Beadmaking as a Pedagogical Site: Transcending the Traditional Walls between the Academy and the Community
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| Title: | Beadmaking as a Pedagogical Site: Transcending the Traditional Walls between the Academy and the Community |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Eric Tamatey Lawer, Samuel Aniegye Ntewusu, Irene Appeaning Addo, Kojo Opoku Aidoo, Chika C. Mba |
| Source: | Cultural Studies of Science Education. 2025 20(3-4):275-292. |
| Availability: | Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/ |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 18 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Descriptors: | Handicrafts, Shared Resources and Services, Foreign Countries, Indigenous Knowledge, Epistemology, Educational Practices, Cultural Influences, Holistic Approach, Humanism, Humanistic Education |
| Geographic Terms: | Ghana |
| DOI: | 10.1007/s11422-025-10250-w |
| ISSN: | 1871-1502 1871-1510 |
| Abstract: | This article discusses beadmaking as a pedagogical learning site in Odumase-Krobo, a town in Eastern Ghana. Drawing on in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, interactions with beadmakers, traders, and activists, as well as information from secondary sources, the paper examines beadmaking as a form of knowledge production. Framed within the context of epistemic and curricular decolonisation and the validity of Indigenous knowledge in academia, the paper asserts the imperative of expanding sites of knowledge production and recognising diverse ways of knowing beyond the traditional confines of the encyclopaedic university. Although handicrafts hold significant pedagogical value, the study of crafts such as beadmaking has been mainly confined to pre-tertiary institutions, neglecting its broader educational relevance across disciplines in higher education. Our findings underscore a need to recognise craft practices like beadmaking as legitimate knowledge forms, bridging the gap between systematised knowledge within academia and 'lay' knowledge embedded in Indigenous communities. The findings reveal various implications of taking beadmaking a pedagogical learning site, including its potential to uncover historical linkages, understand cultural interconnections, probe labour and gender dynamics, interrogate environmental changes, analyse the political economy, and foster a more holistic, humanistic pedagogy. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2026 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1495492 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwHL9byV9hjCE04VbmPBWl-dAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDHen5MoCT1sVpaP2dAIBEICBm4twqhxaLrXGAyecsj1_kc9kmXjJYUhSXnO58vUWAAQaY0rK4QcyvC61qjnQNyHJd1g-zvzfPtYvp022WFwsmnqioh4EBB2ZHIUx0HjqnXW5RKlGyIo0eX1pvjeE7Csqj4KbEOphEiRo0BPZim1VHuaNGq6J0mQhZJBiQLGd89Nsx0XhZzo9vnqouA6DzTRAiBn50IwFDgoJCNB7 Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0189234105;[3h02]01dec.25;2025Nov13.05:02;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0189234105-1">Beadmaking as a pedagogical site: transcending the traditional walls between the academy and the community </title> <p>This article discusses beadmaking as a pedagogical learning site in Odumase-Krobo, a town in Eastern Ghana. Drawing on in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, interactions with beadmakers, traders, and activists, as well as information from secondary sources, the paper examines beadmaking as a form of knowledge production. Framed within the context of epistemic and curricular decolonisation and the validity of Indigenous knowledge in academia, the paper asserts the imperative of expanding sites of knowledge production and recognising diverse ways of knowing beyond the traditional confines of the encyclopaedic university. Although handicrafts hold significant pedagogical value, the study of crafts such as beadmaking has been mainly confined to pre-tertiary institutions, neglecting its broader educational relevance across disciplines in higher education. Our findings underscore a need to recognise craft practices like beadmaking as legitimate knowledge forms, bridging the gap between systematised knowledge within academia and 'lay' knowledge embedded in Indigenous communities. The findings reveal various implications of taking beadmaking a pedagogical learning site, including its potential to uncover historical linkages, understand cultural interconnections, probe labour and gender dynamics, interrogate environmental changes, analyse the political economy, and foster a more holistic, humanistic pedagogy.</p> <p>Keywords: Beadmaking; Craft; Decolonising pedagogy; Ghana; Knowledge production; Language; Communication and Culture Cultural Studies Studies in Human Society Sociology Other Studies In Human Society</p> <p>Copyright comment Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author self-archiving of the accepted manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and applicable law.</p> <p>Many Ghanaians wear beads, and in recent years, there has been a renewed interest and enthusiasm for bead production and usage among Ghanaians (Baidoo, Aidoo and Asenso [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref1">5</reflink>]). The devotion to beads is influenced by social, cultural, ritual, religious, political, and aesthetic factors (Kradolfer and Djaba [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref2">23</reflink>]). For many ethnic groups in Ghana, such as the Ga-Dangme, Ewe, and some Akan groups, preserving their natural, social, and cultural heritage keeps them constantly tethered to beads. In contemporary times, erotic and aesthetic pressures have further pushed many Ghanaians, particularly the youth, into the acquisition and wearing of beads (Avotri [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref3">4</reflink>]). The varied need for beads have led to transformations in beadmaking and have reinforced traditional and new knowledge forms in the production, marketisation, and use of beads. Based on several field stints in Odumase Krobo, arguably Ghana's most important beadmaking hub, this paper explores the pedagogical significance and dimensions of beadmaking; we believe that such an exploration is important for academia to produce a much more inclusive or 'complete' knowledge about pedagogical learning in formal education.</p> <p>Located in Ghana's Eastern region, Odumase Krobo, the study area, is the administrative capital of the Lower Manya Krobo Municipality (Fig. 1). It is situated within the expansive Accra plains, mainly occupied by the Ga-Dangme ethnolinguistic group, of which the Krobo are a sub-group (see Hilton [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref4">18</reflink>]). Odumase Krobo is a cradle of bead culture in Ghana, with its flagship Dipo custom being one of the most well-known bead exhibition events. The town is home to the largest bead workshop and museum in Ghana, known as Cedi Beads Industry, owned by Ebenezer Nomoda Djaba, who also doubles as the main beadmaker. Veit Arlt ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref5">3</reflink>]) notes that Odumase Krobo is a place where tradition, culture, and Christianity have coexisted for centuries. The city was chosen to host the first-ever International Beads Festival, which took place in 2009 and was organised with assistance from the Cultural Initiative Support Program of the European Commission to highlight the regional bead industry. Figure 1 shows the location of the study town. Also shown on the map are three Krobo districts that make up the Krobo region of Ghana.</p> <p>Graph: Fig. 1 Map of the Krobo area showing the study community. Map by authors</p> <p>Relying on field data from our study area and some secondary sources, we aim to historicise, theorise, and conceptualise beads, particularly their production and trading as teaching and learning sites. We argue that beadmaking is a legitimate knowledge system that contributes to academic discourse. As a pedagogical site, it fosters dialogue between the academy and communities of practice—thereby promoting a decolonised humanistic pedagogy, the validity of indigenous knowledge systems (IKSs) and epistemic decolonisation. In studying beadmaking as a craft, we note that beadwork has already been used as an entry point into decolonising museum anthropological collections. Njabulo Chipangura ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref6">10</reflink>]: 106) asserts that 'in pursuit of colonial ordering, material culture was extracted from colonised societies, deprived of its contextual meaning, and scrutinised through the lens of colonial knowledge.' Thus, Chipangura ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref7">10</reflink>]), in dealing with this epistemic distortion, used the relational curatorship of caring for Zulu beads through active relations of reciprocity and dialogue with Zulu communities. The author engaged with the complex meanings associated with the Zulu beads and challenged the exclusion of (IKS) in narratives of 'objects' contained at Manchester Museum, thus transforming and decolonising museum practice. The inclusion of beads as a traditional multimodal textual form in indigenous poetry pedagogy is another form of using beads to decolonise poetry in high schools in South Africa (Mavhiza and Prozesky [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref8">26</reflink>]). The use of beadwork as a site of pedagogical practice is quite extensive in literature. However, much focus has been on South African Zulu beads without much research on beadwork in Ghana and its use as a pedagogical site for decolonising the academy.