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Mapping the Emotions of Racialised International Students and the Politics of Exclusion in Higher Education

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Title: Mapping the Emotions of Racialised International Students and the Politics of Exclusion in Higher Education
Language: English
Authors: Mei Hu, Marta Moskal (ORCID 0000-0003-4483-9310), Barbara Read
Source: Higher Education: The International Journal of Higher Education Research. 2025 90(4):1001-1015.
Availability: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2025
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: Psychological Patterns, Foreign Students, Minority Group Students, Ethnicity, Race, Power Structure, Higher Education, Graduate Students, Foreign Countries, Emotional Experience, Neoliberalism, Individualism, Postcolonialism, Politics of Education, Inclusion
Geographic Terms: United Kingdom, China
DOI: 10.1007/s10734-024-01362-3
ISSN: 0018-1560
1573-174X
Abstract: The concerns of power and recognition regarding international students' experiences are largely absent from the literature, with a discourse of social inclusion framing the focus. Social inclusion within an economically centred view of international education ignores issues of 'difference' and celebrates 'diversity' as a key aspect. Such an approach lacks a discussion of power concerns; diversity is portrayed as unproblematic, whereas difference is something that needs to be managed by standardization and monitoring procedures. The article contributes to the recent decolonial approaches to racialised international students by showing how the subtle dynamics of power relations within higher education influence international students' emotional experiences. It draws on longitudinal data collected from 25 Chinese international postgraduate students over a 1-year period in the UK. While employing Ahmed's framework of affective economies together with Foucault's concepts of discourse and power, it investigates the intricate connections between international students' emotional experiences and prevailing institutional discourses of neoliberalism, individualism and postcolonialism. It elucidates how emotions work as tools to both constrain and enable agency in relation to the thoughts and actions of international students, influencing the perceived eligibility and appropriateness of their behaviours within the 'White' UK higher education space.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2026
Accession Number: EJ1492845
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0189135066;hie01oct.25;2025Nov10.06:24;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0189135066-1">Mapping the emotions of racialised international students and the politics of exclusion in higher education </title> <p>The concerns of power and recognition regarding international students' experiences are largely absent from the literature, with a discourse of social inclusion framing the focus. Social inclusion within an economically centred view of international education ignores issues of 'difference' and celebrates 'diversity' as a key aspect. Such an approach lacks a discussion of power concerns; diversity is portrayed as unproblematic, whereas difference is something that needs to be managed by standardization and monitoring procedures. The article contributes to the recent decolonial approaches to racialised international students by showing how the subtle dynamics of power relations within higher education influence international students' emotional experiences. It draws on longitudinal data collected from 25 Chinese international postgraduate students over a 1-year period in the UK. While employing Ahmed's framework of affective economies together with Foucault's concepts of discourse and power, it investigates the intricate connections between international students' emotional experiences and prevailing institutional discourses of neoliberalism, individualism and postcolonialism. It elucidates how emotions work as tools to both constrain and enable agency in relation to the thoughts and actions of international students, influencing the perceived eligibility and appropriateness of their behaviours within the 'White' UK higher education space.</p> <p>Keywords: International students; Emotions; Neoliberalism; Postcolonialism; 'Whiteness' in academia; Studies in Human Society Sociology</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-2">Introduction</hd> <p>The article contributes to the recent decolonial approaches to racialised international students (Chatterjee & Barber, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref1">14</reflink>]; Park & Francis, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref2">40</reflink>]; Ploner & Nada, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref3">42</reflink>]) by showing how the subtle dynamics of power relations within UK higher education influence international students' emotional experiences. The emotional experiences of international students during their studies abroad are often seen as their personal and psychological experiences and are framed within a deficit model, with 'non-White' students portrayed as lacking the necessary knowledge and skills to seamlessly integrate into the local context (Li, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref4">33</reflink>]; Ploner, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref5">41</reflink>]; Moskal & Schweisfurth, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref6">36</reflink>]; Yu & Moskal, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref7">66</reflink>]).</p> <p>The concerns of power and recognition regarding international students' experiences are largely absent from the literature (Brooks & Waters, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref8">10</reflink>]), with a discourse of social inclusion framing the focus. Social inclusion within an economically centred view of international education ignores issues of 'difference' and celebrates 'diversity' as a key aspect (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref9">6</reflink>]). Such an approach lacks a discussion of power concerns; diversity is portrayed as unproblematic, whereas difference is something that needs to be managed by standardization and monitoring procedures such as quality assurance (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref10">6</reflink>]; Burke, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref11">12</reflink>]). According to this viewpoint, inclusion calls for those who are regarded to be 'different' from the 'standard' to undergo processes of self-improvement and self-discipline. As neoliberal discourses gain prominence, focusing on economic initiatives and revenue generation in international education, and with a growing research emphasis on the colonial heritage within UK higher education (Ploner & Nada, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref12">42</reflink>]), the ways in which the subtle dynamics of power relations within UK higher education influence international students' emotional experiences remain understudied.