Standardised Testing in the Context of Constitutionally Protected Freedom of Education -- The Case of Flanders
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| Title: | Standardised Testing in the Context of Constitutionally Protected Freedom of Education -- The Case of Flanders |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Michelle Meadows (ORCID |
| Source: | Oxford Review of Education. 2025 51(2):202-222. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 21 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Education Level: | Elementary Secondary Education |
| Descriptors: | Standardized Tests, Student Evaluation, Foreign Countries, Educational Policy, Accountability, Academic Freedom, Educational Change, School District Autonomy, Educational Assessment, Politics of Education, Educational Quality, Elementary Secondary Education, Computer Assisted Testing, Data Use, Test Results |
| Geographic Terms: | Belgium |
| DOI: | 10.1080/03054985.2024.2439283 |
| ISSN: | 0305-4985 1465-3915 |
| Abstract: | Around the world governments have been observed to harness assessment to exert control over the content and quality of education. In Belgium, Flanders, with constitutionally protected freedom of education, has been an exception, having no standardised tests or end of school examinations. Recently, declining international test outcomes have been used to justify educational reforms, including the introduction of compulsory standardised tests. We consider the timing and rationale for the reforms, and the extent to which the changes fit the Global Education Reform Movement template. We conclude that the policy reforms represent an attempt by government to leverage Broadfoot's social functions of assessment to create a different balance between school autonomy and accountability. How the reforms will interact with the educational culture in Flanders is difficult to predict but the new quantification of education will likely open the system up to further policy reforms as test data driven comparisons raise questions and demand action. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2026 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1498791 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwG1guD0PkkcS0nx3mMysPvtAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDOZsSa8fruKns6s_-AIBEICBm9_XIIrQ89K59MGPxn3YHW4LT3mkG0DDiDCX6R4etqJ6sVZsNvXZ6O0Pyb8O0JTBzqWgaJaIDIQWqM1o5aFNHg3Qd3v5O51FX6h6k67RjcOzShuzbIkhtYz_OoOEntx3p7ojYxfAZj6QfOuJNwmBxr3uncqCCLkthOkj_GVbWGn8qhDM3IYRe_w1W_ZY6mBI1j59MFvPY29gezxO Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0183685009;oxr01apr.25;2025Mar18.03:49;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0183685009-1">Standardised testing in the context of constitutionally protected freedom of education – the case of Flanders </title> <p>Around the world governments have been observed to harness assessment to exert control over the content and quality of education. In Belgium, Flanders, with constitutionally protected freedom of education, has been an exception, having no standardised tests or end of school examinations. Recently, declining international test outcomes have been used to justify educational reforms, including the introduction of compulsory standardised tests. We consider the timing and rationale for the reforms, and the extent to which the changes fit the Global Education Reform Movement template. We conclude that the policy reforms represent an attempt by government to leverage Broadfoot's social functions of assessment to create a different balance between school autonomy and accountability. How the reforms will interact with the educational culture in Flanders is difficult to predict but the new quantification of education will likely open the system up to further policy reforms as test data driven comparisons raise questions and demand action.</p> <p>Keywords: Flanders; standardised tests; policy; accountability</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-2">Introduction</hd> <p>National standardised tests have become a feature of education systems in many countries around the world, coming to dominate teaching and learning. Flanders (the Flemish Community of Belgium) has been a notable exception but in a recent series of education policy reforms, compulsory standardised tests are being introduced in primary and secondary schooling. In this paper, utilising publicly available policy documents and research papers, and drawing on an Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) review conducted in part by the authors (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref1">78</reflink>]), we employ Flanders as a case study to explore government policy-making in a decentralised system, where freedom of education is legally protected and tools for central control have been lacking. Flanders is an outlier in coming late to compulsory standardised testing – making it a worthwhile case study for its uniqueness (Yin, [<reflink idref="bib112" id="ref2">112</reflink>]). We consider how the policy changes compare to the typical pattern of recent global education reforms (Sahlberg, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref3">91</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref4">92</reflink>]), including in harnessing two powerful social functions of assessment identified by Broadfoot ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref5">16</reflink>]) – the use of assessment as a means of control of the quality of education and to determine teaching and learning via the content of what is taught. We reflect on the likely consequences of the changes for education in Flanders.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-3">Social functions of assessment</hd> <p>Large-scale assessments are more than technical tools to measure educational attainment; they perform significant social functions too. Broadfoot ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref6">16</reflink>]) argued that these social functions mediate the relationship between education and society. She defined the social functions of assessment in terms of their historical emergence: first, to attest competence, a function rooted in the history of craftsmanship and found in vocational and technical education; second, the use of assessment as a rational means of regulating competition for limited opportunities and resources; third, the role of assessment in determining the content of what is taught and, accordingly, the priorities of teachers; fourth, the use of assessment as a means to control the quality of education, for example through mechanisms of accountability. The social functions of assessment render testing a potent policy lever for governments around the world. We argue that in the case of Flanders, in a changing political and social context, they are being leveraged by government to exact a greater degree of central control over education.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-4">Assessment as a policy lever</hd> <p>National large-scale assessments allow governments to 'steer at a distance' the complex network of providers and actors that make up any school system (Ball, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref7">9</reflink>]; Broadfoot, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref8">16</reflink>]). They are the tool by which governments ensure that those working within schools meet targets and follow the teaching and learning standards defined in the curriculum (Ball, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref9">9</reflink>]; Verger, Parcerisa, et al., [<reflink idref="bib106" id="ref10">106</reflink>]). As Broadfoot ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref11">16</reflink>]) put it <emph>'</emph>... a centralized, government-controlled, external assessment apparatus possesses great power to enforce the pursuit of acentrally determined curriculum' (p. 40). It allows governments to avoid prescriptive control of education and to govern by incentives rather than constraints, giving the appearance of autonomy for those working in the system (Ball, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref12">9</reflink>]). Rather than allowing autonomy, however, the assessment content, format and marking criteria determine what students and teachers need to do to achieve 'success' (Godfrey-Faussett &amp; Baird, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref13">44</reflink>]).