Social-Emotional Needs of Latino Immigrant Adolescents: A Sociocultural Model for Development and Implementation of Culturally Specific Interventions
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| Title: | Social-Emotional Needs of Latino Immigrant Adolescents: A Sociocultural Model for Development and Implementation of Culturally Specific Interventions |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Blanco-Vega, Christiane O., Castro-Olivo, Sara M., Merrell, Kenneth W. |
| Source: | Journal of Latinos and Education. Jan 2008 7(1):43-61. |
| Availability: | Lawrence Erlbaum. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/default.html |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Physical Description: | |
| Page Count: | 19 |
| Publication Date: | 2008 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Descriptors: | Maintenance, Pathology, Risk, Adolescents, Immigrants, Hispanic Americans, Guidelines, Mental Health, Sociocultural Patterns, Models, Role, Personality, Intervention, Substance Abuse, Cultural Awareness |
| DOI: | 10.1080/15348430701693390 |
| ISSN: | 1534-8431 |
| Abstract: | This article describes the social-emotional needs of Latino immigrant adolescents within an ecological framework. Most of the literature on Latino immigrants' mental health focuses on the pathology and emotional needs of adults, often neglecting the needs of adolescents. We argue that the needs of adolescent Latinos may differ dramatically from those of their adult counterparts. Our proposed model explains the role of sociocultural factors on the development and maintenance of resiliency and risk factors among Latino immigrant adolescents. This model is an adaptation of W. A. Vega and A. G. Gil's (1999) model for explaining substance use in this population. Implications for interventions that focus on the maintenance of resiliency factors are discussed. (Contains 2 figures.) |
| Abstractor: | Author |
| Number of References: | 36 |
| Entry Date: | 2008 |
| Accession Number: | EJ783602 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwFRta77IWVP9Gd8xZHqFQ2IAAAA4jCB3wYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHRMIHOAgEAMIHIBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDDIKiFJyKaIz53jV-wIBEICBmvfpqJoXeVVad6yDu8MibP_kNDqGcO3aAMv1ChTPlE2QD6y6KjTxkKPHcbpSpFkl-M0ssTikoknt_YWxigokOWyQGHYZShdwL0zpZkCHMiyoAqYIl6QpNIUvpQ0gBT3eEvzdqbE1ijITsDGI5KCQVgOQ9VM1qUz3qeU48vOKVSGcaePYt6H0oYvmumIi1xy7mD2S_1HihAL4EsU= Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0031563679;hd001jan.08;2019Feb27.14:11;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0031563679-1">Social-Emotional Needs of Latino Immigrant Adolescents: A Sociocultural Model for Development and Implementation of Culturally Specific Interventions. </title> <p>This article describes the social–emotional needs of Latino immigrant adolescents within an ecological framework. Most of the literature on Latino immigrants' mental health focuses on the pathology and emotional needs of adults, often neglecting the needs of adolescents. We argue that the needs of adolescent Latinos may differ dramatically from those of their adult counterparts. Our proposed model explains the role of sociocultural factors on the development and maintenance of resiliency and risk factors among Latino immigrant adolescents. This model is an adaptation of W. A. Vega and A. G. Gil's (1999) model for explaining substance use in this population. Implications for interventions that focus on the maintenance of resiliency factors are discussed.</p> <p>Keywords: social–emotional resiliency; Latino mental health; Latino immigrant adolescents; social–emotional outcomes; culturally specific interventions</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-2">Introduction</hd> <p>The demographic makeup of students in U.S. schools has changed dramatically in recent years. The number of children of immigrants, immigrants, and students with limited language English proficiency keeps rising. One in every five students currently enrolled in U.S. public schools is an immigrant or a child of an immigrant. More than 55% of these immigrant children were born in Latin America ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref1">5</reflink>]). Latinos are highly represented not only in the U.S. educational system, but in U.S. society. As indicated by census data, Latinos are the largest and fastest growing ethnic minority group in the United States ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref2">34</reflink>]). Because of their high representation in American society, we would expect Latinos to be proportionally represented in the different levels of social statuses, but such proportionality does not exist. In fact, when compared to other ethnic groups, Latinos are more likely to live in poverty and less likely to have a high school diploma, especially if those Latinos are immigrants from Mexico and Central America ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref3">30</reflink>]). We contend that such disproportion could be minimized by the integration and delivery of effective culturally specific and sensitive educational and mental health interventions in public schools.</p> <p>Given that Latinos have become the largest minority group in the United States, educators and clinicians must find techniques to promote resiliency and competency that are effective with this group in order to prevent negative social outcomes from continuing to occur. The social–economic and academic achievement gaps between Latinos and non-Latinos need to be bridged, and the development and implementation of effective interventions is a social urgency. The mental health literature lacks sufficient intervention research addressing the prevention of negative psychological outcomes for immigrant Latino adolescents. It is imperative that scientists and educators focus their efforts on increasing their knowledge and skills for better meeting the increasing needs of this population in a culturally sensitive manner.</p> <p>The purpose of this article is to provide readers with a framework of the knowledge needed to develop and implement interventions that could prevent negative social–emotional and academic outcomes among Latino immigrant adolescents. We propose a developmental model that is ecological in nature, hoping to inform the reader of not only the effects of acculturation and acculturative stress, but also the many contextual factors that contribute to the mental health and social outcomes of Latino immigrant adolescents. Figure 1 shows the developmental model that explains how Latino immigrants may experience negative outcomes based on acculturation, acculturative stress, and other contextual variables.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-3">SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL NEEDS OF IMMIGRANT LATINO STUDENTS: SOME BACKGROUND</hd> <p>When working with ethnic and cultural minority youth it is essential to consider cultural factors that may impact the effectiveness of interventions. This practice holds true when working with any ethnic and cultural minority student/client, either U.S.