</p> <p>International students' negative emotions are frequently interpreted as challenges in adapting to the local context. Host institutions often frame their adaptation within a deficit model, or what can be conceived as a discourse of 'deficiency', portraying international students as lacking the requisite skills to navigate their learning experiences effectively (Ploner, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref13">41</reflink>]; Ploner & Nada, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref14">42</reflink>]). In this article, we argue that it is essential to perceive higher education as a 'social space' (Lefebvre, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref15">32</reflink>]) shaped and defined by social identities, practices and power dynamics. Within this social space, individuals attain positions of power based on the value ascribed to their gendered, 'racial' or classed subjectivities (Lefebvre, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref16">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>Through the enforcement of 'local codes of acceptable behaviour' constructed through discourse, these privileged individuals contribute to the regulation and segregation of these spaces. Consequently, they exert control over access to and utilisation of spaces, thereby limiting the presence of 'certain social groups from particular spaces and places at particular times' (Mowl & Towner, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref17">37</reflink>], p. 103). This underscores the role of power relations in shaping social spaces within higher education, potentially marginalising specific social groups, including Chinese international students, based on constructed norms and expectations.</p> <p>Current investigations into emotions within the space of international education have begun to expand and challenge the traditional adjustment academic models (Quan et al., [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref18">45</reflink>]), for example in exploring how feelings of comfort and discomfort, coupled with the repetition of daily practices, contribute productively to processes of self-discovery (Hartwell & Ounoughi, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref19">25</reflink>]; Prazeres, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref20">44</reflink>]). Wilson and Harris ([<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref21">63</reflink>]) posit that the pursuit of international mobility by young individuals serves as a deliberate departure from their 'comfort zone', aiming at self-discovery and personal growth. Recently, Oikonomidoy et al. ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref22">39</reflink>]) employed emotion mapping to understand how the diverse group of university students perceive campus spaces in terms of fostering a sense of belonging, as well as spaces that may marginalise or exclude them. This perspective challenges the notion that emotional experiences represent mere transient phases, contending that they are integral elements in navigating intricate situations and shaping one's identity.</p> <p>Hence, the examination of an individual's emotional (or 'affective') experiences enables us to transcend a simplistic portrayal of vulnerable subjects or a focus on perceived deficiencies, in relation to our analysis of a group of international students from various socio-economic backgrounds that arrived from China to enter the unfamiliar educational context of the UK. Instead, it serves to enhance our comprehension of the intricate effects of emotions and to re-evaluate their theoretical underpinnings when navigating issues of social difference. By doing so, this article presents an original engagement with research into emotions shaped by the broader system and the nuanced politics of exclusion within the UK higher education space.</p> <p>The rationale for selecting Chinese international students is multifaceted. First, China is a leading source of international students for the UK and other Western nations. This prevalence suggests that the experiences of Chinese international students can potentially reflect or be of relevance to understanding the experiences of other international student groups. Second, the experiences and transitions of Chinese international students have been extensively documented in literature, often portrayed from a 'deficit' perspective. In relation to the category of 'Chinese international students' used in this article, we acknowledge after Burke ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref23">11</reflink>]) that the naming of a subject position does not constitute a definite identity position. However, promoting a singular identity is a political act tied to cultural norms and power struggles over social, cultural and economic resources (Winstead, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref24">64</reflink>]). Therefore, in this article, the classification of participants in terms of their 'race', gender and social class does not intend to show their 'homogeneity'. Yet, this 'labelling' strategy not only aids in uncovering the social and material inequalities and power dynamics present in higher education, but also helps to identify any deviations or discontinuities from the 'common image' of Chinese international students. In this context, it helps to highlight their agency, reflections and the unstable and fluid nature of their subjectivity constructions.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-3">International students as neoliberal and postcolonial subjects of higher education</hd> <p>International higher education is progressively shaped by neoliberal perspectives, wherein institutions of higher learning attribute significant emphasis to recruitment strategies aligned with national economic imperatives, orientations and concerns characterised by neoliberal concerns (Sidhu & Dall'Alba, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref25">52</reflink>]). As of 2022, foreign students comprised 20% of the total tertiary enrolment in the UK, with the UK being the second most popular destination for international students globally, following the US (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref26">58</reflink>]). These students contributed £41.9 billion to the UK economy in 2022 (IFAF, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref27">28</reflink>]). Postgraduate taught courses are currently the main factors driving the growth in the number of international students choosing the UK, with 48.0% of all international enrolments in the UK in 2021–2022 (IFAF, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref28">28</reflink>]). Chinese students accounted for 23% of non-European enrolment during that period (IFAF, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref29">28</reflink>]). At the core of these dynamics are the ways in which UK universities privilege international students as the ideal neoliberal subject (Robertson, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref30">47</reflink>]), and then marginalise them as problematic intrusions.</p> <p>Brooks and Waters ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref31">10</reflink>]) further elucidate that the concept of 'the international' within the field of international student mobility often results in the elevation of specific world regions of the Global North, with Western Europe, North America and Australia assumed to represent the essence of 'international' space. While many studies frame international education as a natural outcome of neoliberal globalization, the application of a postcolonial lens helps unveil the contentious and uneven spheres of knowledge and power encountered by international students (Chatterjee & Barber, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref32">14</reflink>]; Mulvey, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref33">38</reflink>]; Stein & de Andreotti, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref34">55</reflink>]). Atencio and Wright ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref35">9</reflink>]) observe that the incorporation of practices and dispositions reflective of 'White' individuals in academic institutions tends to implicitly position 'non-Whites' as inherently inferior, thereby enhancing the status of 'Whites' and privileging them as the dominant locus of power. Consequently, higher education institutions may be perceived as alienating spaces for those not fitting the categorisation of 'traditional' students, often characterised by traits such as being male, middle-class and 'White' (Skeggs, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref36">54</reflink>]).