</p> <p>Teaching to the test is unavoidable to the extent that teachers want to improve students' test scores (Alderson &amp; Wall, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref14">3</reflink>]). Improvements are incentivised by school accountability systems focused on students' outcomes – 'test-based accountability' (Hamilton et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref15">49</reflink>]). In test-based accountability outcomes have consequences, for example for teachers' jobs and for school funding. Test results may be published and used by parents and carers to inform school choice, positioning parents as consumers of education and schools responsive to competitive pressures (Olmedo &amp; Wilkins, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref16">79</reflink>]). Given the stakes, the tests come to dominate education (Russell et al., [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref17">89</reflink>]).</p> <p>This global shift in the uses of assessment has been seen as key part of a neoliberal Global Education Reform Movement (GERM). School competition and parental choice, aligning teaching and learning to common standards, standardised testing, particularly in literacy and numeracy, using test data to hold schools to account, and new forms of public-private partnership have been the main policy principles of the GERM (Sahlberg, [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref18">91</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref19">92</reflink>]). According to Verger, Parcerisa, et al. ([<reflink idref="bib106" id="ref20">106</reflink>]), GERM reflects the fact that in recent decades, most educational reforms around the world have responded to similar problems and priorities, and have followed a similar policy rationale. Although Anglo-Saxon and countries dependent on aid first embraced the GERM, the approach spread to many other countries, including European and OECD countries. Sahlberg ([<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref21">91</reflink>]) noted, however, that not all education systems have adopted reforms consistent with the GERM and some expressed reservations about the approach, including Belgium.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-5">The political context in Flanders</hd> <p>Belgium is a federal state with three regions (Flanders, Wallonia, and Brussels), and three cultural communities (Dutch speaking, French speaking, and German speaking), each with their own parliament and government. The Flemish have, however, all but merged their region and community into a single institutional framework (Andeweg, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref22">6</reflink>]).</p> <p>Belgium has been considered a classic consociational democracy – a divided society in which conflict is managed by political accommodation at the elite level (Lijphart, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref23">58</reflink>]). Divisions once occurred along class and religious cleavages but now exist along language lines, and consociationalism is used at intervals to deal with tensions (Andeweg, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref24">6</reflink>]). However, consociationalism has never been completely accepted in Belgium and politics has remained competitive with a regional focus.</p> <p>In Flanders, since the 1980s there has been a significant decline in the popularity of the social democratic party (Gaasendam et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref25">42</reflink>]) and the right-wing has increased in power. The conservative New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) party has the largest share of the vote in both Belgium and Flanders. The radical-right Vlaams Belang (VB) party comes a close second. At the time of writing the federal government had yet to be formed following the June 2024 elections. After the May 2019 elections it took until September 2020 to form a new government, when, with some difficulty, a majority coalition that excluded these nationalist parties was assembled. Naturally, this act was strongly criticised by the N-VA and VB.</p> <p>While both parties are nationalist, they have distinct approaches. VB has argued for Belgium to be split in the coming years, promising a 'declaration of sovereignty', whereas N-VA has positioned itself as moderate, democratic and rational (Maly, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref26">62</reflink>]), rejecting short-term separatism and advocating allocating minimal powers to the federal government (Maddens et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref27">61</reflink>]). Beyond nationalism, N-VA's approach is neoliberal – advocating economic liberalism, state retrenchment and immediate tax reductions to stimulate the economy. This extends to education – the Education Minister Ben Weyts is reported as describing students as 'capital' and teachers as 'asset managers' (Tourne et al., [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref28">103</reflink>]).</p> <p>While individual responsibility is a crucial part of N-VA's discourse, nationalism is positioned as a positive force. N-VA presents its nation-building project as based on a civic conception of national identity and different from the 'xenophobic ethnic nationalism' propagated by the VB (Gaasendam et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref29">42</reflink>]). Indeed, immigration receives considerable media and political attention in Flanders. There have been high numbers of incoming refugees, asylum seekers, and transit migrants (De Coninck &amp; Joris, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref30">26</reflink>]). N-VA has supported increasingly assimilationist and exclusionary policies, linked to its nationalist agenda (Adam &amp; Xhardez, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref31">1</reflink>]). These are wide-ranging but include plans to ban speaking languages other than Dutch in schools, including outside of the classroom (Belga News Agency, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref32">12</reflink>], August 30) and for minimum targets for Dutch-language skills for five-year olds (Chini, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref33">21</reflink>], August 30).</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-6">Education in Flanders</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0183685009-7">Constitutional freedom of education</hd> <p>The three communities of Belgium have their own independent education systems, with few federal level regulations. Even prior to the ascent of the N-VA and neoliberalism, Flanders' system exhibited market-like characteristics due to its strong reliance on the constitutional principle of educational freedom (Tourne et al., [<reflink idref="bib103" id="ref34">103</reflink>]). This principle dates back to 1830 (De Groof et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref35">27</reflink>]) and guarantees that anyone can set up a school and decide its policies and teaching practices. Parents are free to enrol their children at their preferred school as long as the school is recognised by the government. For this, schools must meet a set of minimum criteria, which almost all schools do (Shewbridge &amp; Köster, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref36">96</reflink>]). Funding is allocated to schools on a per student basis. There is a large choice of schools and competition between schools for students is high (Shewbridge &amp; Köster, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref37">96</reflink>]).</p> <p>The system is highly decentralised and characterised by a very high degree of school autonomy (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref38">74</reflink>]). Responsibility for education quality lies mainly with schools and teachers (Janssens et al., [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref39">51</reflink>]). Government does not regulate educational processes and methods. Schools develop their own policies, pedagogical plans, teaching methods, curriculum, and so on.</p> <p>Schools also have great autonomy in their assessment practices, especially when compared to many other countries (Shewbridge et al., [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref40">94</reflink>]). Each school's regulations include agreements on the evaluation and assessment of students. At the end of each academic year, the class council (teachers and the school principal) decides whether the student can progress. Government does not employ evaluation criteria or minimum cut-off grades. Unlike many other countries, there are no central examinations at the end of compulsory education (Rouw et al., [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref41">88</reflink>]). Primary and secondary certificates are awarded by schools.