</p> <p>To decolonise pedagogy, we must continuously consider how theories of knowledge reinforce or support our pedagogical practices, as well as how those theories of knowledge are influenced by colonisation. This work recognises that craft practices are legitimate knowledge, and practitioners are holders of local wisdom, so studying craft could offer important pedagogical insights. It contributes to the current push to decolonise formal education and eradicate epistemic colonialism while highlighting the pedagogical significance of indigenous knowledge (handicraft).</p> <p>In Sect. 'Theoretical framing: epistemic, curricular, and pedagogical decolonisation and the validity of indigenous knowledge systems', we elaborate on our theoretical frame where we argue that beadwork and craft, in general, as a site of pedagogical learning in formal education, is recumbent on the outcome of epistemic and curricular decolonisation and the place of Indigenous Knowledge Systems in higher education. Sect. 'Craft as a site of pedagogy and meaning-making: decolonial contestations' is literature review and a continuation of our theoretical framing, here dwelling on craft as a site of pedagogy. Sect. 'Methodology' outlines the research goals and methodological approach, while the fifth section presents and discusses our key findings. In the penultimate section, we draw some conclusions, and in the closing section, we recommend further research on curriculum development and actions that need to be taken.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-2">Theoretical framing: epistemic, curricular, and pedagogical decolonisation and the validity o...</hd> <p>This research effort is anchored in the sustained contemporary push by non-Western scholars for epistemic, pedagogical, and curricular decolonisation of education (Mignolo [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref9">28</reflink>]; Ndlovu-Gatsheni [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref10">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref11">32</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref12">33</reflink>]; Shahjahan, Estera, Surla and Edwards [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref13">40</reflink>]). These scholars broadly call for teaching, learning and research approaches that deconstruct power associated with academic and epistemic colonisation and intellectual imperialism to give legitimacy and space to indigenous knowledge. Riyad Shahjahan, Annabelle Estera, Kristen Surla and Kirsten Edwards ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref14">40</reflink>]) argue that curriculum and pedagogy can be important sites for decolonisation within and outside higher education. Within the coloniality of education, other epistemic and pedagogical systems or forms outside the formal academy are often sidelined because they do not meet the purportedly strict and rigorous scientific methodology or standards of knowledge production. Decoloniality scholars challenge the universality of Western social science and make a case for pluriversal rather than 'universal' models of knowledge production (Mignolo [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref15">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref16">29</reflink>]). According to Walter Mignolo ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref17">28</reflink>]), the drive to decolonise education reflects the evolving geopolitics of knowledge, in which the modern ontological model of knowing is no longer seen as unfettered by historical and geographical contexts. For Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni, decoloniality or epistemic decolonisation is the future of Africa and African studies (Ndlovu-Gatsheni [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref18">31</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref19">34</reflink>]; Cf. Mba [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref20">27</reflink>]). This is because epistemic decolonisation is the only way to free African ancestral ritual archives from Western knowledge with limiting and severely limited templates (Falola [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref21">13</reflink>]: 704, Cf. Sekyi-Otu [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref22">39</reflink>]).</p> <p>An important strand in the decolonial turn in (higher) education already implicit in the discussion above is the well-defended argument that indigenous knowledge systems (IKSs) should be taken seriously in formulating what may count as 'universal knowledge'. IKS refers to Indigenous communities' interconnected and/or holistic worldviews comprising their intergenerational beliefs and <emph>practices</emph>. In the specific context of Africa, Helen Lauer contends, the valued traits of modern empirical sciences are, as a matter of fact, 'conventionally associated with indigenous African knowledge system' (Lauer [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref23">24</reflink>], p. 540). Her greater insight is that contrary to a widespread belief in the West, traditional African values undergirded by Ubuntu promote science and technology (Lauer [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref24">25</reflink>], pp. 539–553). As Kai Horsthemke saw, the reality is that all knowledge systems are local; thus, there ought to be only technical issues to overcome before incorporating African IKS as a part of the curriculum in formal education (Horsthemke [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref25">20</reflink>], pp. 585–603).</p> <p>Nonetheless, the decolonial turn in its relentless challenge of the dominance of Eurocentric knowledge has limitations. Most decolonial scholars consider the academy the default site for epistemic and pedagogical contestation and transformation (Withaeckx and Essed [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref26">45</reflink>]). They do not always take cognisance of the enduring colonial divide between systematised knowledge housed in the academy and what is often pejoratively thought of as lay knowledge or ideas outside the academy. The result is that socially necessary knowledge outside the academy is consistently devalorised. Expanding the site of knowledge production and valorising diverse ways of knowing is critical for overcoming academic imperialism, epistemic injustice, and coloniality while taking IKS seriously in developing curricula in formal education (Ndlovu-Gatsheni [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref27">32</reflink>]; Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Schramm [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref28">34</reflink>]; Cf. Ngugi [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref29">35</reflink>]). For example, handicraft production is key in regional and national economies. Besides its role in preserving and promoting culture and heritage, the sector employs about 10% of the labour force in many developing countries (Grobar [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref30">16</reflink>]). Knowledge about handicrafts, including beads, is acquired through experience, repetition, and practice. It forms part of IKS that is rooted in cultural and natural environments, which merits a close academic inquiry, especially in the current decolonial turn. And yet, the typical encyclopaedic universities and academics have relegated the study of crafts to a few pre-tertiary educational institutions despite its inherent pedagogical significance that cuts across disciplines, as well as the key role crafts play in regional and national economies and preserving and promoting culture and heritage.