</p> <p>Dominant views on the internationalisation of higher education largely conceptualise it as a mutually advantageous exchange, in which a Global North society and its educational institutions receive economic and cultural value, whilst international students from the Global South receive a more marketable Western degree (Park & Francis, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref37">40</reflink>], p. 217). Sin ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref38">53</reflink>]) posits that international education not only facilitates the attainment of advanced English proficiency but also fosters the cultivation of independence, critical thinking skills and experiential knowledge. In both domestic and global labour markets, the possession of a Western credential is believed to confer heightened cultural recognition, stemming from the accumulation of cultural, economic and social advantages (IIE, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref39">27</reflink>]). Nevertheless, international students frequently confront challenges in 'fitting' into receiving academic and sociocultural contexts, encountering difficulties in social integration, wellbeing and linguistic proficiency (Evans et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref40">18</reflink>]; Gu, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref41">24</reflink>]; Moskal & Schweisfurth, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref42">36</reflink>]; Yu & Moskal, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref43">66</reflink>]; Zhu, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref44">67</reflink>]).</p> <p>Highlighting contextual dynamics and affective dimensions of student experiences, the findings presented in this article focus on emotion mapping of international students in the UK to demonstrate how emotions are embedded within broader social and institutional contexts and power relations, and how emotions work as tools to both constrain and enable agency in relation to the thoughts and actions of international students. By doing so, the analysis presented in the article uses Ahmed's affective economies theory, alongside Foucault's concepts of discourse and power.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-4">Theorising international students' emotions</hd> <p>Ahmed's ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref45">1</reflink>]) theory of affective economies is employed in this analysis to scrutinise the social and relational dimensions of emotions within a broader context. Ahmed's theory ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref46">1</reflink>]) underscores how social forms of emotions or affects contribute to the shaping of individuals' identities and become integral to the formation of social structures and distinctions. Consequently, emotions are not confined to personal or subjective experiences but possess profound political and social implications (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref47">1</reflink>]). Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref48">1</reflink>]) posits that affective economies extend beyond the mere production and circulation of emotions; they also encompass the ways in which emotions are harnessed to influence and regulate social and political behaviour. In addition, Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref49">2</reflink>], p. 25) contends that 'emotions play a crucial role in the "surfacing" of individual and collective bodies.' She argues that while they do not reside within a subject, they function to unite individuals. In fact, the non-residence of emotions is what imbues them with a 'binding' quality.</p> <p>D'Aoust ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref50">15</reflink>]) argues that emotions are intricately entwined with the power dynamics that define and permeate the social field. Power, according to Foucault, is everywhere, existing within discourses rather than being confined to individuals, groups or institutions. In Foucault's conceptualisation, the term 'discourse' pertains to relatively well-bounded domains of knowledge or sets of ideas that shape individuals' perceptions of reality (McHoul & Grace, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref51">35</reflink>]). A discourse can either facilitate or restrict the thoughts and actions of human subjects in specific ways, highlighting the power dynamics inherent in the operation of discourse (McHoul & Grace, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref52">35</reflink>]). In addition, Foucault's theory of power shifts from passive subjectivity to active self-governance, emphasising individuals' role and agency in constructing identities through 'practices of self'. This highlights active engagement with discourses over mere reception of external influences.</p> <p>Emotional journeys are closely linked with a politicisation process that reanimates the relationship between the individual and the collective (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref53">6</reflink>]). In this view, emotions are understood as mediated, emphasizing that knowledge is inseparable from the bodily realms of feeling and sensation. Similarly, by adopting a Foucauldian perspective, emotions can be conceived as a form of knowledge intricately linked to power (Popkewitz, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref54">43</reflink>]). In Popkewitz's ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref55">43</reflink>]) framework, the mechanisms that enable individuals to act and navigate the world are established through the workings of power, which should be seen as intertwined with the idea of emotions as social and cultural practices (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref56">1</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref57">6</reflink>]). The circulation of emotions becomes pivotal in establishing rules for the (dis)qualification of actions for the subject (Li, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref58">33</reflink>]). In other words, emotions play a crucial role in determining the eligibility or appropriateness of actions undertaken by an individual (the subject), influencing whether a particular behaviour aligns with societal norms and is deemed acceptable or unacceptable. However, Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref59">6</reflink>]) also emphasises the importance of recognizing injustices through the communal sharing of our pains and explores how these emotions are embedded within structural power relations. The experience of pain can catalyse movements against social and physical hurt, a process often fuelled by anger that demands action. In this context, anger is not merely a reaction to injustice but also a transformative force that converts pain into knowledge. Thus, emotions can act as a form of power, not only reflecting Foucault's framework of subtle 'disciplining' of individuals into prescribed modes of being and acting, but also uniting people in their fights against injustices, thereby emphasizing elements of agency, subjectivity and resistance.