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-8">Quality triangle approach to education quality</hd> <p>While the public expect to hold government to account for education quality, it has had, historically, only weak governance over schools. The high degree of freedom of education makes steering by government difficult and school accountability mechanisms have not been strong (Högberg &amp; Lindgren, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref42">50</reflink>]; Shewbridge et al., [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref43">94</reflink>]). Government control of school quality has been limited to the work of the Inspectorate of Education (Janssens et al., [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref44">51</reflink>]). Government will only recognise schools that participate in compulsory inspections. However, inspection cycles are long (up to ten years) and do not extend to school boards (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref45">78</reflink>]). Inspection reports are public and include schools' strengths and weaknesses, whether they meet educational objectives and their quality assurance processes.</p> <p>Much weight is placed on self-evaluation by schools. Accountability is viewed as an internal responsibility of schools, although there has been concern that their quality assurance systems are often underdeveloped (Flemish Inspectorate of Education, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref46">33</reflink>]; Shewbridge &amp; Köster, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref47">96</reflink>]). Schools affiliate with umbrella organisations (Pedagogical Advisory Services) which offer curricula and assessment support. School collaboration is vertical, with umbrella organisations, rather than with other schools.</p> <p>Collaboration between the three key bodies responsible for educational quality (schools, the Inspectorate and the Pedagogical Advisory Services) is known as the quality triangle approach (Shewbridge &amp; Köster, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref48">96</reflink>]). All bodies follow the Reference Framework for Quality in Education (Flemish Ministry of Education and Training, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref49">35</reflink>]) to guide their work. The framework (known as the 'OK Framework') sets out good quality education via 37 indicators and seeks to respect the autonomy of schools (Flemish Inspectorate of Education, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref50">34</reflink>]). As such, the approach to supporting educational quality could represent a form of intelligent accountability as described by Sahlberg ([<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref51">90</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-9">Freedom of curriculum</hd> <p>The curriculum is defined by attainment targets – minimum objectives that students must meet at the end of a particular year or level of education: the goal being that all students receive a core curriculum and at least a minimal standard of educational quality (Simons et al., [<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref52">97</reflink>]). The targets have been the subject of extensive political and public debate (Loobuyck, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref53">59</reflink>]; Rouw et al., [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref54">88</reflink>]; Simons et al., [<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref55">97</reflink>]). Some stakeholders have argued for limited targets, to give schools and teachers autonomy in how to operationalise them in their curriculum and pedagogy. The Inspectorate, however, has found the targets insufficiently concrete to support their judgements of educational quality (Simons et al., [<reflink idref="bib97" id="ref56">97</reflink>]).</p> <p>The government set out to update the curriculum with the intention of introducing new competency-based attainment targets in 2014 (Flemish Parliament, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref57">36</reflink>]; OECD, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref58">75</reflink>]). New targets for the first stage of secondary education were implemented in 2019. Targets for the second and third stages of education were planned to be introduced in 2021 and 2023, respectively, but were challenged in court by the Catholic and Steiner education umbrella organisations. The Constitutional Court ruled that the new attainment targets violated the right to freedom of education. They were judged as being too detailed and extensive to allow for schools' own pedagogical approaches (Belgium Constitutional Court, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref59">13</reflink>]). Consequently, they were annulled in June 2022.</p> <p>The Education Minister called the ruling 'a blow', arguing that as the quality of education had been falling for 20 years 'something must change and final attainment levels are the Government's only instrument for raising the bar' (Chini, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref60">20</reflink>], para 7), illustrating the government's desire to strengthen central control of education. Nonetheless, the government began to co-develop with educational stakeholders less extensive and detailed minimum objectives (Flemish Parliament, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref61">39</reflink>]). These have begun to be implemented but at the same time compulsory standardised tests are being introduced, offering an alternative mechanism of central control.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-10">Standardised tests in primary and secondary education</hd> <p>In 2019, the government declared the need for standardised central assessments and went on to develop the first draft decree in 2021. This was contentious. Stakeholders feared that accountability mechanisms might limit school autonomy (Penninckx et al., [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref62">82</reflink>]). They wished to prioritise and build trust (Shewbridge et al., [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref63">94</reflink>]). The initiative was challenged by several stakeholders, and in particular by the Catholic umbrella organisation. The Constitutional Court balanced the risk that the tests might restrict the freedom of education against the supposed positive impacts of their introduction and judged that they were permissible. Despite fierce opposition (Penninckx, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref64">81</reflink>]), the decree for the tests was finally approved in April 2023 (Flemish Parliament, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref65">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>The government commissioned the 'Flemish Research Center for Central Assessment in Education' (the Steunpunt), a consortium of university researchers, to develop the tests. The tests, based on the attainment targets, are in Dutch (reading comprehension and writing) and mathematics. Tests in other subjects are planned for the future. The tests are compulsory for all students in Grades 4 and 6 in primary school, and 8 and 12 in secondary school. Grade 4 students are typically aged 9–10. Implementation will be gradual, with the first full administration for each grade happening between May 2024 and May 2027.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-11">Policy rationale</hd> <p>While Flemish students have consistently performed above average on international tests, outcomes have declined over time. In the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), students' average performance in mathematics and science has consistently decreased since 2003 (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref66">78</reflink>]). The Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) showed a significant decrease in reading comprehension scores from 547 points in 2006 to 525 points in 2016 (Mullis et al., [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref67">68</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref68">69</reflink>]). Since 2006, student performance in reading, mathematics and science has also been decreasing on the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA; OECD, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref69">77</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref70">78</reflink>]; see Figure 1). Although the average scores remain higher than for other regions in Belgium, the declines are larger than those observed across participating countries (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref71">76</reflink>]).</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. PISA results for Flanders compared to the OECD average, 2006 to 2022.</p> <p>The deterioration in performance is mirrored in the sample-based National Assessment Programme (the 'peilingen') at both primary and secondary levels. For example, even before the Covid-19 pandemic, a substantial proportion of students did not meet the mathematics attainment targets and outcomes had declined over time. Both international and national data also point to significant equity challenges, with students from lower socio-economic backgrounds performing significantly worse than their peers from more privileged backgrounds, with evidence of a larger attainment gap than in many other countries (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref72">78</reflink>]).