</p> <p>Many local contents of pedagogical significance can be used to explicate theoretical frameworks, and this supports the call to decolonise the academy, as well as the validity of IKS. For example, Josef De Beer, and colleagues ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref31">12</reflink>]) have used indigenous knowledge to expand science, technology, and mathematics curricula in South African schools by hinging on the concept of glocalisation. Their research observes that IKS is marginalised in formal education, creating conceptual and theoretical occlusions for the South African learner. Thus, infusing IKS into the curriculum could better contextualise the prescribed learning content for South African students. They show that learning about valuable plants and subsistence livestock farming practices could improve school teaching and learning. Another example from De Beer, and colleagues ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref32">12</reflink>]) is the engagement of indigenous African games and music-making to improve learner motivation and enjoyment of mathematics among students. Both Dauda Ali, and colleagues ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref33">2</reflink>]) and Hadiza Bobbo and colleagues ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref34">6</reflink>]) argue that incorporating earth construction techniques (ECTs) into the architectural curriculum of tertiary institutions in Nigeria could preserve earthen architectural heritage. Michael Adeyemi and Augustus ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref35">1</reflink>]) have explained that the utilitarian nature of African traditional education included learning about the physical environment (landscape, weather, plant, and animal life), the social environment (network relationships among family) and the spiritual environment. The authors call for the inclusion of <emph>indigenous education</emph> in the school curriculum because African traditional education is hinged on the principles of preparationism, functionalism, communalism, perennialism, and wholisticism necessary to decolonise the curriculum. To unfurl the entire stretch of our theoretical leaning in this study, we engage craft as a site of pedagogy and the ongoing decolonial contestations within which our work on beadmaking falls. Our key argument is that the possibility of realising craft as a site of pedagogical learning in formal education rests on the success of epistemic and curricular decolonisation and the validation of indigenous knowledge systems. We will say more about this below.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-3">Craft as a site of pedagogy and meaning-making: decolonial contestations</hd> <p>Craft can be viewed as a verb, indicating the act of employing skill in craft production, and as a noun referring to the object produced. Examples of craft include beads, organic dyed and woven textiles, and pottery, among others. Rhonda Brulotte and M. J. R. Montoya ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref36">7</reflink>]: 15) state that craft is 'normally associated with handmade objects' and has 'historically been used to celebrate the mastery of handmade goods.' Jeanne Gamble ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref37">14</reflink>]:186) also describes craft as '"skill", or ...as a particular knowledge form which constitutes skill.' Craft has been associated with the historical past and continuity of community identity. This is because there is a quaintness associated with craft, which could diminish its social and economic value (Brulotte and Montoya [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref38">7</reflink>]). Thus, Brulotte and Montoya ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref39">7</reflink>]: 15) posit that craft evokes 'continuity with a historical past while restoring human qualities to modern technologies. It is a word that situates objects and the embodied knowledge required for their creation within a self-aware framework that references pre-industrial social formations of which apprenticeship is part.</p> <p>Recognising the challenges surrounding the definition of craft and relying on evolving and hermeneutic discussions, Brulotte and Montoya ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref40">7</reflink>]) attempt to summarise the definition of craft as a by-product of 'skilled labour', the skill in manipulating and transforming materials in craft production, a human process that involves the act of creating things by 'hand', the teaching of a technique, and the development of mastery specific to the technique, having a strong relationship with the past and a visible marker of ancestral knowledge and finally, a vehicle for social mobility among vulnerable populations and a source of empowerment. Craft as a skill and an intangible heritage underpins the above definitions.</p> <p>However, craft is increasingly being recognised as a site of pedagogical learning both from the skill of production and the materiality of craft. Pedagogical learning is the art and science of teaching that combines teaching methods, learning activities, and assessments that instructors and students can deploy for further systematic study. It involves creating an environment where students can engage with the material and develop a more profound understanding of studied reality. A decolonial approach to pedagogical learning opens space to take knowledge and methodologies arising from a community of practice seriously in formal education. A 'community of practice' (CoP) is a group of people who come together to learn and share knowledge about a specific topic, interest, or practice. CoP is one of the most important concepts in social or situated learning theory and is used as an explanatory framework for learning arising from shared practices. It conceives knowledge as embedded in practice beyond the traditional cognitive model, viewing knowledge as 'a more relational property of individuals in context and in interaction with one another' (Hoadley [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref41">19</reflink>], pp. 287–290). CoPs are often organised around a particular industry, role, or function. Craft education falls under community of practice and, at the beginning of the 20th century, was practiced as hand–eye coordination to develop a general aesthetic sense (Pöllänen [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref42">36</reflink>]). The learning of crafts was for practical reasons, such as when people could prepare tools and artefacts needed for everyday use (Pöllänen [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref43">36</reflink>]). While craft (in the sense of livelihoods) has faced challenges due to shifts in economic and production systems and the present global neoliberal order, its importance has been upheld by UNESCO ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref44">43</reflink>]). UNESCO identifies craft as one of the distinctive features of a society or social group that can help safeguard cultural heritage and expressions while contributing to sustainable development.</p> <p>More importantly, craft has been studied as a site of pedagogical learning (see Prins [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref45">37</reflink>]; Rowsell and Shillitoe [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref46">38</reflink>]; Cheatle and Jackson [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref47">9</reflink>]). In studying craft's foundational relations to materials, techniques, and collaborative modes of teaching and learning, Amy Cheatle and Steven Jackson ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref48">9</reflink>]) observe that the collaborative, situated, and relational nature of craft pedagogies can motivate alternative approaches to teaching and learning in computational (and other) settings. For example, the materiality of craft could hold us accountable not only to their agencies, properties, and qualities but also to their movements over time and the complex social and ecological histories that have accompanied them and their handling. Secondly, craft engagement with the head, heart, and hand in equal measure means that crafts could promote togetherness, unison, and cognitive thinking. Thirdly, since craft pedagogy is a collaborative, situated, and relational practice, it promotes the unique temporalities and rhythms, flows of intergenerational knowledge, and supported teaching necessary for sustainability education. Ultimately, Cheatle and Jackson ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref49">9</reflink>]: 18) argue that 'craft has takeaways for teaching and learning in the humanities and adjacent creative fields.' Jamie Tehrani and Felix Riede ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref50">42</reflink>]) also characterise craft apprenticeships as involving the gradual scaffolding of skills essential for demonstration, intervention and collaboration towards building an archaeology of pedagogy.