- or foreign-born. However, when working with immigrant populations, it is important to take into consideration the differing and specific ecological factors that might be affecting their mental health. Depending on individual circumstances, professionals may need to adapt or reinvent their intervention delivery methods in order to attain cultural competency ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref4">21</reflink>]). In addition, professionals must also be cognizant that not all immigrants experience, and are therefore affected by, the same ecological factors. We believe that the primary ecological factors that must be considered when working with Latino immigrant students include circumstances of exit and entrance, social–economic status, levels of acculturation, levels of acculturative stress, familial acculturative gaps, previous educational experiences, the context of the host culture, and the perception of community belonging (e.g., school). The impact of these factors on the academic and social outcomes of Latino immigrant students is explained in detail in the later sections of this article (see Figure 1).</p> <p>Graph: FIGURE 1 Sociocultural model for explaining the socioemotional needs of Latino immigrant adolescents.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-4">ECOLOGICAL MODEL</hd> <p>The late [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref5">2</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref6">3</reflink>]) proposed a highly influential <emph>ecological systems model</emph> for the study of human behavior. This model takes into account the contextual factors that influence how humans adapt and behave as social, political, historical, cultural, and spiritual beings. Bronfenbrenner's ecological model describes different levels: the <emph>microsystem</emph>, which refers to the immediate setting for the individual (e.g., the child, the school, the home); the <emph>mesosystem</emph>, which includes the connections or relations between microsystems (e.g., relations between the school and the home); the <emph>exosystem</emph>, which refers to the settings in which events occur that affect the microsystem, but in which the individual is not present (e.g., public policy decisions); and the <emph>macrosystem</emph>, which represents societal cultures, values, and structures (e.g., economic and legal institutions of society). As such, an individual who is presented with a problem is understood as a human being that is being affected by different aspects from within several contextual factors at differing levels of the ecology, and therefore the problem is understood as being broader, more socially and culturally embedded. Keeping the ecological model in mind, we posit that ecological factors such as cultural pressures, perceived discrimination, levels of parental involvement, school belonging, and levels of acculturation, among others, all have an effect on the psychological well-being of Latino immigrant adolescents. One of the major psychological outcomes that results from exposure to the previously mentioned ecological factors is acculturative stress ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref7">16</reflink>]). Therefore, we should understand acculturative stress as an ecologically embedded issue and not simply as a within-child or within-immigrant problem.</p> <p>We propose that immigrants' social, emotional, and academic outcomes will vary according to aspects of the meso-, exo-, and macrosystems, such as the immigrants' race, color, language, socioeconomic status, neighborhood at arrival, and host school and the host country's attitudes toward immigration. In the United States, the most recent waves of immigration have generally involved people of color and of different languages in comparison to the majority culture. For most immigrants, the immigration experience usually involves an initial, and sometimes continuing, movement downward on the social and economic ladder, and immigrants often find themselves in a country that is not welcoming of immigrants of color or of immigrants who decide to keep their native languages and cultural practices. In fact, research shows that immigrants of color face higher risks due to the fact that discrimination and racism are common and sometimes new experiences for them ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref8">31</reflink>]). For these adolescents, negative attitudes may become a self-fulfilling truth. An exosystemic factor of significant power is the popular media. Immigrants who arrive in this media-saturated country are faced daily with thousands of media messages, images of beauty, and a set of values that may be very different from their native images and values ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref9">33</reflink>]), causing effects such as shame of their own ethnicity and increasing acculturative stress.</p> <p>As [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref10">16</reflink>] stated, immigration itself is not a risk factor that predicts negative outcomes. Rather, it is the ecological factors that play into the process of arrival and later adaptation that produce the negative outcomes we have discussed. In other words, it is the stress of the immigration way into its final stages that produces acculturative stress, which in turn may lead to negative outcomes if left unattended ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref11">33</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-5">A MODEL FOR EXPLAINING SOCIAL–EMOTIONAL AND ACADEMIC OUTCOMES OF LATINO IMMIGRANT ADOLESCENTS</hd> <p>We propose a sociocultural model that presents the theorized trajectories of Latino immigrant youth with the intention to better inform the development and implementation of culturally sensitive preventive interventions. This model explains the different ecological systems that could represent risk factors for Latino youths, as these risk factors could explain negative outcomes and maladaptive behavior for these youths. The <emph>zone of intervention</emph> represents the areas where schools in particular could intervene to change the potential negative trajectory for this population. This section includes a description of our proposed model (see Figure 1).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-6">Context of Exit</hd> <p>Age (<emph>individual factor</emph>). [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref12">7</reflink>] reported age at migration to be a predictive factor of negative or positive outcomes for Latino immigrants. Migrating at an older age (after 12) has been found to be a protective factor for Latino immigrants because, as many families report, older children have had the opportunity to fully experience their native culture and country. Such experiences, besides creating a strong ethnic identity, allow immigrant youths to be able to compare their financial and societal situations in their native and host countries. For many immigrant youths, the situation they face in the United States is usually better than the circumstances they left behind as far as schooling, safety, housing, and political and economic stability; even when they find low-standard care in the United States, they may feel content. For U.S.-born children, or foreign-born children who moved to the United States at a very young age (before 12), however, that frame of reference is nonexistent, and the low standards that they have to face are perceived (and rightly so) as discrimination and racism. Immigrating at an older age, however, does not automatically prevent an immigrant adolescent from suffering from mental health problems related to acculturative stress. According to [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref13">25</reflink>], adolescents who leave their native country after age 12 tend to experience higher levels of acculturative stress.