</p> <p>The quality of education in Flanders may have diminished; after all, there has been a shortage of teachers (Pauwels et al., [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref73">80</reflink>]). However, immigration has resulted in a more ethnically and culturally diverse population, which may also have contributed to declining outcomes. The percentage of students speaking a home language other than Dutch has risen (Janssens et al., [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref74">51</reflink>]), as has the number of students with special educational needs (Flemish Parliament, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref75">37</reflink>]). Native speaker students have been shown to outperform language minority students on PISA (Agirdag &amp; Vanlaar, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref76">2</reflink>]). There is, however, a dearth of research regarding the outcomes of students with special educational needs in PISA due to a lack of reliable public data on their participation (Gamazo et al., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref77">43</reflink>]).</p> <p>Whatever the cause, declining international test results have '<emph>...</emph> led to a general feeling that there is something fundamentally wrong with the [education] system' (Penninckx, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref78">81</reflink>], p. 40). While for a long time there was no sense of urgency to implement standardised testing as public trust in schools and the education system was high (Penninckx, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref79">81</reflink>]), a shared concern has built among stakeholders about educational quality (Shewbridge &amp; Köster, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref80">96</reflink>]). Restoring the quality of education was one of the main debates in recent parliamentary elections (Chini, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref81">22</reflink>]).</p> <p>Persuasion is fundamental to politics and policy-making (Neustadt, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref82">70</reflink>],[<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref83">71</reflink>]) and an imperative for change was built around the test results (Backs et al., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref84">7</reflink>]; Denies et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref85">28</reflink>]). The website of the N-VA asserts 'Our quality of education has been under great pressure for years. For example, international comparative research – such as the PISA, TIMSS or PIRLS measurements – has shown declining performance for many years. Flemish Minister of Education Ben Weyts is taking up the fight against the declining quality of education with Flemish Tests' (New Flemish Alliance, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref86">72</reflink>]). Declining results have provided what Cochran-Smith and Fries ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref87">23</reflink>]) called the 'evidentiary warrant' to construct the testing policy, which is characteristically presented as 'based solely on the empirical and certified facts of the matter and not embedded within or related to a particular agenda that is political or ideological' (p. 6).</p> <p>The power of international tests to affect educational and assessment policy is well documented (see, for example, Baird et al., [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref88">8</reflink>]; Lawn &amp; Grek, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref89">56</reflink>]). Baird et al. ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref90">8</reflink>]) showed that around the world, politicians have sometimes exaggerated the weakness of PISA performance to persuade the public of the need for reform. References to declining international test outcomes are politically powerful because they generate fears of falling behind in the global competition between knowledge economies and can be used to build coalitions among opposing interest groups (Steiner-Khamsi, [<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref91">98</reflink>]) and to gain discursive legitimacy (Fuller &amp; Stevenson, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref92">41</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the context of weakened economic growth, the tests are positioned as assessing knowledge and skills vital to the knowledge economy – a key part of the Flemish Reform Programme to increase economic prosperity (Government of Flanders, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref93">47</reflink>]). Less overt is the possibility that the tests might reinforce national culture in the context of immigration and a nationalistic agenda (cf. Broadfoot, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref94">15</reflink>]). Overall, the narrative is that the challenges of Flanders' social and economic context can be at least partly met by the panacea that is assessment.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-12">Late to standardised testing</hd> <p>This case study invited reflection on whether Flanders had stood alone in its prolonged resistance to census-standardised tests. With 195 countries recognised by the United Nations and detailed information on many of their assessment systems difficult to obtain, establishing a definitive answer was challenging. Nonetheless, in international terms, Flanders was certainly a late adopter of standardised testing policy. Steiner-Khamsi ([<reflink idref="bib98" id="ref95">98</reflink>]) argued that governments adopt policies that are internationally widespread only if it fits their domestic policy agenda. Besides, Kingdon ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref96">52</reflink>]) observed that three ingredients are needed for a 'policy window' to open – recognition of a problem, an available solution and political willingness to create change (often generated when the political party in government changes). Declining international test results have highlighted the 'problem'. The political will to introduce testing came when the neoliberal N-VA became the dominant party in the government. All that was then needed to create a policy window was an available solution to the problem – standardised tests – which, in the words of the Minister for Education, would help to 'improve the quality of education in a targeted way' and to stop the education system 'sailing blind' (Weyts, [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref97">108</reflink>]).</p> <p>Nonetheless, this solution needed to be acceptable in the eyes of stakeholders. Acceptance of a policy is based on its perceived legitimacy, which is achieved through consensus building (Capano &amp; Lippi, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref98">19</reflink>]). Belgium has a strong tradition of consensus building across a complex web of stakeholders (including four trade unions, a student association, three parent associations, three school networks, five umbrella organisations and five official bodies) slowing down the reform process. The policy of standardised testing was first mooted in 2014 and took a decade to get to the piloting phase. Acceptance was built slowly and carefully. This was likely worthwhile; as Gomendio and Wert ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref99">45</reflink>]) noted, consensus over policy makes sustainability in the long term more likely.</p> <p>The OECD played a significant role in building the legitimacy of the policy. It has been observed that, internationally, the OECD plays a 'soft governance' role (Niemann &amp; Martens, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref100">73</reflink>]) and creates normative pressure – the expectation that nations will adapt to and learn from other systems (Martens &amp; Jakobi, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref101">66</reflink>]). The OECD has widely employed its technical competencies to encourage reform agendas aimed to increase accountability (Grek, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref102">48</reflink>]). Verger, Fontdevila, et al. ([<reflink idref="bib105" id="ref103">105</reflink>]) showed that the OECD promoted school autonomy with accountability solutions in many different settings in response to a broad range of problems, including issues with performance of the educational system and equity issues. Flanders has been the subject of several OECD reports that have noted the system's comparatively weak accountability mechanisms (see for example, Shewbridge et al., [<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref104">95</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib94" id="ref105">94</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref106">96</reflink>]). The Flemish Parliamentary ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref107">37</reflink>]) policy briefing referred to the work of the OECD many times and cited the OECD argument for constructive accountability in its rationale for standardised testing. Indeed, the Flemish government actively pursued opportunities for OECD input, perhaps recognising the legitimising role it plays.