</p> <p>Craftmaking as a form of activism encourages spontaneity and experimentation in a formal education setting. Jennifer Rowsell and Mark Shillitoe ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref51">38</reflink>]: 1544) assert that by pushing for open teaching and learning with materials, students can inhabit a <emph>what-if</emph> space which ruptures institutional time and space. By leveraging materials' sensorial and emotional properties, Rowsell and Shillitoe ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref52">38</reflink>]) observed that craftivism offers the potential for something to happen, a possibility of serendipitous connection. They found craftivism to be a political and identity-forming concept that offers pedagogies of possibilities and meaning-making approaches to learning and literacy. In conclusion, the authors found out that materials and craftivist pedagogy give voice, defend rights, expand autonomy, and open possibilities for the young people they studied.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-4">Methodology</hd> <p>The broad research question underlying this study is: What new possibilities for knowledge and ways of knowing emerge when we decolonize pedagogical learning by taking the practices of craftspeople outside the formal academy as a starting point of inquiry? In line with this, the study adopts ethnography as an overarching research design. Ethnography involves immersive observation, participation, and interaction over an extended period of time to understand how people live, work, and make sense of their world (Hammersley and Atkinson [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref53">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>Using Ghana's vibrant beadmaking hub in Odumase Krobo as an experiential setting for our field engagements, knowledge was co-generated through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs) and local stakeholder forums with beadmakers, traders, users, and activists in line with our interpretivist research leanings. The interpretivist research paradigm views knowledge as socially constructed and context-dependent (Bryman [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref54">8</reflink>]). In this research, we acknowledge that knowledge differs throughout contexts and cultures by posing the question, what would happen if we decolonised pedagogical learning and take the practices of craftspeople like beadmakers outside the formal academy as the starting point of inquiry? In this work, beadmaking in Odumase Krobo is not just a mechanical or commercial endeavour but is deeply rooted in cultural, historical, and social contexts. With this viewpoint, we were able to discover how beadmakers perceive and express their craft as knowledge, investigate Indigenous epistemologies, and investigate local meaning-making systems that contradict Eurocentric academic frameworks. By prioritising beadmakers' perspectives, the research transcends abstract theory and firmly bases its conclusions on their lived experiences.</p> <p>Fieldwork for the study was conducted between February and October 2022. These field engagements with beadmakers, traders, and activists were conscious attempts to shift academic dialogue towards community collaborations for innovative curricula design and place-based pedagogies (Cf. Janz [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref55">22</reflink>]). During this period, the authors visited the research site multiple times each month, depending on the availability of knowledge holders. The researchers spent approximately 10 days per month at the site, engaging in observations, in-depth interviews, and informal discussions with the practitioners. These regular visits allowed for sustained interaction and building trust with knowledge holders, ensuring that the research captured the depth and richness of their practices and perspectives.</p> <p>The study population comprised individuals directly involved in the beadmaking industry in Odumase Krobo, including beadmakers, traders, users, and activists. In-depth interviews were held with 25 local interlocutors. This was carried out using semi-structured interview guides. Two FGDs were held with beadmakers and traders, each involving eight people. The inclusion criteria were limited to individuals with at least 5 years of experience in bead-related activities to ensure an in-depth understanding of the craft, trade, and knowledge holders willing to share their knowledge and experiences in interviews or focus group discussions. Observations at various production and market sites exposed us to very important materials, production methods, and issues related to the local and international trade of beads. Significant pedagogical issues emerged during the FGDs and the participant observations, while information on trade in beads became more apparent during the personal interviews at the bead market and shops.</p> <p>The recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim, and the transcripts were used to conduct a 'content analysis' of the data in an inductive manner, i.e. allowing meanings to emerge from the empirical data (see Silverman [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref56">41</reflink>]). This involves examining the content of the empirical and secondary data to identify recurring patterns, diverging themes and other meaningful information. This allowed us to draw meaningful insights and inferences about issues in the in-depth interviews and FGDs. To ensure the authenticity and reliability of the data, we triangulated the data acquired using the various methods utilised for gathering the data. The authors complemented the empirical information with information from secondary sources, including newspapers, journal publications, and books. The theoretical lens also informed the analysis of decolonisation, which acted as a sensitising framework. While the inductive process allowed for the emergence of local knowledge and the idea of community of practice supported participant-led themes, the concepts of epistemic, curricular, and pedagogical decolonisation provided a reflexive guide for interpreting these themes.</p> <p>Ethical issues identified were about confidentiality and power relations, especially as beadmakers and artisans are often considered to belong to a so-called 'less formally educated group'. To address these, we created a respectful and inclusive environment that valued beadmakers' knowledge. To protect confidentiality, we informed all participants about their rights, including obtaining their informed consent before engaging in interviews or discussions. We also told them about the option to remain anonymous. In this regard, all possible identifying details were anonymised in all our research outputs unless participants explicitly requested to have their names or work attributed, as in Cedi's case. To reduce power imbalances, we adopted a participatory approach that treated beadmakers as co-creators of knowledge rather than research subjects. During all engagements, we emphasised dialogue and mutual respect, ensuring that beadmakers had the space to freely share their perspectives without feeling judged or undervalued. Efforts were made to use the Krobo language and culturally relevant communication methods to bridge any educational gaps, as one of the authors is from the community and could speak the local dialect. This ensured that participants felt empowered and that their expertise was acknowledged as integral to the research process.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-5">Findings and discussion</hd> <p>This study stands out with several findings related to the context, texture, and text of beadmaking. We present these below.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-6">Beadmaking in the Krobo region of Ghana: history and indigenous knowledge system</hd> <p>The Krobo region of Ghana is characterised by the presence of several people who produce, use, and trade in beads. Beadmaking in Odumase Krobo has a long-standing history during which there have been changes and continuities in the processes of production and materiality. These changes have been a response to both internal and external pressures. According to oral history, as recounted by beadmakers and activists from Odumase Krobo during the field engagements, beadmaking and its usage were already part of the Krobo technological and sociocultural fabric before they arrived in the Gold Coast some centuries ago. According to Hugo Huber ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref57">21</reflink>]), the Krobo migrated from Northeastern Africa and settled for over a century in Ile-Ife, Nigeria before arriving in Southeastern Ghana. In their book 'An Exploration of Bead Traditions Around the World', Janet Coles and Robert Budwig ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref58">11</reflink>]) argue that the earliest forms of glass beads were found in North Africa in the Egyptian royal graves of the 21st century BC.