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-7">Levels of acculturation (individual factor)</hd> <p>Immigrant Latino youths face unique circumstances and therefore may have unique social and emotional needs. One of the most salient psychological processes that immigrant Latino adolescents face is acculturation. <emph>Acculturation</emph> is the process of cultural change when an individual encounters two different cultures. Acculturation involves, among other things, the adoption of new cultural beliefs and a change in customs, social behaviors, and ethnic identity ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref14">26</reflink>]). Research has shown that the people with the seemingly best psychosocial outcomes are those who score as bicultural in a bidimensional acculturation scale ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref15">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref16">10</reflink>]). Such findings imply that the skills they have kept from the native culture and those they have learned from the new culture may provide the person with coping skills that serve as resiliency factors in their acculturation processes ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref17">4</reflink>]). On the other hand, some studies have shown that as Latino immigrants become more acculturated to mainstream American society, their likelihood of engaging in negative social activities (e.g., risky sexual activities, drug use, and delinquency) increases ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref18">12</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref19">32</reflink>]). [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref20">16</reflink>] found that Latino immigrant adolescents are more likely to suffer the negative impacts of acculturation than U.S.-born Latino youth.</p> <p>We must not forget that when Latino immigrant students first enter American schools, they are thrown into an entirely new culture. In this new culture, students are forced to learn a new language and coping skills around racial, ethnic, and language discrimination that could have a negative effect on their mental health. Furthermore, students often become aware for the very first time of their ethnic identity and their self-image as an ethnic minority. Besides being exposed to a new self-identity construct, immigrant adolescents, as they enter the United States, are faced with the need to learn new rules for what constitutes socially appropriate behavior. In some cases, they are placed in situations that are in direct conflict with their traditional cultural values. All of these issues represent a great challenge for the social and emotional well-being of Latino immigrant and other ethnic and cultural minority students.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-8">Gender (individual factor)</hd> <p>In general, immigrant Latina girls do better than boys in school. This difference has been explained as the result of the immigrant girls facing more expectations from their parents and more parental monitoring, as well as the fact that teachers usually have higher expectations for immigrant girls than for immigrant boys ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref21">36</reflink>]). Given these and other similar findings ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref22">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref23">22</reflink>]), we contend that although adolescent girls and boys may have some differing risk and protective factors, both genders seem to share very similar trajectories in the development of resiliency and negative outcomes.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-9">Legal and residency status (exosytemic factor)</hd> <p>In general, having a legal status in this country is a protective factor because the fear of deportation is less present for the immigrant with legal documents. Living in this country without documentation, however, is a risk factor that is associated with negative outcomes such as domestic violence ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref24">27</reflink>]) and added acculturative stress ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref25">4</reflink>]). For example, research indicates that undocumented immigrant children feel afraid and inhibited in school because they may fear deportation by their teachers and other school officials, and as they grow they may find the great disappointment of not being able to enroll in college due to their undocumented status. Such a situation places undocumented immigrants at a higher risk of dropping out of school, and immigrant students may have less defined career goals ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref26">33</reflink>]). In addition, families in which some members have legal status and others do not oftentimes experience maladaptive dynamics of power and abuse ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref27">27</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-10">Physical and cultural distance (micro-macrosystemic factor)</hd> <p>Immigrants who are categorized under the label of <emph>Latino</emph> come from several different countries and cultures. Usually, cultural and physical distance from the home country has an effect on mental health outcomes due to the ease or difficulty of going back home and accessing family support. When we talk about <emph>physical distance</emph>, we refer to the actual geographical distance between the country of origin and the host country/state/county where the immigrant now resides. For example, a Latino immigrant to the United States who currently lives in southern California and whose native homeland is in northern Baja California, Mexico, is in closer proximity to his or her extended family community (and thus has greater potential social support) than is an adolescent from the same region who has moved to New England. When we talk about <emph>cultural distance</emph>, we refer to the cultural or social context of the host environment. As an example of cultural distance, assume an immigrant lives in a community that is predominantly White and middle class. If the overarching host community is not accepting of immigrants or of other cultures, then physical proximity may not be as prevalent, but cultural distance may take precedence and result in a lack of social support, which may lead to different mental health outcomes. Therefore, physical as well as cultural distance seems to play a role in the mental health outcomes of immigrant populations.