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-13">Match to the Global Education Reform Movement (GERM) model</hd> <p>Policy research shows reform agendas should not be seen as top-down impositions, but as iterative constructions across various actors and pressures that have commonalities at the international level but which are more varied at national and local levels (see by way of illustration, Broadfoot's ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref108">16</reflink>]) discussion of constants and contexts in pupils' experiences of education). The GERM is not a uniform model of education reform. The reshaping of education systems looks different between jurisdictions as it has many contextually specific drivers (Fuller &amp; Stevenson, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref109">41</reflink>]). The GERM is organic, can evolve through different policy manifestations (Ball et al., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref110">11</reflink>]) and, as Sahlberg ([<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref111">92</reflink>]) put it, education reforms often add 'their own peculiarities in implementation' (p. 3). Various agendas, priorities, and ideals underlie the development and enactment of educational assessment policies and practices (Ydesen, [<reflink idref="bib110" id="ref112">110</reflink>]). It is unlikely, then, that the education policy reforms in Flanders will perfectly fit the GERM prototype.</p> <p>However, Ydesen and Dorn ([<reflink idref="bib111" id="ref113">111</reflink>]) went further and argued that Sahlberg's GERM concept is too broad and skewed towards a portrayal of hegemonic authority. They claimed that governance mechanisms are subtle and cannot be explained as a one-way expansion of a global governance regime stemming from international organisations such as the OECD. They suggested that what appears to be global is, in fact, often a set of nationalistic ideologies that appear global at a distance. Indeed, Pollitt ([<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref114">86</reflink>]) characterised New Public Management as a 'shopping basket' from which nations select policies as 'different countries have experienced different historical trajectories and seek to reform themselves within very different constitutional frameworks' (Pollitt, [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref115">86</reflink>], pp. 133–134).</p> <p>Historically schools in Flanders have had high degrees of autonomy, and standardised testing has not been introduced in exchange for that autonomy. Rather than intended to stimulate school choice and market dynamics, the introduction of testing has been justified through quality concerns. In comparison to the GERM template, the introduction of the tests reflects a belated move by the government to create a different balance between autonomy and accountability. The policy does, however, leverage Broadfoot's ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref116">16</reflink>]) social functions of assessment – the indirect control of the quality of education by quantification. The extent to which the tests might come to determine teaching and learning is discussed later. Next, we consider the design and stated purposes of the tests, and what these suggest about the implicit policy aims.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-14">Test design</hd> <p>The tests are computer-based. The mathematics and reading comprehension tests will be adaptive – questions will vary in difficulty depending on students' previous responses in the test. Test items will not be released to schools following the test cycle. In reading, all students will be tested on the same competencies. The mathematics test will differ among students within and across schools. For example, the test taken by the secondary general education stream will assess ten competencies related to solving mathematical problems such as number theory and algebra. Each year, each school will be randomly assigned three out of the ten competencies. Within a school, students will be randomly assessed on two of the three competencies assigned to their school (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref117">78</reflink>]). Data will be shared with schools annually through a dashboard with results reported at the level of learning objectives and subject (Steunpunt, [<reflink idref="bib99" id="ref118">99</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-15">Test purposes</hd> <p>The stated overarching objective of the tests is to strengthen and monitor the quality of education (Flemish Parliament, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref119">38</reflink>]). The tests have aims at four levels: at the system level, to monitor the achievement of attainment targets and learning gains, providing an element of system-level quality assurance; at the school level, to inform external and internal quality assurance – schools and school boards will have access to their schools' contextualised feedback. Test results will also be used by the Pedagogical Advisory Services and by the Inspectorate of Education. At the class or student group level, the tests aim to allow reflection on the pedagogical didactic action of the school team. At the student level, the tests can contribute to the class council evaluation of students.</p> <p>Stakeholders have highlighted the importance of contextualising test results for fair(er) comparisons and to aid interpretation (Molenberghs et al., [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref120">67</reflink>]; OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref121">78</reflink>]). To this end a range of background indicators will be collected (e.g. mother's education level, home language, number of books at home). The Steunpunt will calculate learning gains at the system-, school- and student-level. Both raw and value-added results will be provided to schools (Flemish Parliament, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref122">38</reflink>]), although explanations of precisely how the value-added measures will be calculated have not yet been provided and may prove contentious (as they have in England, for example [Leckie &amp; Goldstein, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref123">57</reflink>]]).</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-16">Implicit purpose prioritisation</hd> <p>The tests have many stated purposes which have not been explicitly prioritised. This might be intended to maximise the use of the data, as well as to persuade sceptical interest groups of the policy benefits. The risk of this degree of purpose pluralism is that no purpose is achieved effectively (American Educational Research Association, American Psychological Association, &amp; National Council on Measurement in Education, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref124">4</reflink>]; OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref125">78</reflink>]). There are features of the test design, however, that suggest an implicit prioritisation and that the use of test results by teachers has not been the central focus.</p> <p>The sampling of mathematical content across schools will limit teachers' ability to evaluate the effectiveness of their teaching and the strengths and weaknesses of students. This is further complicated by the adaptive nature of the tests. As individual students are assessed on different competencies, using different items, teachers will be unable to make full comparisons across students. On the other hand, these design features can still ensure a holistic and comprehensive picture at the system level. The data will allow the Inspectorate to identify schools in need of support on the basis of repeated poor test performance or a decrease in learning gains.