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-5">Research methods</hd> <p>This article is based on a qualitative, longitudinal study that traced the experiences of 25 Chinese international postgraduate students across multiple universities in the UK over the course of 1 year (Hu, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref60">26</reflink>]). A longitudinal study was employed to capture 'the duration of social phenomena' (Ruspini, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref61">49</reflink>], p. 24) while focusing on the differences, similarities and changes over time within a specific group of participants. Through the year-long data collection process, the study facilitated the observation of the participants' emotional transitions and the identification of institutional and broader social discourses that influenced their feelings, sense of belonging and engagement with UK higher education.</p> <p>The study targeted Chinese international masters-level students, from both post-1992 and pre-1992 universities in Glasgow and London. Participants were chosen based on two criteria: first, their postgraduate courses commenced in September 2021, and second, all participants were from the People's Republic of China. Chinese students from Hong Kong were excluded due to differences in the educational system and potential variations in sociocultural influences stemming from historical, political and economic differences (Wang & Byram, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref62">61</reflink>]). The data collection process spanned from the commencement of their overseas journey in September 2021 to the submission of their dissertations in August 2022. The project received approval from the Ethics Committee for the College of Social Sciences at the University of Glasgow. The interviews were conducted by the first author, who was a Chinese international student and shared some commonalities with the participants, which facilitated the date collection process. However, the first author's personal experiences and perspective remain distinct. The first author was careful about not disclosing her own perspective to participants and aware of the risk of privileging her own understanding over theirs. The conversations with the second and third authors over the data collection and analysis supported the research reflexivity process. Some participants experienced discomfort discussing emotionally charged topics, prompting reassurance and redirection to more enjoyable subjects.</p> <p>The study primarily focused on the participants' emotional experiences upon entering a new educational and social environment, followed by their experiences as they familiarised themselves with the UK context. A total of 25 participants were recruited, with 12 in Glasgow and 13 in London. The data collection utilised a combination of semi-structured interviews and audio diaries. A combination of thematic analysis (TA) and Foucauldian discourse analysis (FDA) was employed for data analysis. Through repeated readings of interview transcripts and audio diary entries, participants' expressions of feelings related to academic, social, cultural transitions and personal growth were identified. Four themes emerged from the data through thematic analysis, including disappointment (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref63">1</reflink>), shame (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref64">2</reflink>), resentment at being excluded in the classroom (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref65">3</reflink>) and pride associated with perceived improvement and sense of personal growth (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref66">4</reflink>).</p> <p>However, these identified themes lacked critical engagement by not acknowledging how participants' construction of their feelings had been shaped by power relations, wherein universities and governments played a pivotal role in influencing their experiences. Thematic analysis did not explicitly highlight how participants are expected to conform to certain behavioural norms, grounded in a common sense 'truth' emerging through discursive practices. Therefore, we additionally conducted Foucauldian Discourse Analysis (FDA) to address these shortcomings, aiming to interrogate 'social legitimacy' (Denzin & Lincoln, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref67">16</reflink>]), by teasing out a number of wider social discourses influencing participants' interpretations of their day-to-day experiences and underpinning their emotions during this time. By 'discourse', we mean here the Foucauldian notion of discourse as sets of ideas or 'conversations' that may influence people's understandings of the world at a particular moment in time and space. At any time, multiple, competing discourses will operate and have differential power in different contexts. Foucault sees power as lying within discourses themselves (rather than with people) and focuses on the ways, in which certain discourses are legitimised and presented as 'truth' through their connection with powerful 'metanarratives' such as scientific or religious schools of thought (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref68">19</reflink>]; Foucault & Sheridan, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref69">21</reflink>]).</p> <p>Combining a thematic analysis focusing on emotions, and a Foucauldian discourse analysis exploring the discourses infusing and engendering such emotions, is compatible with Ahmed's approach to exploring emotions. Ahmed is primarily concerned with exploring the social construction of emotions and how emotions relate to wider social power dynamics ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref70">7</reflink>]). Although she does not primarily draw on Foucault as a theoretical influence, she often utilises a concept of discourse compatible with Foucault's approach, whilst often also going beyond discourse to consider, for example, the phenomenology of spatial relations between bodies ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref71">3</reflink>]).</p> <p>Conducting this additional discourse analysis allowed us to identify in the narratives several discourses that relate to postcolonial and neoliberal cultures of UK higher education, including the discourses of the 'West is Best', 'Education as a Commodity', the 'risky immigrant', the 'diversity', the 'personal growth' and the 'independent learner'. We also unpicked contrasting cultural discourses relating to 'appropriate' or acceptable femininity in terms of speaking/silence, assertiveness and standards of 'beauty'. In the analysis below, we argue that one or more of these discourses can be seen to underpin a variety of emotions that participants experienced, notably in relation to disappointment, shame, resentment and finally pride.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-6">Feeling disappointment</hd> <p>Disappointment was an emotion that was repeatedly mentioned in our interviews. Some participants expressed their disappointment regarding the discrepancy between the high tuition fees and the quality of education and outcomes received. They perceived a sense of inequality due to the substantial difference in tuition fees for local and international students, with comments including: 'I don't understand why there is such a big price difference between international students and local students' (Liu Qing, F, age 25–30, upper middle-class) and 'The tuition fee for international students is more than three times higher than the tuition fee for local students. I do not think it is fair' (Yang Yang, M, age 25–30, lower middle-class).