</p> <p>Similarly, Ile-Ife is considered the most well-known location for early West African glass bead production (Gott [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref59">15</reflink>]). Indeed, Alexandra Wilson ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref60">44</reflink>]) noted that while glass beads appeared in West Africa from the eighth century onwards, Cairo and the North Africa region in general, was the most important centre and region for beadmaking, from where Arab merchants crossed the Sahara to trade in beads and other products for gold and slaves between AD 900 and 1000 in West Africa. This reveals that the Krobo migrated from an area with a long and rich history of producing beads. Thus, the art of glass beadmaking and its use could have already been part of the Krobo culture and knowledge system before they arrived in Ghana ca. the 1400 s. However, their production practices, designs, and technologies have changed over the years.</p> <p>Through regional trade and exchanges, the Krobo beadmaking tradition has transformed and expanded to other parts of Ghana. Ebenezer Nomoda Djaba, known in the bead industry as Cedi and several other beadmakers, we interviewed noted that Krobo beadmakers travelled to several towns across Ghana, first to sell beads mostly in Koforidua, Kumasi, and Accra but later also to teach the art of beadmaking as a livelihood activity to individuals and groups in these areas upon invitation. Today, the use of beads or the Krobo bead culture has become a national one. While the Krobo area has continued to be the centre of bead production in Ghana, beads are also produced in Kumasi. However, the meanings and values associated with using beads vary widely across ethnic groups (Wilson [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref61">44</reflink>]).</p> <p>The production of beads demands knowledge about raw materials, tools, and processes. Beads can be made from many materials, but glass and stone beads are said to be preferred worldwide because of their durability (Wilson [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref62">44</reflink>]). In Ghana, powdered glass beads are particularly popular (Gott [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref63">15</reflink>]). In most cases, glass containers such as bottles (whole or broken) form the primary raw materials used to produce glass beads. The glass is pounded into a fine powder before being put into specially made clay cisterns with holes. The size of the holes made in the cisterns determines the size of the beads. The size issue is crucial, particularly for individuals undergoing training or even those already on the job. Groups or individuals can make special requests for specific beads, and it is through filling the clay mould with the powdered bottles that the customers' specifications or the producers intended to supply to the market are defined. Producing beads may involve using a single colour or a combination of colours. Whereas creating a set of beads with one colour may appear simplistic, the process of incorporating multiple colours and intricate designs demands additional training and skill. In the case of complex designs, layers of powdered glass are carefully stacked atop each other before being placed in the kiln for firing.</p> <p>Since heat is a crucial resource in bead production, the kiln is typically ignited with firewood. Correctly understanding the kiln's temperature is necessary to produce beads according to specifications, as different beads and designs require specific temperatures. After firing, the clay cisterns containing the beads are removed and left to cool. The raw beads are then delicately extracted and smoothed using coarse sand and water. For a detailed discussion of the materials, types of beads, and a step-by-step account of the beadmaking process, see Philippe Kradolfer and Nomoda Djaba ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref64">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>As presented above, the intricate details about beadmaking indicate that beadmaking is an important indigenous pedagogical site. Beadmaking knowledge is gained through direct personal experience, often involving hands-on learning and trial-and-error. Trainees acquire knowledge through direct observation and experience, which could be described as experiential knowledge. They rely on the coordination between the hand, eye, and brain. This encourages spontaneity and experimentation (Rowsell and Shillitoe [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref65">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>Beads produced in Krobo are commonly sold on-site at various market towns and shops, such as the Agomanya bead market and outside of the Krobo area. Large-scale bead producers (like Cedi) typically have multiple outlets. Cedi's beads are sold at his factory in the heart of Odumase Krobo and other parts of Ghana. Additionally, a significant customer base outside the country, including Europe, the USA, and Asia, patronises products from the Cedi Beads industry. Smaller producers often send their products either to Koforidua or to Accra. One emerging trend is the increasing popularity of 'contract production'. In this arrangement, buyers contract producers to create a specific brand or quantity of beads. Political parties, churches, and other organisations have also adopted the contract system, requesting producers to make beads according to specified colour and size requirements. Given the complexity of the bead market, apprentices are typically educated about market dynamics from the beginning, as understanding this aspect is crucial for their survival in the beadmaking industry.</p> <p>This reveals essential aspect of beadmaking as an approach to knowing. One needs funds to purchase raw materials or knowledge about the production process to make beads. They must also understand the local values and culture of the targeted user(s) to make unique beads that will make meaning or resonate with them. This suggests that even as beadmakers innovate, they do this within specific traditions without annihilating them. Thus, producing beads requires coordination between the hand and the eye and value judgement. This finding corroborates Cheatle and Jackson's ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref66">9</reflink>]) argument that the situated and relational nature of craft can motivate alternative approaches to teaching and learning and that the materiality of craft would hold us accountable to their properties and qualities and their complex social and ecological histories. Traditional knowledge, intuition, and experience are frequently combined in the practice of beadmaking. Thus, rather than going through formal education, beadmakers usually learn through apprenticeships, hands-on experience, and passed down techniques.</p> <p>An investigation that begins with the activities of beadmakers could highlight the significance of embodied knowledge or the knowledge that is gained through hands-on physical engagement with materials and procedures. This approach to knowledge production critiques the primacy of theoretical or abstract knowledge found in academia. It emphasises the value of tacit knowledge, which is knowledge that is difficult to put into words but is crucial to becoming an expert.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-7">Beadmaking in Krobo: some pedagogical insights</hd> <p>During our fieldwork, several pertinent pedagogical issues in beadmaking and trade were uncovered. Firstly, it emerged that the study of beads could serve as an entry point to explore the intricate relationship between places, people, and historical periods. By studying glass beads, we can historicize and trace interlinkages between centres of production and trade, as well as the dynamics of migration and the mobilities of ideas and technologies.</p> <p>For instance, practitioners and activists from Odumase Krobo recounted the history of the Krobo people, revealing that they migrated from Northeastern Africa and resided for centuries in Ile-Ife, Nigeria, which was widely recognised as a prominent hub for ancient West African glass bead production. This migration ultimately led them to settle in their present location in Southeastern Ghana. They asserted that beadmaking and its usage were already integral to Krobo culture prior to their arrival on the Gold Coast more than five centuries ago. As a 50-year-old beadmaker with approximately 25 years of experience in beadmaking noted, 'Even before our ancestors came to Ghana, they were already making and using beads. During their stay in Nigeria [Ile-Ife], they were producing beads. It is a unique knowledge passed down from generation to generation, even if it was not taught in schools or universities'. Earlier research by Suzanne Gott ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref67">15</reflink>]) supported the notion that the history of producing glass beads in Ghana and other West African countries developed over many generations in the context of long-distance trade and migration. Thus, by studying beadmaking, we can gain insights into transcontinental and maritime trade that facilitated the movement of finished beads and raw materials needed for glass production.