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-11">Socioeconomic status (macrosystemic factor)</hd> <p>Immigrants from all social classes are affected during the acculturation process. Both upper- and upper-middle-class immigrants usually suffer losses of prestige and experience prejudice and discrimination for the first time. Immigrants from middle-class socioeconomic backgrounds may suffer a decrease in prestige, often finding jobs that are below their training due to language and training differences. Immigrants from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may experience an increase in income but also suffer a decrease in societal status in the new culture ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref28">33</reflink>]). [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref29">4</reflink>] reported that socioeconomic status, occupation, and educational background all play an important role in an individual's adaptation to a new culture. In addition, we contend that socioeconomic status influences the amount of previous exposure to the host country's cultural customs and values, therefore influencing the degree to which the immigrant acculturates or assimilates. For instance, a member of the upper or upper-middle class in the native country may have had extensive opportunities to travel to the United States and watch U.S. television and movies, and he or she may already speak the language before migrating ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref30">8</reflink>]). Previous exposure to the new culture may influence the degree of acculturation and assimilation when moving to the new country.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-12">Previous educational experience (micro-exosystemic factor)</hd> <p>[<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref31">13</reflink>] and [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref32">30</reflink>] stated that the educational experiences of Latino immigrant students in their native countries may have a great impact on students' academic achievement in American schools. For the most part, having been part of their native countries' educational system becomes a protective factor for Latino immigrants. Personal experience and/or parental experiences gives students a point of reference that allows them to compare educational systems and cope positively with adverse circumstances in American schools. When comparing their current experiences in American schools (e.g., language barriers, discrimination, and belonging issues), immigrant students usually report that in the United States they have access to good/free education, which is contrast to their experiences in their countries of origin where schooling may have been out of their reach.</p> <p>When discussing the previous educational experiences of Latino immigrants, it is critical to note data on academic achievement and dropout rates among Latino subgroups that indicate that immigrants from Mexico and Central America tend to have poorer outcomes than Latino immigrants from South America and the Caribbean region. Such differences are usually explained by the poor access to migration to the United States for South American Latinos from low socioeconomic status and with low levels of education. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref33">30</reflink>] found that most immigrants from the Caribbean and South America have legal documentation, enter with a visa, and are more likely to have higher levels of education than Mexican and Central American immigrants, the vast majority of whom are undocumented immigrants who have not had previous access to education.</p> <p>Soon after arriving in a new country, immigrant children typically work hard in school and are generally healthier physically and psychologically than they were in their previous setting. In general, immigrant children often end up living in poor inner cities and attending rural schools in the new country. After some years of exposure to poor schooling, negative teacher expectations, and racism and discrimination, school dropout rates for foreign-born Latino students increase ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref34">33</reflink>]). Based on these findings, we contend that interventions need to be focused on the <emph>first few years</emph> that immigrant youths arrive in the United States, so as to be better able to cultivate that initial positive attitude that immigrant youth arrive with in order to prevent later school dropout, substance use, and other negative outcomes. We believe that the best place for these interventions to be effective is the school, where children spend the majority of their time and energy outside of the family constellation. Adaptation to school is the best predictor of future psychological well-being ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref35">33</reflink>]). For that reason, we contend that it is of utmost importance to provide appropriate supports—even intensive levels of support—for recently arrived immigrant Latino youths in order to promote academic and social adjustment and help prevent negative educational outcomes.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-13">Immigration Experience</hd> <p>The following aspects of the immigration experience have been found to affect the mental health outcomes of immigrant Latinos.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-14">Type of migration (multisystemic factor)</hd> <p>Many immigrants in the United States arrive via different means. Some are forced to flee and seek political asylum due to political events in their home countries. Others decide to come to this country in search of better economic opportunities or to join family members who await them here, in a voluntary fashion. In this voluntary manner, some immigrants may come into this country by airplane, with their documents ready, whereas still others dangerously cross the border undocumented and undergo extensive traumatic events in so doing. The migration experience affects the type and degree of acculturative stress that the immigrant will experience. Regardless of type of migration experience, however, all immigrants will experience the process of adaptation to a new society ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref36">4</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-15">Level of danger in the immigration journey (m ultisystemic factor)</hd> <p>In considering the type of migration it is important to keep in mind different traumatic experiences, near-death experiences, and violence that some immigrants experience and its impact on their mental health and adaptation to the new society.</p> <p> <emph>Context of entrance (multisystemic factor)</emph>. Immigrants who arrive in the United States encounter U.S. cultural values and assumptions that all immigrants should become proud and loyal American citizens and give up all meaningful cultural and linguistic differences. That is, cultural diversity must only be celebrated in folkloristic and superficial forms. We contend that facing these cultural values, assumptions, and attitudes may add stress and pressure to assimilate and an internalized shame of the immigrant's native culture.</p> <p>As previously stated, within an ecological model it is important to consider larger contextual factors that occur at different levels of the ecology. When considering the circumstances of entry and their impact on immigrant Latino youths' mental health outcomes, it is important to pay attention to the type of neighborhood to which the immigrant is moving, the access or lack thereof to quality education, exposure to violence in the new environment, teacher expectations for the newly arrived immigrant, the local community's attitude toward immigrants, the local cultural climate, and any current changes to public policy that affect immigration laws. The mental health outcomes for the newly arrived immigrant will in many ways be affected by these contextual factors that may lead either to social and emotional resiliency or to negative outcomes.