</p> <p>Further, the confidentiality of the test items will impede teachers' abilities to use the data to inform their teaching. Teachers would benefit from having access to the test questions to understand where students struggle and why – to support individual students, as well as to improve pedagogical practices or content coverage. This approach is followed in places such as Denmark and British Columbia (Canada), where assessments have a strong focus on pedagogical improvement (Government of British Columbia, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref126">46</reflink>]; Wandall, [<reflink idref="bib107" id="ref127">107</reflink>]). Not sharing test items allows for test standards to be more easily maintained and for more accurate monitoring of trends over time, as changes to the content of the test are minimised. This again points towards a monitoring purpose. This choice, however, makes it less likely that tests will fully deliver on their promise of supporting teaching and learning, although it may impede unwanted teaching to the test. The design of the tests risks the production of what Broadfoot ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref128">17</reflink>]) termed 'dead data' - information unlikely to be of any great use in informing teaching.</p> <p>While the tests are not optimally designed to support improvements in educational quality, they may nonetheless have a strong effect on what happens in the classroom. This will depend on the perceived stakes of the tests.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-17">Intended low stakes</hd> <p>Stakeholders were very concerned that the test results might be used to create school rankings (league tables). They have been acutely aware of the unintended consequences of testing in other countries such as England (Penninckx et al., [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref129">82</reflink>]). Penninckx ([<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref130">81</reflink>]) made the case for 'low-stakes' standardised testing in Flanders, in which results are only communicated to schools and not used in decisions to award certificates to students. Indeed, the stated policy was that the tests will be low stakes so as not to have a negative washback on teaching and learning (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref131">78</reflink>]). The Flemish government has legislated to ensure that the results of a school are not made public and to prevent school rankings from being created (Weyts, [<reflink idref="bib108" id="ref132">108</reflink>]). The government has stated that ' ... the tests should be supportive for schools and not a means for school accountability. Since the tests are low-stakes for schools, the schools will not engage in strategic behaviour to artificially increase their scores' (Flemish Government, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref133">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the longer term, the government's determination to prevent school rankings may flounder in the face of pressure from stakeholders including parents, as was the case in Israel, for example (Feniger et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref134">31</reflink>]). Regardless, experience shows that it is impossible to control the stakes associated with any assessment. Negative effects can emerge and grow, as demonstrated by national assessments in primary schools in England (Perryman et al., [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref135">84</reflink>]; Wyse &amp; Torrance, [<reflink idref="bib109" id="ref136">109</reflink>]), the National Student Achievement Tests in Lithuania (Raudienė et al., [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref137">87</reflink>]) and Israel's Meitzav tests (Feniger et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref138">31</reflink>]). Small changes in the use of assessment data or how assessment results are communicated can impact the perceived stakes (Feniger et al., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref139">31</reflink>]). After all, the power of tests to affect behaviour is a perceptual phenomenon: 'If students, teachers, or administrators believe that the results of an examination are important, it matters very little whether this is really true or false – the effect is produced by what individuals perceive to be the case' (Madaus, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref140">60</reflink>], p. 35).</p> <p>Moreover, in common with many European education systems (Ehren &amp; Shackleton, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref141">30</reflink>]; Timmermans et al., [<reflink idref="bib102" id="ref142">102</reflink>]), school-level results will be shared with the Inspectorate of Education as part of a risk-based inspection regime. This is somewhat at odds with the government's claim that the tests will not be used for accountability purposes. The Inspectorate will use the test results in combination with other information (such as the student intake characteristics of the school) to target visits (Flemish Government, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref143">32</reflink>]; OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref144">78</reflink>]). When this happens, teachers and schools are unlikely to view test outcomes as low stakes. Too strong and narrow a focus on test scores in risk-based inspections can lead to gaming and manipulation of scores (Ehren &amp; Honingh, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref145">29</reflink>]). Indeed, despite the previous inspection context in Flanders being 'low stakes', schools engaged in strategic activities to produce a positive school image, and staff experienced negative emotional effects (Penninckx et al., [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref146">83</reflink>]). While stakeholders have expressed concerns that test data may come to overly influence the Inspectorate's evaluations, the Inspectorate have emphasised their continued use of the OK Framework which embodies a wide understanding of educational quality (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref147">78</reflink>]). Indeed, Shewbridge and Köster ([<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref148">96</reflink>]) argued that the test data should be placed within the strengths of the current accountability system, which focuses on dialogue and understanding the links between outcomes and improving practice.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-18">Likely short- and long-term effects of standardised testing</hd> <p>The overarching goal of the standardised testing policy is to improve the quality of education. Next, we draw on international research evidence to reflect on whether standardised testing will have the envisioned positive effects. There is debate about whether similar reforms around the world have improved education (for example, see Sahlberg [[<reflink idref="bib92" id="ref149">92</reflink>]] for a pessimistic account, and Gomendio and Wert [[<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref150">45</reflink>]] for a more positive interpretation of the evidence). Other scholars question whether it is ever possible to evaluate the success or failure of any such reform (e.g. Corsi, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref151">24</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-19">The need to support teachers' data use to improve education quality</hd> <p>Setting aside the suboptimal design of the tests for use by teachers, for the introduction of the tests to improve educational quality teachers will need to be able to interpret the data and turn them into actionable plans. Historically, the use of performance data by schools has been weak in Flanders – used mainly in an ad hoc rather than strategic manner (Shewbridge et al., [<reflink idref="bib95" id="ref152">95</reflink>]). For example, in a study of primary school teachers' decision-making processes regarding grade retention, Vanlommel et al. ([<reflink idref="bib104" id="ref153">104</reflink>]) found that decisions were based mostly on intuitive expertise and rarely on data.</p> <p>Given this, teachers want to deepen their professional skills in the use of test data (Shewbridge &amp; Köster, [<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref154">96</reflink>]). Steunpunt ([<reflink idref="bib99" id="ref155">99</reflink>]) has committed to the development of online courses on information literacy (how to interpret results) and educational development (how to improve educational quality using results). It is unlikely that these courses alone, even if enthusiastically taken up, will ensure that the data is used to good effect. A much broader package of support and training is likely to be needed. For example, research highlights the importance of the role of school leaders in creating a culture of positive data use (Schildkamp et al., [<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref156">93</reflink>]) and the importance of teacher collaboration, as solutions to problems and consequent actions based on analysis of data are rarely self-evident (Mandinach &amp; Schildkamp, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref157">64</reflink>]). Further, the use of test data in conjunction with other diverse data sources would be best and would inform teachers about the whole student, but again this would require training and support (Mandinach &amp; Gummer, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref158">63</reflink>]). In summary, without a range of training and support for all users of standardised test outcomes, their introduction is unlikely to be effective in improving educational quality. Such training and support will need to be designed in the knowledge of the potential for unintended consequences of testing.