</p> <p>Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref72">5</reflink>]) notes how disappointment can be seen as an emotion that can arises when encountering a gap between how we feel, and how we understand we <emph>should</emph> feel. And, of course, conceptions of how we <emph>should</emph> feel in a situation are socially constructed and located. The global trend encouraging international students to pursue Western higher education is driven and perpetuate by a discourse of Western cultural superiority that frames the obtaining of Western qualifications and English language proficiency as the most effective means to accrue cultural, social and financial capital (Seth, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref73">51</reflink>]). This belief in the superiority of Western knowledge has increased the desire of students from the Global South to study in the Global North, which not only mirrors the prevailing and highly intricate postcolonial power/knowledge structures (Brooks & Waters, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref74">10</reflink>]), but also reinforcing existing power imbalances between regions (Park & Francis, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref75">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>This tuition divide serves as an illustration of how emotions encompass social and political dimensions deeply rooted in the legacies of colonial power and the dynamics of the global political economy (Stein & de Andreotti, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref76">55</reflink>]). In Foucauldian terms, we can see the influence on participants' emotions of discourses of how things <emph>should</emph> be—in particular, what we have labelled here as the 'West is Best' discourse. The gaps and incongruities between what this discourse implicitly promises the student and how they feel about their experience engenders deep disappointment.</p> <p>In the second semester, when participants shared their final reflections on the one-year master's program, many expressed feelings of disappointment about the quantity and quality of education they received. For instance, Xiao Wang, a female participant from a working-class family, expressed her disappointment and felt exploited, believing that paying such a high tuition fee for the one-year master's programme was not worthwhile, particularly since the tuition fee was borrowed by her parents from their relatives.</p> <p>Another female participant from an upper middle-class background also shared similar dissatisfaction with her gains during her study, stating, 'But the gains from the class were not as great as I imagined, or even not as good as my undergraduate degree' (Xiao Xiao, F, aged 20–25).</p> <p>There are several discursive underpinnings to these statements. There is the disappointment at not receiving what one has been discursively influenced to expect—an education of 'higher' quality than can be found at home. Participants' conceptions of what counts as high-quality education is also discursively underpinned—through the idea that quality is indicated by the number of hours of 'teacher time' in more directly teacher-directed learning, challenging the prevailing western higher education discourse of student self-directed learning and the ideal of the 'independent learner'. Finally, participants expressed disappointment at what they perceived to be an exploitative, duplicitous relationship between university and student, relating to their growing perception that universities subscribe to the discourse of education primarily as a commodity to be sold (with the student-consumer as the hoodwinked victim). As Huang Xiao noted:</p> <p>A combination of the 'West is Best' and 'Education as Commodity' discourse led some students to explicitly connect the predominance of Chinese students in their classes with the exploitative postcolonial practices of Western universities, for the ultimate benefit of the UK national economy.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-7">Feeling shame</hd> <p>Shame is another deeply socially infused emotion that was recurrent in our participants' narratives. Women participants in the study reported discomfort and shame when attempting to ask questions in class, with comments like: 'I don't dare to say my own problem. I will feel that I may disturb other people's lectures, and I am afraid that my own problems will be very stupid' (Xiao Xiao, F, age 20–25, upper middle-class), and 'there are still some questions I dare not to ask and just listen carefully' (Li Lu, F, age 20–25, middle-class). This type of silence refers to the unintentional silence which means unwilling silence that is frequently accompanied by frustration and shame (Kurzon, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref77">29</reflink>]). Therefore, it is crucial to examine the social and cultural factors of the unintentional silence of Chinese international students in relation to a larger context and the power relations that operate within this larger context (Wang et al., [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref78">62</reflink>]).</p> <p>In Queer Phenomenology ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref79">3</reflink>]), Ahmed discusses the ways in which emotions circulate through relations in space—they are always 'oriented' in certain ways, circulating between different bodies, different signs, different objects in space. This can be seen in the emotions described by Xiao and Li above, where discomfort and shame are generated by a sharp awareness of being a 'body' in a room with other bodies that is not acting 'appropriately'—that will cause a 'disturbance' to other subjects.</p> <p>What is appropriate in these UK classroom contexts is constructed through dominant discourses of academic language and communication that are highly classed, racialised and gendered (Read & Leathwood, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref80">46</reflink>]). Physical spaces like UK classrooms are centred around ''Whiteness', which, due to its invisible and unmarked nature, accentuates the visibility of international students as they 'walk into a sea of Whiteness' (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref81">4</reflink>], p. 157). Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref82">4</reflink>]) posits that the 'sea of Whiteness' or 'White space' involves the repeated passing by of some bodies and not others, transcending the mere quantity of bodies present in the classroom. Despite the lack of diversity in participants' classrooms, primarily comprised of Chinese international students as participants reported above, what is reiterated is a distinctive style of embodiment and a specific way of inhabiting space (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref83">4</reflink>]).</p> <p>For individuals previously exposed to UK educational paradigms, the legitimacy of academic practices such as seminar participation and discussions becomes neutral to perform. For instance, Mo Li (F, aged 20–25, middle-class) observed that local students are confident in expressing their ideas, while Xu Yiyang (F, aged 25–30, lower middle-class) appreciated the clarity and logic in the way local students communicate. She felt that she could not express herself in the same manner, which hindered her vocal engagement in the classroom.