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-16">Family Acculturation Factors</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0031563679-17">Social context (exosystemic factor)</hd> <p>Upon entry into the United States, immigrant adolescents are faced with unknown customs and behavioral expectations that are controlled by the dominant culture. Demographic characteristics of the place of entrance have a great effect on the impact of immigrant adolescents' development of minority status. For example, adolescents who enter the United States and start a new life in the State of California, where 25.8% of the population speaks Spanish and where in some areas (e.g., Los Angeles) the Mexican culture is part of daily life, would experience a different (lesser) degree of minority status than adolescents who live in Indiana, where only 3.3% of the population speaks Spanish and Latin American culture is almost nonexistent ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref37">34</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-18">Parental acculturation (microsystemic factor)</hd> <p>Parental acculturation processes and levels have been found to have an impact on the social–emotional and academic outcomes of immigrant students. In their model, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref38">35</reflink>] explained that parents of immigrant children are also adapting to a new culture, experiencing new obstacles and new social pressures, learning new parenting techniques, and supporting their family's adjustment to a new culture. According to Gonzales, Knight, Morgan-Lopez, Saenz, and [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref39">17</reflink>], however, the research on parental acculturation and its effects on child outcomes is equivocal, mainly because of the lack of assessment congruity in the field. Although the research in this area is equivocal, we place considerable weight on parental acculturation process/levels and their effects on the social–emotional and academic outcomes of Latino immigrant students. Parents, or anyone who is responsible for bringing up a child, are the central source of social learning ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref40">24</reflink>]). Research has found that, because of the important role that parents play in passing on social behavior to their children, if a parent is undergoing stress during his or her acculturative process, that stress will have an impact on that person's parenting, which will have an impact on the youth's outcomes ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref41">23</reflink>]). For example, a parent with low levels of acculturation might cause an increase in the youth's levels of acculturative stress by constantly demanding the acculturating youth to maintain his or her native cultural values at home and not to assimilate to the host culture. This process is explained in more detail in a later section of this article.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-19">Child and adolescent acculturation (individual factor)</hd> <p>It has been estimated that only about 20% of children and youth come to the United States as a family unit ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref42">33</reflink>]). In about 80% of cases, children and youth are separated from their family at some point, as the family tries to pave the way and slowly bring the entire family to this country. The separation from parents and siblings as a child or adolescent can be a traumatic event ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref43">33</reflink>]). For many children and youth, the experience of being left behind by parents and siblings, and then later on leaving everything they know behind so that they can join their family in the United States, can be a most stressful and life-changing experience, and many psychological adjustments may be required in order to reduce the acculturative stress and smooth the transitions and adjustments that the child or youth is experiencing ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref44">33</reflink>]).</p> <p>Once in this country, children and adolescents learn the language and the host culture's norms and values faster than their parents, leading children and adolescents to experience higher levels of acculturation. In addition, some studies have shown that family roles may change, with children and adolescents taking on many new responsibilities such as mediating the communication between home and school and assuming a greater, more mature role in the outside, English-speaking world ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref45">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref46">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref47">33</reflink>]). Most of the existent literature has assumed that these differences in parent and child acculturation and these changes of roles produce negative outcomes for immigrant families, yet the literature is inconclusive as to the direct impact of acculturative differences and role changes in the family well-being generally, and in the well-being for the immigrant child or adolescent specifically ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref48">8</reflink>]).</p> <p>Children and young adolescents spend many hours of their days in schools, and the way in which they adapt to their school environment will greatly impact their overall acculturation experience. Again, contextual factors such as previous educational experience, type of immigration, host country's attitudes toward immigrants, perceived discrimination and racism, the new school's preparedness to teach and welcome a new immigrant, and the child's individual characteristics (such as social skills) will greatly determine how well the child or youth adjusts to the school environment and therefore to the general culture.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-20">Acculturative Stress</hd> <p>Acculturative stress involves the idiosyncratic pressures an individual perceives from two different cultures: the dominant Anglo culture and his or her own Latino culture. Such pressures often conflict with the cultural values, language, and ethnic identity that an individual from a minority background may experience when the cultural demands from the mainstream culture are different from those of his or her native culture. For example, many Latino immigrant students report feeling lost when parents ask them not to speak English at home, and yet at school they may be criticized because of their use of Spanish or their strong accent when speaking English. Acculturative stress has a tremendous effect on the mental health of immigrants. In this section we explain the different layers that contribute to high levels of acculturative stress, such as ethnic identity and the development of minority status.