</p> <p>Secondly, by studying beads, we can interrogate transcultural exchanges between places. This is possible through carefully interrogating the various knowledge systems and technologies of working beads and glass. In the field, Cedi recounted how he learnt the Murano technique of beadmaking from his participation in the 2005 UNESCO workshop, which was held on the island of Murano in Venice to assist seven bead producers from Ghana and Mali in enhancing conventional bead production and marketing methods in West Africa. Beads and the art of beadmaking can thus be used as an entry point to interrogate not just the migration of people or long-distance trade but also the mobilities of knowledge and ideas and the creation of international non-state networks. This finding revealed that over the years, there had been a generation and accumulation of knowledge of beadmaking, whose frontiers keep expanding.</p> <p>Another important aspect is that the study of beads and beadmaking can be used as an entry point to study history, culture, and identity politics. Bead practitioners in the field argue that through studying beads, people can be interrogated about their traditional, social, and religious lives. For example, in the Krobo society, practitioners revealed that from conception until delivery, childhood, adolescence, marriage, old age, and even death, beads play a significant role in the Krobo people's lives. Beads are also used during festivals. Using an example of the <emph>La</emph> bead, which consists of three beads—<emph>Koli</emph>, <emph>Nyoli</emph> and <emph>Tovi</emph>—coloured blue, white and black, respectively, tied on the wrist of a child during naming, practitioners told us that these beads hold symbolic meaning for the child. The blue <emph>Koli</emph> symbolises or asks the child to grow, work hard, and acquire wealth to care for their family and community. The white <emph>Nyoli</emph> instructs the child to lead a good life and do good to all people, while the black Tovi reminds the child that 1 day they will depart from this earth and face judgement, so they should be prepared to take responsibility for their actions while alive. Similarly, a pregnant woman will wear the <emph>Oblekumi</emph> beads to protect her pregnancy from evil forces or the so-called 'bad eyes'.</p> <p>The type and volume of beads used during the Dipo puberty rite differ from those used during childbirth or for burial. In all cases, most of these beads are passed on through many generations, reflecting the values, traditions, and cultural history of these communities. One critical lesson that came out during the research was the extent to which education or knowledge acquisition is important in the wearing of beads. Having the money or resources to buy beads is insufficient. One could buy good beads and wear them in the wrong manner, and one could buy low-value beads and wear them in the proper manner. A knowledge holder pointed out that the 'inability to wear beads properly is just as bad as not having beads at all.' As a cultural object, beads that high-ranking members of society wear must have one big bead called '<emph>Bodom</emph>'. The single bead, usually in the middle of several beads, determines or defines the identity and intent of the one wearing it. Other important beads, such as Koli, Mete, Le, and Powa, also play identity, and social status roles. These findings show that there is a gap between the academic knowledge of beads on the one hand and the social, cultural, or ritual knowledge of beads on the other hand. Thus, by studying beads, one can understand cultures and the histories and the rationalities behind them.</p> <p>Through the study of beads, including their production and trade, academics can delve into issues of labour and gender relations. Bead-working involves but is not limited to the importation or gathering of bottles, grinding of glass into powder, the making of kilns, preparing the required heat or temperature, the combination of different colours and types of powdered glass, the making of designs, as well as the final shaping, polishing, and threading are all of educational value in terms of labour and gender studies. Our investigations revealed, for example, that while the production of beads is male-dominated, the polishing, threading, marketing, and trading are female-dominated, albeit both men and women perform most of the other activities mentioned above. Our field engagements also revealed that wealthier and large-scale producers acquire large contracts and sublet smaller producers while ensuring that the smaller producers meet the standards they want. Further interrogation of these gendered and labour issues about beadmaking and trade could reveal insights into income inequalities.</p> <p>Taking beadmaking and its trade as an entry point for engagements between the academy and communities of practice, we can analyse issues related to the political economy of small and medium-sized industries, particularly how government policies affect or promote local craft production and trade. For example, through our field interactions, it emerged that government policies have direct and indirect implications for the craft industry just as development in the international arena does. Respondents revealed that in 1960s, the policy of the Nkrumah government to promote domestic industrialisation and import substitution industries promoted craft industries. The liberalisation of the economy that followed the coup d'état by the National Redemption Council (NRC) against the Danquah-Busia regime led to markets opening up in 1980s. The structural adjustment that followed in the early 1990s with the Economic Recovery Programme and the attempt to privatise and liberalise trade saw the drawback of the state. This promoted too much privatisation with little state support for local industries. At the same time, the expansion of markets pitted 'local' craft industries against global competition. For example, our findings revealed that the Chinese now bring plastic and other glass beads at lower prices. On the other hand, only a few local craftsmen and women can access global markets. Thus, by taking beadmaking as an entry point for knowledge production, we see that the government policy of privatisation ran contrary to its policy of indigenising business. Such a contradiction in state policy and action where the government wants to expand exports yet withdraws from providing state support (capital) for local industries would be worth noting in any inquiry into the political economy of the everyday.</p> <p>A related finding to how government policy and developments in the international arena could impact the craft industry is the issue of inflation and high exchange rates. In recent years, the inflationary spiral and high exchange rates have resulted in a prohibitive cost of raw materials and production, making local craft industries uncompetitive. Beadmakers and traders indicated that there have been periods in Ghana's history when crafts witnessed either a rise/fall in sales, usage, or patronage. The rise and fall in production, sales, and patronage have been linked to the nature of government policies as discussed above. For example, between 1960 and 1970, Nkrumah's promotion of industrialisation, although mostly state-led, helped to boost local demand and production. Equally, the military administration of 1971–1980 supported local craft industries which boosted production. However, the periods of Structural Adjustment Programmes between 1991 and 2000 witnessed the rollback of the state in supporting local craft industries and a decline in production. Respondents, further, noted that the Friday Wear Policy, launched for locally made garments in 2001 promoted activities of the bead industry between since then. The Year of Return and how it boosted business in 2019 were also mentioned. However, COVID and Post-COVID travel restrictions since 2020 have slowed production and sales. Practitioners also spoke about the role of non-state actors, such as NGOs, in facilitating trade fairs through support. Cedi revealed how the <emph>Aid to Artisans Ghana</emph> and <emph>Africa Growth Opportunity Act</emph> supported his access to international markets through trade fairs.