</p> <p>As feminist educationalists have discussed, the dynamics of power in relation to speaking in educational settings are highly gendered (Duncan, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref84">17</reflink>]; Lee & McCabe, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref85">31</reflink>]). For example, Duncan ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref86">17</reflink>]) posits that women encounter discouragement from speaking up or expressing assertiveness due to the construction of these qualities as 'unfeminine' and therefore potentially disruptive of dominant expectations. From this perspective, silence itself becomes gendered, influenced by societal expectations regarding appropriate ways of speaking or 'performing' gender (Butler, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref87">13</reflink>]). Dominant gender discourses on 'appropriate' femininity may influence a person to 'perform' gender through their silence. This is an example of the impossibilities of femininity classically discussed by Walkerdine ([<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref88">60</reflink>])—a student is simultaneously expected to speak and to not speak, to risk being read as either 'unfeminine' or being read as 'stupid'. This influence can be seen in the accounts of some of the female participants in this study, where a sense of shame is engendered by the possibility of being misrecognised as 'stupid' (Burke, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref89">12</reflink>]). These emotional responses are intricately intertwined with gendered expectations and intersect with nationality, underscoring the gendered and raced dimensions of silence and silencing (Rodriguez, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref90">48</reflink>], p. 112).</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-8">Feeling resentment</hd> <p>Whilst shame arguably locates a conception of a 'moral injury' towards the self (and/or a group with which one feels a sense of belonging), resentment is usually characterised as an emotion that is intricately connected to conceptions of fairness and justice, and the object of resentment is usually seen as other to the self (Stockdale, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref91">56</reflink>]). As such, resentment has also been analysed as a force towards political mobilisation (either progressively against forms of social injustice, or reactionary, in connection against potential loss of established privilege) (Salmela & Szanto, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref92">50</reflink>]). Both orientations of this dynamic are touched on in our participants' accounts.</p> <p>Several participants noted disparities in teachers' attitudes toward Chinese and Western students, with some teachers displaying enthusiasm when interacting with local students but adopting an indifferent stance toward Chinese students. For example, Xiao Xiao (F, aged 20–25, upper middle-class) observed that when 'White' students posed questions in class, 'White' lecturers would invest significant time responding or commenting on their views, while responses to Chinese students' queries were limited to a few sentences. Participants inferred from lecturers' behaviour that they favoured 'White' students, presuming that the latter possessed superior ideas and ways of thinking. The 'West is Best' discourse described above was perceived by these participants as an influence on teacher-student dynamics in the classroom, thus privileging 'White' UK students, and engendering emotions of resentment amongst participants.</p> <p>This example illustrates how 'White' students, discursively constructed as the typical or 'normal' student in UK higher education, gain agency in specific contexts (even if they may be simultaneously disadvantaged to a greater or lesser degree along other axes of identity such as class, gender or disability). As Frankenberg ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref93">22</reflink>]) notes, Whiteness constitutes a 'location' of structural advantage and race privilege, in diverse classrooms where 'White' students and lecturers predominate, the exercise of racial privilege and structural advantages becomes apparent as international students are framed and internalised as 'others'. While diversity is seen as a positive phenomenon in universities, it is fundamentally anchored in hierarchical relations of difference and the construction of subjectivities within unequal power dynamics (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref94">6</reflink>]). The dominance of Western knowledge and thinking still persists in UK classrooms, veiled by the ostensibly positive discourse of 'diversity'.</p> <p>Participants also noted that Chinese international students encountered difficulty in forming connections with peers from diverse cultural backgrounds due to the exclusionary behaviours of local students as reported by Xiao Xiao (F, age 20–25, upper middle-class):</p> <p>Even when some participants actively sought to engage socially with non-Chinese students and faced no language barriers, they found it challenging to integrate into existing groups. Xu Yiyang (F, age 25–30, lower middle-class) expressed her experience:</p> <p>This 'stickiness' of local students underscores the perceived 'difference' of Chinese international students, making them feel excluded and undesirable in the classroom. Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref95">1</reflink>], p. 119) argues that 'emotions work to align individuals with communities through the very intensity of their attachments'. The 'repulsion' perceived by Xiao on the part of local students towards Chinese students could potentially be seen as an articulation of resentment. Indeed, Gritsch and TenHouten ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref96">23</reflink>]) argue that 'disgust' is one of the three basic emotions that comprise the complex emotion of resentment (the others being anger and surprise). Other studies have indicated that international students are sometimes perceived as lowering academic standards (Evans et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref97">18</reflink>]; Ploner & Nada, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref98">42</reflink>]) or are resented as competitors for professional positions post-graduation (Suspitsyna, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref99">57</reflink>]). Lomer ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref100">34</reflink>]) has identified this cluster of ideas as the 'risky immigrant' discourse.</p> <p>Participants implied that local students' negativity was not directed at a particular Chinese student or their behaviour but reflected a broader tendency to 'avoid the Chinese' as a community. Chinese international students arguably symbolise a threat of loss—in learning opportunities, jobs, accommodation and other resources (Lomer, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref101">34</reflink>]). Therefore, this adverse emotion was not confined to an individual subject but worked to construct the collective identity of local students against a common perceived threat. Complicated emotional dynamics then result in a reconfiguration of bodily space (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref102">2</reflink>], p. 32), with Chinese international students forming one group, and local students another. As Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref103">2</reflink>]) argues, emotions can engender and make substantive the threat of invasion and contamination. In this case, the body of a particular 'othered' individual, or number of individuals, comes to symbolise the broader concept of the 'other'.