</p> <p>The process of immigration and its resulting acculturation can be a stressful psychological process for most immigrants. The stress related to acculturation is called <emph>acculturative stress</emph> ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref49">4</reflink>]) and may include issues such as language barriers, perceived discrimination, racism, loss of values, and feelings of depression. Negative outcomes are then produced from the acculturative stress when the stressors exceed the individual's capacity to cope. Acculturative stress also includes the gap between adolescents and their parents, which is discussed in more depth later in this article ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref50">16</reflink>]).</p> <p>Research has linked the process of acculturation and mental health. [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref51">16</reflink>] found that acculturation is associated with four different relationships related to an individual's mental health:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> 1. For individuals low in acculturation, high levels of stress usually lead to negative self-esteem;</item> <p></p> <item> 2. For individuals low in acculturation, low levels of stress lead to better mental health. Also for these individuals, knowledge of and pride in the native culture acts as a buffer for internalizing the negative stereotypes and prejudices that they may face;</item> <p></p> <item> 3. There exists a <emph>curvilinear</emph> relationship between acculturation and mental health: Individuals on the lowest end of the acculturation spectrum seem to have more mental health problems, as do individuals with very high acculturation levels; on the other hand, individuals who are bicultural experience better psychological outcomes.</item> </ulist> <p>There is an inverse relationship between high levels of acculturation and negative mental health. That is, highly acculturated individuals who experience racism and discrimination may easily internalize the negative stereotypes and prejudices until these become self-fulfilling truths ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref52">33</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-21">Development of minority status (multisystemic factor)</hd> <p>For many immigrants, being in the United States will be their first time experiencing a minority status. Even if in their country of origin the immigrants were an economic minority (such as from a low socioeconomic background), they may be a cultural and ethnic minority for the first time when they move to this country. This experience can add to the immigrant's acculturative stress ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref53">33</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-22">Ethnic identity (multisystemic factor)</hd> <p>According to [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref54">28</reflink>], many immigrants have never thought about their ethnic identity until they come to the United States, where they are constantly reminded of their ethnicity. [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref55">31</reflink>] found ethnic identity to have a positive correlation with reported levels of stress. According to Saldaña's framework of psychological distress among ethnic minority college students, levels of acculturation directly affect students' perceptions of minority status. Negative perceptions of minority status, and the stresses related to college, result in a particular psychological distress (acculturative stress within educational systems).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-23">Family acculturative gaps (microsystemic factor)</hd> <p>As previously mentioned, immigration has been found to undermine parental authority and family cohesion ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref56">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref57">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref58">32</reflink>]). In addition, Latino parents usually encourage their children to learn the language and to learn to navigate the new society, while at the same time encouraging their children to keep all of these skills outside of the home, for fear of their becoming "too Americanized." At this point it is important to mention the distinction between <emph>instrumental</emph> and <emph>expressive</emph> culture. Instrumental culture is formed by our cultural skills and competencies, and our social behaviors. Expressive culture, on the other hand, is formed by our values, worldviews, and interpersonal behaviors. Both together form a person's sense of self. It has been found that parents of immigrants, however, encourage their children to adapt to the new culture in an instrumental way, but strongly discourage them from doing so in an expressive way. This difference, which is usually difficult for parents to explain to their children, oftentimes may lead to intergenerational misunderstandings and confusion. In a related issue, it has been demonstrated that parents play a critical role in the development of acculturative stress and motivation to succeed academically ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref59">23</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref60">32</reflink>]). Some immigrant parents fear that if their children become "too Americanized," this will be detrimental to the youths' academic achievement and overall mental health. Such a fear appears to be well grounded in the research on mental health outcomes for immigrant Latino youths ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref61">14</reflink>]), given that higher levels of acculturation are associated with more negative mental health outcomes.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-24">School Belonging</hd> <p>Little research to date has focused on the impact of a sense of school belonging on the academic and social outcomes of Latino immigrant youths. Schools have been found to be one of the most important cultural gates for all students, including immigrants. According to [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref62">19</reflink>], American schools have become the primary source for learning the prosocial skills students need in order to be resilient and productive in American society. For Latino immigrants, American schools are the only source of social–cultural learning. At school, immigrant students learn not only academic skills, but also language, cultural values, American customs, and, in many instances, ethnicity-based discrimination ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref63">33</reflink>]). The type of support/belonging an immigrant student experiences when first entering the American school system will likely dictate the relationship and outcomes this student will have with members of the host culture.