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-20">Impact on teaching, learning and educational culture</hd> <p>The government has stated that the tests are intended to be low stakes and has perhaps sought to manage the risk of teaching to the test by not releasing items. The tests were also designed to require students to apply insight and reasoning skills in the belief that instrumental teaching to the test would not be rewarded with higher test scores (The Brussels Times, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref159">18</reflink>]). However, while some tests may be easier to train students for than others, research shows that even aptitude and intelligence test scores can be improved with coaching (Freund &amp; Holling, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref160">40</reflink>]; Kulik et al., [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref161">55</reflink>]).</p> <p>Given that the stakes are unlikely to be perceived as unequivocally low, some form of teaching to the test is highly likely. Arguably, the impact of the tests on teaching and learning may be greater than otherwise would be the case because of the sparsity of the centrally defined curriculum. Even without the release of test items, teachers will, over time, become familiar with the format and content of the tests and modify their teaching in response. Indeed, there are anecdotal reports of teachers photographing test items during the piloting phase. There is a risk that over time, teachers will devote greater time to the tested areas of the curriculum, omit untested topics from teaching, and even go so far as to coach students on the style of test items and test-taking heuristics (Koretz, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref162">53</reflink>]; Pollard et al., [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref163">85</reflink>]; Russell et al., [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref164">89</reflink>]).</p> <p>Teachers and school leaders may change the way they think about their profession and about education (Ball, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref165">10</reflink>]; Taylor, [<reflink idref="bib101" id="ref166">101</reflink>]). The representation of quality and improvement through test data risks the conflation of quality and its representation. Efforts may become concentrated on what can be measured and acted on, rather than on what is truly valued (Lawn &amp; Grek, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref167">56</reflink>]). Teachers' understanding of their students could become dominated by test scores (Booher-Jennings, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref168">14</reflink>]). There is a risk that standardised testing is the precursor to a new performative education culture (Ball, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref169">10</reflink>]). Comparisons between schools may become the lens through which teachers and school leaders look at their own school and make decisions. What seems certain is that, over time, the quantification of education newly created by the test data will open up Flanders' education system to further policy reforms of various kinds, as comparisons raise questions and demand action (Mangez &amp; Broeck, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref170">65</reflink>]). As Corsi ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref171">24</reflink>]) put it, 'Reforms generate reforms<emph>'</emph> (p. 371).</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-21">Intelligent accountability</hd> <p>Extreme negative consequences of standardised testing are not, however, a foregone conclusion. As described earlier, Flanders' approach to supporting education quality, the OK Framework, could be characterised as a form of intelligent accountability. Sahlberg ([<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref172">90</reflink>]) argued that intelligent accountability can include standardised testing. Intelligent approaches combine internal accountability (e.g. through school self-evaluation) with levels of external accountability, including monitoring via assessment, although the efficiencies of sample, rather than census, testing are emphasised.</p> <p>For such an approach to accountability to succeed in Flanders, test data must not come to dominate the shared vision of educational quality embodied by the OK Framework. The framework is strongly embedded in the education system and represents a wide and largely shared vision of educational quality. The framework has the development of the learner at the centre and emphasises the needs of <emph>all</emph> learners. It includes indicators related to pupil wellbeing, innovative practice, professional dialogue and reflection. Only five of 37 indicators of quality in the framework are directly or indirectly associated with assessment data (OECD, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref173">78</reflink>]).</p> <p>As envisioned by Shewbridge and Köster ([<reflink idref="bib96" id="ref174">96</reflink>]), rich, nuanced sources of evidence of quality need to continue to be valued, and test data need to be used to stimulate critical self-reflection and professional dialogue. The levels of autonomy and trust historically granted to schools indicate a tradition of trust. They have given rise to a strong sense of teacher professionalism and teachers feel a sense of ownership of their classrooms (Penninckx, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref175">81</reflink>]). This bodes well for teachers continuing to view accountability as their responsibility, internal to schools, rather than a top-down imposition.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-22">Dependability of test data over time</hd> <p>Whether or not the introduction of standardised tests has the intended impact on educational quality, the test data itself may give a positive picture. This is because as the stakes associated with assessment systems grow, even well-designed tests can lose dependability (Koretz, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref176">54</reflink>]). Over time, the changing behaviours of students, teachers and school leaders reduce test validity and therefore the dependability of the scores (Stobart, [<reflink idref="bib100" id="ref177">100</reflink>]). Test scores increase year on year but the changes do not reflect genuine improvements in students' attainment. The improvements are specific to the test and fail to generalise to performance in related tests or other contexts (Anastasi, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref178">5</reflink>]; Cuff et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref179">25</reflink>]; Koretz, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref180">53</reflink>]). There is a risk that, particularly in the early years of testing when the opportunity to increase test familiarity is at its greatest, there will be improvements in test scores which may be misinterpreted as indicating improved educational quality and as a policy success.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-23">Conclusion</hd> <p>In light of falls in international test results, the Flemish government has embarked on the introduction of compulsory standardised testing. The policy changes in Flanders vary from the archetypal GERM template. Standardised testing has not been introduced in exchange for greater autonomy and is not intended to stimulate school choice and market dynamics. However, a fundamental feature of the GERM – the use of assessment to govern education – is evident. The government wishes to create a different balance between school autonomy and accountability.