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-9">Feeling pride</hd> <p>The emotions articulated by participants were not always negative. Some articulated a sense of happiness and pride at their achievements, especially due to the challenges they have faced. In the second semester, many participants in the study expressed their pride in what they perceived as their personal growth, resulting from leaving the comfortable place of their family home:</p> <p>We can see that these emotions are constructed and made intelligible through a number of underlying discourses that are currently widespread in higher education and in wider society. This includes the <emph>becoming an adult</emph> discourse, where university is seen as a catalytic space where (an assumed school-leaver) student will 'learn the ropes' of individual responsibility inside and outside the classroom, in areas of life previously governed by their parents, guardians or teachers (Valentine, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref104">59</reflink>]; Wong et al., [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref105">65</reflink>]). The 'becoming an adult' discourse can also be seen as part of a broader project of 'self-improvement' and discourse of <emph>personal growth</emph> pervasive in modern western cultures, where the individual is encouraged to—and given responsibility for—constant self-improvement, including the neoliberal goal of making oneself as employable as possible (Leathwood & Hey, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref106">30</reflink>]).</p> <p>Additionally, by studying overseas, international students are also encouraged to develop 'international' or 'diversity' capital by gaining familiarity with other cultures and practices. For some, this included engagement with gendered discourses concerning the body and attractiveness that felt more comfortable and achievable for them than those predominant at home. Many female participants expressed their happiness with the discursively constructed beauty standards in the UK involving a standard of 'natural' beauty that emphasises aspects of physical health. For example, some women students reported feeling more at ease and confident with their appearance due to their engagement with different discourses:</p> <p>Although such beauty standards are a form of 'disciplining of the self' as influential as those within China, the participants perceived themselves as 'fitting in' to these standards more easily, engendering positive emotions. Arguably, this allowed for them to develop a consideration of self-acceptance that can be seen as a more ethical relationship to themselves and to others (Foucault, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref107">20</reflink>]).</p> <p>Several participants also explicitly discussed feeling pride due to academic 'self-improvement'. For example, participants spoke of enhancing their language abilities in terms of comprehending lectures and communicating in English. Simultaneously, some participants perceived an enhancement in their capacity for independent study and increased confidence in academic writing as they became more acquainted with UK academic standards as Zhang Xiaofan (F, age 20–25, upper middle-class) reported:</p> <p>Zhang is therefore feeling positive emotions of happiness and pride at perceiving themselves to have 'grown' in relation to yardsticks constructed and legitimised in academia through the 'independent learner' discourse. This discourse has been widely critiqued as favouring those from more advantaged backgrounds and positionings, including gender, race/ethnicity, social class and nationality, and it is possible that Zhang may be able to draw on capital relating to her social class background in achieving this. Nevertheless, for Zhang, it enables her to be able to construct a sense of achievement and a degree of comfort in navigating a culture that now feels slightly less 'other'.</p> <p>In the first semester, most of the working-class and lower middle-class female participants were more likely to express pressure and uncertainty regarding their studies in the UK than their male counterparts from similar family background. However, they demonstrated considerable agency in utilizing available educational resources, thus experiencing a sense of fulfilment from their academic progress similar to Zhang above. For example, Xiao Wang (F, aged 20–25, working-class) said:</p> <p>In the final month of data collection, Xiao Wang also expressed her satisfaction at having secured a 'respectable' job in China, feeling that her hard work had finally paid off. This sentiment contrasted with that of many middle-class participants, who were still determining their post-graduation plans. While Archer and Leathwood's study suggest ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref108">8</reflink>], 190) that women students are frequently more prone than men students to discuss 'feeling alienated by the academic culture within the university', working-class female participants in this study, driven by an instrumental purpose to achieve upward social mobility, appeared to 'fit' into UK academic norms quicker than some middle-class participants through their adoption of practices valorised by the neoliberal discourse of self-improvement discussed above. This underscores the participants' internalization of a discursive narrative that influences them to view their education as an investment in their personal growth and future productivity, despite critical reflections on its cost-effectiveness.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-10">Conclusion</hd> <p>This article presents an original engagement with research into emotions shaped by the broader system and the nuanced politics of excision within UK higher education space. It analyses the experiences of international students through an analysis both of students' emotions and wider social discourses that arguably engender such emotions. Ahmed ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref109">6</reflink>]) talks about how emotions have involved readings of the worlds that she inhabited. In this study, participants also travelled on their emotional journey, which are immersed in power relations and politicisation: the dissatisfaction and disappointment that they felt as neoliberal subjects of internationalized HE; the shame that they felt as being intimidated by the 'White' environment of their classrooms; the resentment that they felt under the myth of diversity; the pride that they felt for their agency and success. Therefore, it is crucial not to see emotions as personal possessions but rather to understand the social, cultural and relational aspects of emotions (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref110">1</reflink>]). Emotions can be traced back to the social and cultural differences, structures and institutional cultures of UK higher education space. The article evidenced how social and embodied forms of emotions are shaped by broader hegemonic discourses, such as postcolonial constructions of the superiority of western university education, neoliberal notions of self-improvement and the commodification of education, and contrasting and sometimes contradictory discourses of gender appropriateness in speaking and acting in the academy.</p> <p>In our study, participants found themselves continuously positioned within a deficit discourse that becomes associated with Chinese international students and other student groups exhibit reluctance to engage collaboratively with them. Our article shows that dynamics of 'White' dominance and 'non-White' subordination continue manifest across academic institutions and social settings. The racial distinctions rooted in contemporary Europe have enduring effects on pedagogies, curriculum and academic practices in Higher Education globally (Ploner & Nada, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref111">42</reflink>]) and encourage classroom dynamics that foster misrecognition and shame, subtly veiled within the discourse of diversity (Ahmed, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref112">7</reflink>]; Burke, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref113">12</reflink>]). Consequently, 'non-White' individuals labelled as 'deficient others' may consistently find themselves in need of additional assistance to meet predetermined educational requirements, underscoring the pivotal role of power relations in comprehending the nuanced negative emotions experienced by some international students in university settings.