</p> <p>According to [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref64">18</reflink>] and [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref65">20</reflink>], schools that provide a supportive environment help resilient Latino youths in maintaining and accomplishing goals and succeeding academically. Such schools provide students with opportunities to socialize with other students from different cultural backgrounds in a tolerant and accepting manner. If students feel welcome and part of the school, their likelihood to drop out will decrease ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref66">15</reflink>]). We contend that such a sense of belonging would also decrease anxiety and acculturative stress because in such welcoming/supportive environments students are <emph>not</emph> asked to deny their cultural identities in order to fit into the host culture. In this type of environment, students are not constantly faced with salient cultural conflicts, such as the demand to speak only English and to be part of nondiverse teams (e.g., clubs, sports). Students who feel more comfortable and welcome to express their cultural values (such as language, tradition, parental involvement in native language), and students who can have contact with staff who are bilingual and bicultural, would more likely feel like they are a part of the school system. A culturally sensitive school environment would also have fewer accounts of discrimination, which has been found to be a factor that results in acculturative stress and dropout behavior among Latino students ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref67">23</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-25">PROTECTIVE FACTORS THAT PROMOTE SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL RESILIENCY</hd> <p>Regardless of the environmental and individual factors that place Latino immigrant adolescents at risk for developing social, emotional, and academic problems after immigrating to the United States, many youth have managed to thrive and be successful. The available literature on Latino immigrants identifies many ecological factors as the main sources of protection/resiliency for this population. Those factors are (a) parental/familial involvement, (b) positive community support, and (c) positive self-concept ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref68">13</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref69">18</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref70">23</reflink>]). More recent research also indicates that biculturalism is a protective factor for Latino adolescents ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref71">6</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref72">9</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-26">Parental/Family Support</hd> <p>Parents who are supportive of and encourage academic achievement have been found to play a very important role in their children's academic success ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref73">13</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref74">23</reflink>]). Furthermore, parents who are involved and who display effective parenting skills such as monitoring and supervision have been found to play an important role in their children's likelihood of abstaining from substance use and premature sexual activities ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref75">23</reflink>]). Involved parents often possess the skills that allow them to teach their children coping and other resiliency skills such as academic motivation, problem solving, and conflict resolution ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref76">24</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref77">29</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref78">32</reflink>])</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-27">Positive School Community Involvement</hd> <p>According to [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref79">15</reflink>] and [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref80">20</reflink>], a supportive school community that promotes strong Latino cultural values and community unity serves as a protective factor for Latino students' sense of school belonging, academic success, and community involvement. Feeling part of a community has been found to be a protective factor for all students regardless of race or ethnicity ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref81">19</reflink>]). [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref82">18</reflink>] also found that resilient Latino students usually do not engage in negative peer relationships, and they do not easily succumb to negative peer pressure. Being part of a positive community should help to generate positive outcomes for any youth, especially if that youth is from a cohesive culture.</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-28">Positive Self-Concept</hd> <p>[<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref83">18</reflink>] found that Latino students who have a positive self-concept and high self-esteem are more likely to thrive than those students who do not believe in their own abilities/skills. [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref84">12</reflink>] found that immigrant Latinos with positive self-concepts and cultural identities tend to have higher self-esteem and lower levels of depression. This finding is congruent with the general research on resiliency. Youths who believe in themselves tend to be socially and emotionally resilient ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref85">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0031563679-29">SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION</hd> <p>The extant literature on Latino mental health shows that Latino immigrant youths are at risk for negative social and academic outcomes. Latino immigrant youths need the support of their host culture in order to maintain and enhance the protective factors they arrive with. To be more specific, Latino immigrant youth need the culturally sensitive support of their parents and their communities (e.g., schools) in order to promote their positive self-concept, feel that they are part of the new community/culture, and adapt to the new culture, without feeling the need to deny or feel ashamed of their native culture ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref86">1</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref87">18</reflink>]).</p> <p>When working with immigrant students, we must develop and implement interventions that focus on all the ecological factors that might be affecting their acculturation (adaptation) to American culture (e.g., language, socioeconomic status, familial acculturative gaps, trauma from the immigration experience, previous educational experiences). Implementing interventions that fail to account for these factors would yield ecologically invalid results. In order for interventions to be effective with ethnic and cultural minority individuals, those interventions must be culturally sensitive, and in order for interventions to be culturally sensitive for Latino immigrant youths, research scholars must be familiar with the factors that are currently affecting youths' development.</p> <p>Most of the literature that we have reviewed clearly indicates the negative pathways and negative outcomes for the mental health and academic results of immigrant Latino youth As previously noted, however, our purpose in delineating these negative outcomes and trajectories is to inform preventive interventions that will promote and enhance resilience factors for this population in a culturally sensitive manner. In our search in the literature on the specific protective factors for Latino immigrant youth, we identified three sources of resilience for these youths: (a) parental involvement ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref88">23</reflink>]), (b) positive school/community involvement ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref89">15</reflink>]), and (c) positive self-concept ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref90">18</reflink>]). We hope that the extensive discussion of these risk factors, as well as the discussion on protective factors, informs the reader as to what exactly are the unique and specific academic, social, and emotional needs of Latino immigrant youth, needs that would be beneficial to address in future interventions. We hope that this model can serve as a guideline that will aid health and education service providers in designing and implementing culturally sensitive and effective preventive interventions in schools and in communities, with a focus on resiliency and the promotion and maintenance of protective factors.