</p> <p>An attempt to gain more control over what is taught in schools by setting a more detailed centrally controlled curriculum failed on the basis that it unduly constrained the freedom of education. However, as Broadfoot ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref181">16</reflink>]) established, the introduction of standardised tests is an alternative, insidious and powerful source of control. It is telling that the design of the tests has likely prioritised system and school-level monitoring over teacher use of the data for formative purposes. The policy of standardised testing gives the appearance of freedom but, in reality, there will be an increase in central control gained in a manner which may prove hard to challenge legally.</p> <p>The organic nature of the effects of policy make outcomes hard to predict, with history, culture, values, customs and structures all affecting the likely success of reforms. Features of Flemish educational culture, in particular the powerful belief in freedom of education, may insulate the system from some of the most extreme perverse consequences of compulsory standardised testing documented elsewhere. Over time, however, Flanders' education system will almost certainly face more change as the use of standardised test data raises questions which demand action.</p> <hd id="AN0183685009-24">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.</p> <ref id="AN0183685009-25"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref31" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Adam, I., &amp; Xhardez, C. (2024). Chapter, 9: How sub-state nationalism and immigrant integration policies entwine over time: A spotlight on Flanders (Belgium). In M. Samers &amp; J. Rydgren (Eds.), Migration and nationalism (pp. 174 – 196). Edward Elgar Publishing.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref76" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Agirdag, O., &amp; Vanlaar, G. (2018). Does more exposure to the language of instruction lead to higher academic achievement? A cross-national examination. 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The No Child left behind Act in the global architecture of educational accountability. History of Education Quarterly, 62 (3), 268 – 290. https://doi.org/10.1017/heq.2022.11</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Yin, R. K. (2009). Case study research: Design and methods (Vol. 5). Sage Publications.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Michelle Meadows and Inés Sanguino</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Michelle Meadows is Associate Professor in Educational Assessment at Oxford University. Her research interests span most elements of high-stakes assessments and qualifications. She has published research into marking, standard setting, comparability, qualification structures and malpractice. Her previous roles include Deputy Chief Regulator at Ofqual, England's exams regulator and Director of AQA's Centre for Education Research and Practice.</p> <p>Inés Sanguino is an Advisor in the Home Affairs, Social Cohesion and Education team at the Behavioural Insights Team in London. She previously worked with the Implementing Education Policies Team at the OECD. She has also worked with organisations such as What Works for Children in Social Care and Unlocked Graduates. She has collaborated on various projects at the Junior Researcher, King's College London and the University of Oxford. Inés completed a BSc in Psychology, and an MPhil in Evidence-Based Social Intervention and Policy Evaluation as a 'La Caixa' Scholar.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib78" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib112" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib91" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib92" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib106" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib79" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib89" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref27"></nolink> <nolink 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| Header | DbId: eric DbLabel: ERIC An: EJ1498791 AccessLevel: 3 PubType: Academic Journal PubTypeId: academicJournal PreciseRelevancyScore: 0 |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Standardised Testing in the Context of Constitutionally Protected Freedom of Education -- The Case of Flanders – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Michelle+Meadows%22">Michelle Meadows</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0009-0007-5200-6331">0009-0007-5200-6331</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Inés+Sanguino%22">Inés Sanguino</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Oxford+Review+of+Education%22"><i>Oxford Review of Education</i></searchLink>. 2025 51(2):202-222. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 21 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Standardized+Tests%22">Standardized Tests</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Evaluation%22">Student Evaluation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Policy%22">Educational Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Accountability%22">Accountability</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Academic+Freedom%22">Academic Freedom</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Change%22">Educational Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22School+District+Autonomy%22">School District Autonomy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Assessment%22">Educational Assessment</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Politics+of+Education%22">Politics of Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Quality%22">Educational Quality</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Elementary+Secondary+Education%22">Elementary Secondary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Computer+Assisted+Testing%22">Computer Assisted Testing</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Data+Use%22">Data Use</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Test+Results%22">Test Results</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Belgium%22">Belgium</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/03054985.2024.2439283 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0305-4985<br />1465-3915 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: Around the world governments have been observed to harness assessment to exert control over the content and quality of education. In Belgium, Flanders, with constitutionally protected freedom of education, has been an exception, having no standardised tests or end of school examinations. Recently, declining international test outcomes have been used to justify educational reforms, including the introduction of compulsory standardised tests. We consider the timing and rationale for the reforms, and the extent to which the changes fit the Global Education Reform Movement template. We conclude that the policy reforms represent an attempt by government to leverage Broadfoot's social functions of assessment to create a different balance between school autonomy and accountability. How the reforms will interact with the educational culture in Flanders is difficult to predict but the new quantification of education will likely open the system up to further policy reforms as test data driven comparisons raise questions and demand action. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2026 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1498791 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/03054985.2024.2439283 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 21 StartPage: 202 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Standardized Tests Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Evaluation Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Policy Type: general – SubjectFull: Accountability Type: general – SubjectFull: Academic Freedom Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Change Type: general – SubjectFull: School District Autonomy Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Assessment Type: general – SubjectFull: Politics of Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Quality Type: general – SubjectFull: Elementary Secondary Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Computer Assisted Testing Type: general – SubjectFull: Data Use Type: general – SubjectFull: Test Results Type: general – SubjectFull: Belgium Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Standardised Testing in the Context of Constitutionally Protected Freedom of Education -- The Case of Flanders Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Michelle Meadows – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Inés Sanguino IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0305-4985 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1465-3915 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 51 – Type: issue Value: 2 Titles: – TitleFull: Oxford Review of Education Type: main |
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