School)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Policy%22">Educational Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Student+Relationship%22">Parent Student Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Family+Characteristics%22">Family Characteristics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Information+Utilization%22">Information Utilization</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Chile%22">Chile</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/15582159.2024.2411641
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1558-2159<br />1558-2167
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: The School Admission System (SAE, the Spanish acronym for "Sistema de Admisión Escolar") was recently implemented in Chile to mitigate the market logic in school admission. This system represents a drastic change in how families select schools. The following study analyzes the relationship between the sociodemographic characteristics of parents, their consumption of information, and their attitudes toward the SAE. A latent class analysis and a multinomial logistic regression model used data from a survey administered to parents. Three attitudes toward the SAE were identified: positive, neutral, and hostile; those attitudes have been influenced by several factors, including region of residence, socioeconomic group, and the quantity and objectivity of consumed information.
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  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
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  Label: Accession Number
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  Data: EJ1489601
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1489601
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      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/15582159.2024.2411641
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 20
        StartPage: 491
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: School Choice
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Change
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Admission (School)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Policy
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Student Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Family Characteristics
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Information Utilization
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Chile
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Parents' Attitudes toward School Choice Change in Chile: The Role of Information in an Unequal Context
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            NameFull: Yahira Larrondo
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            NameFull: Cristian Cabalin
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            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2025
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