</p> <p>We contend that the behavior and levels of adaptation, acculturation, and acculturative stress of Latino immigrant adolescents are results of the interaction of contextual and within-person variables. When we say that our model is embedded in an ecological model, we mean to say that our model addresses the different issues, individual and contextual, that have an effect on an individual's mental health and school outcomes. Those different issues, in turn, address different levels of the ecological model, at all levels of the model (see Figure 2). Figure 2 shows the contextual variables that affect an individual at different ecological systems. Our message is this: The immigrant is not the problem, and the negative outcomes that may result are not solely a within-adolescent problem. But several contextual influences (such as housing, schooling, public policy, etc.) play a major role in the development of these negative outcomes, and therefore interventions with this population must be conceptualized as a multilayered process. As a result, we hope that future researchers and practitioners can devise interventions that are contextual in nature, addressing not only an adolescent's individual factors, but also his or her surroundings, relationships, community, opportunities, and the larger society.</p> <p>Graph: FIGURE 2 Ecological factors that impact the social–emotional state of Latino immigrant adolescents.</p> <ref id="AN0031563679-30"> <title> REFERENCES </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref86" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Bernal, M.E., Saenz, D.S. and Knight, G.P.1995. 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Social-Emotional Needs of Latino Immigrant Adolescents: A Sociocultural Model for Development and Implementation of Culturally Specific Interventions – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Blanco-Vega%2C+Christiane+O%2E%22">Blanco-Vega, Christiane O.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Castro-Olivo%2C+Sara+M%2E%22">Castro-Olivo, Sara M.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Merrell%2C+Kenneth+W%2E%22">Merrell, Kenneth W.</searchLink> – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Latinos+and+Education%22"><i>Journal of Latinos and Education</i></searchLink>. Jan 2008 7(1):43-61. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Lawrence Erlbaum. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/default.html – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: PhysDesc Label: Physical Description Group: PhysDesc Data: PDF – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 19 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2008 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Maintenance%22">Maintenance</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Pathology%22">Pathology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Risk%22">Risk</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Adolescents%22">Adolescents</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigrants%22">Immigrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Hispanic+Americans%22">Hispanic Americans</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Guidelines%22">Guidelines</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mental+Health%22">Mental Health</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sociocultural+Patterns%22">Sociocultural Patterns</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Models%22">Models</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Role%22">Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Personality%22">Personality</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Intervention%22">Intervention</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Substance+Abuse%22">Substance Abuse</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Awareness%22">Cultural Awareness</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/15348430701693390 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1534-8431 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: This article describes the social-emotional needs of Latino immigrant adolescents within an ecological framework. Most of the literature on Latino immigrants' mental health focuses on the pathology and emotional needs of adults, often neglecting the needs of adolescents. We argue that the needs of adolescent Latinos may differ dramatically from those of their adult counterparts. Our proposed model explains the role of sociocultural factors on the development and maintenance of resiliency and risk factors among Latino immigrant adolescents. This model is an adaptation of W. A. Vega and A. G. Gil's (1999) model for explaining substance use in this population. Implications for interventions that focus on the maintenance of resiliency factors are discussed. (Contains 2 figures.) – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: Author – Name: Ref Label: Number of References Group: RefInfo Data: 36 – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2008 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ783602 |
| PLink | https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ783602 |
| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/15348430701693390 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 19 StartPage: 43 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Maintenance Type: general – SubjectFull: Pathology Type: general – SubjectFull: Risk Type: general – SubjectFull: Adolescents Type: general – SubjectFull: Immigrants Type: general – SubjectFull: Hispanic Americans Type: general – SubjectFull: Guidelines Type: general – SubjectFull: Mental Health Type: general – SubjectFull: Sociocultural Patterns Type: general – SubjectFull: Models Type: general – SubjectFull: Role Type: general – SubjectFull: Personality Type: general – SubjectFull: Intervention Type: general – SubjectFull: Substance Abuse Type: general – SubjectFull: Cultural Awareness Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Social-Emotional Needs of Latino Immigrant Adolescents: A Sociocultural Model for Development and Implementation of Culturally Specific Interventions Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Blanco-Vega, Christiane O. – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Castro-Olivo, Sara M. – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Merrell, Kenneth W. IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2008 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1534-8431 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 7 – Type: issue Value: 1 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Latinos and Education Type: main |
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