</p> <p>China's rise as a global power and her appropriation in the global market of goods and material resources were readily noticed and made impressions in the local Krobo bead industry. The 'Chinese factor' was so self-evident that it did not require separate theories and concepts for their explication. But, this phenomenon is a double-edged sword. While bead traders find this helpful and are cashing in by fusing local beads with cheaper Chinese ones, large-scale beadmakers bemoan the fact that Chinese beads serve as competition. In contrast, small beadmakers consider the presence of Chinese beads an opportunity as they convert some Chinese beads into raw materials they use to produce unique designs. This finding shows that academics can practically analyse political economy issues by studying beadmaking and trade in Krobo.</p> <p>The study of beads can also contribute to non-textual reading as a humanistic pedagogy. For example, scholars and activists of beads and bead cultures can tell value, class, rituals, history, and symbolism by seeing particular beads. Thus, part of the pedagogical framework should encourage students to engage in non-textual reading and meaning-making since non-textual modes of knowledge acquisition are excluded in colonial pedagogy but are encouraged by the new humanistic pedagogy.</p> <p>The beadmaking industry also serves as a field of study for waste recycling, as old and discarded glass bottles are crushed and used to produce the beads. The menace of waste management in Ghana and developing countries is real, and city governments often find it challenging as city budgets are insufficient. Beadmaking is a pedagogical tool to understand and appreciate the argument of giving new life to discarded material. Aside from this, beadmaking processes and technologies may offer insight into environmental change, climate change, and sustainability as wood biofuel and open-air combustion procedures are employed in its production. Creative technologies could be developed to handle greenhouse gas emissions in the atmosphere as alternative fuels are used in the process.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-8">Conclusion</hd> <p>Beadmaking, sale, and use provide unique decolonial avenues to discuss pedagogical issues in the humanities and the sciences. Our findings revealed that beadmaking has significant pedagogical potentials to both the instructor and the student, especially in enhancing creativity, problem-solving skills, and innovation. It allows learners to acquire practical skills and knowledge that can be applied to different aspects of everyday life. Learners and instructors must think outside the box and in a decolonial manner to find innovative ways to make beads that suit different cultural, historical, and market contexts. They must troubleshoot any problems during the process, such as beads cracking or breaking during cooling or the temperature being too high in the kiln. Through these problem-solving experiences, students (learners) develop critical thinking skills, and instructors gain more experience.</p> <p>A 'master-teacher' relationship is established in the production process. Practical theories of production are put into practice when learners follow the instructions of those who have mastered the craft. From the beginning, learners are made aware of the basic objects needed to produce beads, such as kilns, glasses, clay cisterns, cassava leaf stalks, and wood for fire. The quality of the produced beads is defined by the right or wrong combination of these objects.</p> <p>The educational process does not end with the production of beads but also involves acquiring marketing skills. One must know the prices of beads at different markets in the country and transport them to maximise profit. If a bead seller cannot personally carry the beads to market centres such as Accra, Koforidua, or Kumasi and instead choose to sell through middlemen and women, they are expected to have at least a fair understanding of the profit margins that such intermediaries will make. This knowledge can be used as a benchmark for pricing their products. The final component in the entire pedagogy of production is understanding colours and being able to advise buyers or customers on when and how to wear beads. Different colours carry different meanings. Similarly, beads can be worn tight or loose depending on the wearer's intention. Since beadmaking is knowledge that arises from people's real-life experiences, observations, and emotions, its incorporation into the school curriculum can motivate and bolster students' intellectual fortune and interest. Students and teachers can select beads representing things, events, or important aspects of their lives and communities. Consequently, individual and community stories can be constructed by studying beads.</p> <p>The study of beads thus unveils fresh perspectives regarding some of the social sciences and humanities' most critical contemporary objects of inquiry, such as the global political economy, gender and labour relations, history and culture, trade, tradition and innovation, and the environment. We call for academics to engage more with craft to bridge the gap between theory and practice and to enhance multiple ways of knowing, in line with the sustained calls to decolonise epistemology and the curriculum in higher education. Issues of recycling, climate change, and sustainability could be studied from beadmaking.</p> <p>An investigation that begins with the practice of beadmaking could thus bring to the fore the significance of embodied knowledge gained through hands-on physical engagement with materials and procedures. This approach to knowing can challenge the primacy of theoretical or abstract knowledge that is found in academia. It also recognises the value of tacit knowledge and IKS, which are often difficult to put into words but are crucial in all endeavours. Furthermore, concentrating on beads or beadmaking techniques can highlight social and cultural aspects of knowledge. Beads have strong linkages to local communities and cultural traditions, emphasising the importance of context in determining what constitutes valid or reliable knowledge. This viewpoint can potentially produce a more inclusive approach to knowledge production that acknowledges diverse ways of knowing and expertise outside formal institutions.</p> <p>The paper contributes to the discourse on decolonising knowledge, the curriculum, and education. It calls for recognising the value of craft practices and other IKS, specifically beadmaking, as legitimate knowledge systems. By recognising craft practices as legitimate knowledge and practitioners as holders of local wisdom, the study demonstrates the pedagogical significance of beadmaking and its potential to foster dialogue and collaboration between the academy and communities of practice. The paper further argues for integrating diverse ways of knowing into curricula design and place-based pedagogies. It promotes a holistic and inclusive approach to education and knowledge production by bridging the gap between the academy and communities of practice.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-9">Recommendations</hd> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Critiquing governmental policies on the economy: As the findings show, taking beadmaking as a starting point for academic inquiry provides a lens for observing the practical and contextual manifestations of how government policies impact small and medium-sized industries. It became evident that successive Ghanaian governments have exhibited policy contradictions, with privatisation efforts undermining initiatives to indigenise businesses. Addressing these inconsistencies is crucial for supporting small and medium-sized industries.</item> <p></p> <item> Centring marginalised voices: We recommend that universities, researchers, and management prioritise the perspectives, histories, and contributions of Indigenous peoples and other marginalised communities in educational content and practices.</item> <p></p> <item> Critiquing Eurocentrism: More attention should be paid to examining how Eurocentric biases have shaped educational curricula and pedagogical approaches and actively working to challenge and disrupt these biases. This is where the decolonial turn is crucially important to academia.</item> <p></p> <item> Acknowledging colonial legacies: Recognising colonialism's ongoing impacts on educational systems and committing to addressing these legacies through decolonial practices.</item> <p></p> <item> Promoting cultural pluralism: Embracing diversity and pluralism in educational content and methodologies, valuing multiple ways of knowing and learning.</item> <p></p> <item> Empowering students: Encouraging critical thinking, agency, and self-determination among students rather than simply transmitting knowledge from an authoritative source or principal.</item> <p></p> <item> Further research and curriculum development are recommended to continue exploring the rich cultural heritage and pedagogical insights the beads industry and other crafts offer in Ghana and globally.