</p> <p>In addition, the study illustrates how feelings of disappointment, shame and resentment are complexly accompanied by happiness and pride at their achievements in personal growth, demonstrating high degrees of agency, albeit under the influence of neoliberal discourse of the 'improvement of the self'. This complexity underscores the necessity to view international student mobility through a lens that recognizes the deeply embedded social and cultural forces shaping students' emotional experiences. Emotion serves as a form of power, not just in working to constrain or discipline people's way of thinking and doing, but also in facilitating their reflexive practices, opening alternatives for their futures.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-11">CRediT authorship contribution statement</hd> <p>Mei Hu: conceptualization; data curation; formal analysis; investigation; methodology; project administration; writing—original draft; writing—review and editing. Marta Moskal: conceptualization; formal analysis; writing—original draft; writing—review and editing. Barbara Read: conceptualization, formal analysis, methodology, writing—review and editing.</p> <hd id="AN0189135066-12">Publisher's Note</hd> <p>Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.</p> <ref id="AN0189135066-13"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref45" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Ahmed S. Affective economics. 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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Mapping the Emotions of Racialised International Students and the Politics of Exclusion in Higher Education
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Mei+Hu%22">Mei Hu</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Marta+Moskal%22">Marta Moskal</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0003-4483-9310">0000-0003-4483-9310</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Barbara+Read%22">Barbara Read</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Higher+Education%3A+The+International+Journal+of+Higher+Education+Research%22"><i>Higher Education: The International Journal of Higher Education Research</i></searchLink>. 2025 90(4):1001-1015.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 15
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2025
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Psychological+Patterns%22">Psychological Patterns</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Students%22">Foreign Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Minority+Group+Students%22">Minority Group Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnicity%22">Ethnicity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Race%22">Race</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Power+Structure%22">Power Structure</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Graduate+Students%22">Graduate Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Emotional+Experience%22">Emotional Experience</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Neoliberalism%22">Neoliberalism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Individualism%22">Individualism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Postcolonialism%22">Postcolonialism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Politics+of+Education%22">Politics of Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Inclusion%22">Inclusion</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+Kingdom%22">United Kingdom</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22China%22">China</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1007/s10734-024-01362-3
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0018-1560<br />1573-174X
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: The concerns of power and recognition regarding international students' experiences are largely absent from the literature, with a discourse of social inclusion framing the focus. Social inclusion within an economically centred view of international education ignores issues of 'difference' and celebrates 'diversity' as a key aspect. Such an approach lacks a discussion of power concerns; diversity is portrayed as unproblematic, whereas difference is something that needs to be managed by standardization and monitoring procedures. The article contributes to the recent decolonial approaches to racialised international students by showing how the subtle dynamics of power relations within higher education influence international students' emotional experiences. It draws on longitudinal data collected from 25 Chinese international postgraduate students over a 1-year period in the UK. While employing Ahmed's framework of affective economies together with Foucault's concepts of discourse and power, it investigates the intricate connections between international students' emotional experiences and prevailing institutional discourses of neoliberalism, individualism and postcolonialism. It elucidates how emotions work as tools to both constrain and enable agency in relation to the thoughts and actions of international students, influencing the perceived eligibility and appropriateness of their behaviours within the 'White' UK higher education space.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2026
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1492845
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1492845
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  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1007/s10734-024-01362-3
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 15
        StartPage: 1001
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Psychological Patterns
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Minority Group Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Ethnicity
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Race
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Power Structure
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Higher Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Graduate Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Emotional Experience
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Neoliberalism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Individualism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Postcolonialism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Politics of Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Inclusion
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: United Kingdom
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: China
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Mapping the Emotions of Racialised International Students and the Politics of Exclusion in Higher Education
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              Y: 2025
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            – TitleFull: Higher Education: The International Journal of Higher Education Research
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