</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0189234105-10">Acknowledgement</hd> <p>The authors are grateful to the International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS), Leiden University, for supporting this research through its Mellon Foundation-funded Humanities Across Borders project, which facilitated data collection.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-11">Author contribution</hd> <p>E.T.L designed the study. E.T.L., S.A.N., I.A.A., and K.O.A. collected data, outlined the theoretical approach, analysed the data, wrote the manuscript text, and reviewed the manuscript. C.C.M. outlined the theoretical approach and reviewed the manuscript.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-12">Data availability</hd> <p>Interview data supporting the study findings are not publicly available due to our ethical observation of agreement with the interviewees.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-13">Declarations</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0189234105-14">Conflict of interest</hd> <p>The authors reported no potential conflict of interest.</p> <hd id="AN0189234105-15">Publisher's Note</hd> <p>Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.</p> <ref id="AN0189234105-16"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref35" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Adeyemi, M. B, &amp; Adeyinka, A. A. (2003). The principles and content of African traditional education. 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Mba</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Eric Tamatey Lawer Eric Tamatey Lawer is a Research Fellow and Development Geographer at the Societies and Cultures Section of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana. His research and teaching explore the intersections of international development issues, natural resource governance, and indigenous knowledge systems. His work critically engages with the dynamics of power, policy, and local agency in resource management, offering insights into how indigenous and community-led practices challenge dominant development paradigms. By centering African perspectives in global debates, he raises fundamental questions about sustainability, equity, and the politics of knowledge in development discourse.</p> <p>Samuel Aniegye Ntewusu Samuel Aniegye Ntewusu is a Historian and Professor in the History and Politics Section at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, where he also serves as Director.</p> <p>Irene Appeaning Addo Irene Appeaning Addo is an Architect and a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana.</p> <p>Kojo Opoku Aidoo Kojo Opoku Aidoo is a Ghanaian Political Scientist with a specialization in political economy, comparative politics, and critical theory. He is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana.</p> <p>Chika Mba Chika C. Mba is a Senior Research Fellow in the Religions and Philosophy Unit at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana. His teaching and research cut across the broad domains of African philosophy, decolonial thought, Frantz Fanon's philosophy of culture, human rights, and global justice. His work centers on the understanding of Africa and Africans in key debates in philosophy and the humanities more broadly, raising challenging questions to hegemonic discourses about human nature, global justice, (global) culture, and human rights.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref29"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref55"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref56"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref58"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref59"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref60"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Beadmaking as a Pedagogical Site: Transcending the Traditional Walls between the Academy and the Community – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Eric+Tamatey+Lawer%22">Eric Tamatey Lawer</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Samuel+Aniegye+Ntewusu%22">Samuel Aniegye Ntewusu</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Irene+Appeaning+Addo%22">Irene Appeaning Addo</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Kojo+Opoku+Aidoo%22">Kojo Opoku Aidoo</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Chika+C%2E+Mba%22">Chika C. Mba</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Cultural+Studies+of+Science+Education%22"><i>Cultural Studies of Science Education</i></searchLink>. 2025 20(3-4):275-292. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/ – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 18 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Handicrafts%22">Handicrafts</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Shared+Resources+and+Services%22">Shared Resources and Services</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Indigenous+Knowledge%22">Indigenous Knowledge</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Epistemology%22">Epistemology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Practices%22">Educational Practices</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Influences%22">Cultural Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Holistic+Approach%22">Holistic Approach</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Humanism%22">Humanism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Humanistic+Education%22">Humanistic Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ghana%22">Ghana</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1007/s11422-025-10250-w – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1871-1502<br />1871-1510 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This article discusses beadmaking as a pedagogical learning site in Odumase-Krobo, a town in Eastern Ghana. Drawing on in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, interactions with beadmakers, traders, and activists, as well as information from secondary sources, the paper examines beadmaking as a form of knowledge production. Framed within the context of epistemic and curricular decolonisation and the validity of Indigenous knowledge in academia, the paper asserts the imperative of expanding sites of knowledge production and recognising diverse ways of knowing beyond the traditional confines of the encyclopaedic university. Although handicrafts hold significant pedagogical value, the study of crafts such as beadmaking has been mainly confined to pre-tertiary institutions, neglecting its broader educational relevance across disciplines in higher education. Our findings underscore a need to recognise craft practices like beadmaking as legitimate knowledge forms, bridging the gap between systematised knowledge within academia and 'lay' knowledge embedded in Indigenous communities. The findings reveal various implications of taking beadmaking a pedagogical learning site, including its potential to uncover historical linkages, understand cultural interconnections, probe labour and gender dynamics, interrogate environmental changes, analyse the political economy, and foster a more holistic, humanistic pedagogy. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2026 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1495492 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1007/s11422-025-10250-w Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 18 StartPage: 275 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Handicrafts Type: general – SubjectFull: Shared Resources and Services Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Indigenous Knowledge Type: general – SubjectFull: Epistemology Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Practices Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Influences Type: general – SubjectFull: Holistic Approach Type: general – SubjectFull: Humanism Type: general – SubjectFull: Humanistic Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Ghana Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Beadmaking as a Pedagogical Site: Transcending the Traditional Walls between the Academy and the Community Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Eric Tamatey Lawer – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Samuel Aniegye Ntewusu – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Irene Appeaning Addo – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Kojo Opoku Aidoo – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Chika C. Mba IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1871-1502 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1871-1510 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 20 – Type: issue Value: 3-4 Titles: – TitleFull: Cultural Studies of Science Education Type: main |
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