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Access, Attitudes and the Digital Divide: Children's Attitudes towards Computers in a Technology-Rich Environment

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Title: Access, Attitudes and the Digital Divide: Children's Attitudes towards Computers in a Technology-Rich Environment
Language: English
Authors: Lebens, M., Graff, M., Mayer, P.
Source: Educational Media International. Sep 2009 46(3):255-266.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 12
Publication Date: 2009
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Evaluative
Education Level: Secondary Education
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Educational Technology, Access to Computers, Computer Attitudes, Socioeconomic Status, Economically Disadvantaged, Performance Factors, Predictor Variables, Student Attitudes, Attitude Measures, Use Studies, Secondary School Students
Geographic Terms: Germany
DOI: 10.1080/09523980903135467
ISSN: 0952-3987
Abstract: Given that children in Germany with a lower socio-economic status (SES) are over-represented at general secondary schools, the present study aimed to examine the impact of children's SES on attitudes towards computers. The results suggest that compared to average SES students, children from deprived socio-economic backgrounds perceive the computer as important but remain generally more cautious towards computers, despite being exposed to a "technologically rich environment", where computer-based instruction is part of the curriculum and ensures frequent access to high quality ICT devices. The findings add further support to the notion that the mere provision of ICT access is not sufficient to close the digital divide. Rather, the extent of support that low SES children receive from their social network and prevailing stereotypes with respect to ICT proficiency, seem to be salient variables which require further investigation. (Contains 5 tables.)
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 23
Entry Date: 2009
Accession Number: EJ855851
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0044085255;5b101sep.09;2019Feb12.14:42;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0044085255-1">Access, attitudes and the digital divide: children's attitudes towards computers in a technology-rich environment. </title> <p>Given that children in Germany with a lower socio‐economic status (SES) are over‐represented at general secondary schools, the present study aimed to examine the impact of children's SES on attitudes towards computers. The results suggest that compared to average SES students, children from deprived socio‐economic backgrounds perceive the computer as important but remain generally more cautious towards computers, despite being exposed to a "technologically rich environment", where computer‐based instruction is part of the curriculum and ensures frequent access to high quality ICT devices. The findings add further support to the notion that the mere provision of ICT access is not sufficient to close the digital divide. Rather, the extent of support that low SES children receive from their social network and prevailing stereotypes with respect to ICT proficiency, seem to be salient variables which require further investigation. Zugang, Einstellungen und die digitale Kluft: die Einstellungen von Kindern zu Computern in einer technologie‐geprägten Umgebung In Anbetracht dessen, dass Kinder in Deutschland mit einem niedrigeren sozioökonomischen Status (SES) bei allgemeinen Höheren Schulen überrepräsentiert sind, hatte die vorliegende Studie zum Ziel, den Einfluss des SES von Kindern auf Einstellungen zu Computern zu untersuchen. Die Ergebnisse legen nahe, dass im Vergleich zu SES‐durchschnittlichen Studenten Kinder mit sozial benachteiligten sozioökonomischen Hintergründen den Computer als wichtig wahrnehmen, aber allgemein zurückhaltender gegenüber Computern bleiben. Trotzdem wurden sie einer "technologisch reichen Umgebung" ausgesetzt, wo Computer Instruktion stützte, ein Teil des Lehrplans ist und häufigen Zugang zu ICT Geräten hoher Qualität sicherte. Die Ergebnisse der Studie legen nahe, dass die bloße Bestimmung des ICT‐Zugangs nicht ausreichend ist, um auf eine digitale Kluft zu schließen. Eher scheinen sie das Ausmaß der Unterstützung, dass als niedrig‐SES bewertete Kinder von ihrem sozialen Netz und vorherrschenden Stereotypien in Bezug auf ICT Kenntnisse erhalten, wichtige Variablen zu sein, die weitere Untersuchungen erfordern. Accès, attitudes et fossé numérique: les attitudes des enfants par rapport aux ordinateurs dans un environnement riche en technologie Etant donné qu'en Allemagne les enfants venant d'un niveau socio‐économique plus bas (NSE) sont sur‐représentés dans les écoles secondaires générales,la présente étude avait pour objet d'étudier l'impact du niveau socio économique des enfants sur leur attitude par rapport aux ordinateurs. Les résultats permettent de penser que, si on les compare aux élèves NSE moyens, les enfants venant de milieux socio économiques défavorisés, perçoivent l'importance de l'ordinateur mais restent généralement plus prudents vis‐à‐vis de l'informatique bien qu'ils aient été exposés à «un environnement riche en technologie» où l'enseignement fondé sur l'ordinateur fait partie du cursus et assure un accès fréquent à des systèmes TIC de grande qualité. Ces résultats renforcent également la notion selon laquelle le seul fait de fournir un accès TIC ne suffit pas à lui seul pour combler la fracture numérique. A la vérité, l'ampleur du soutien que les enfants de milieux socio économiques défavorisés reçoivent de leur réseau social et les stéréotypes en vigueur par rapport aux compétences informatiques, semblent constituer des variables frappantes qui nécessitent des études plus approfondies. Acceso, actitudes y la brecha digital: algunas actitudes de los niños acerca de los ordenadores en entornos ricos en tecnologías Considerando que en Alemania los niños procedentes de niveles socio económicos (NSE) bajos están sobrerepresentados en en las escuelas secundarias generales, el objetivo del presente estudio era de examinar el impacto del nivel socioeconómico de esos niños sobre sus actitudes acerca de los ordenadores. Los resultados nos llevan a pensar que en comparación con el promedio de los alumnos NSE, los niños procedentes de familias desfavorecidas perciben indudablemente el ordenador como una cosa importante pero generalmente permanecen más cautelosos acerca de los ordenadores aunque están expuestos a entornos ricos en tecnologías en los cuales la enseñanza basada en los ordenadores forma parte del curriculo y garantiza un acceso frecuente a aparatos informáticos de alta calidad. Esos resultados demuestran con más fuerza que la mera provisión de un acceso a las TICs no es suficiente para compensar la brecha digital. Al contrario el grado de apoyo que los niños de NSE bajo reciben de su red social así como los estereotipos comunes acerca de la competencia informática, parecen constituír variables destacadas que necesitan investigaciones minuciosas.</p> <p>Keywords: computer attitudes; digital divide; socio‐economic status</p> <hd id="AN0044085255-2">The digital divide</hd> <p>In conjunction with the growing implementation of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) devices for educational purposes, the concept of the digital divide has received increasing research coverage in recent years and is now an established concept in the related literature. However, the digital divide is still frequently understood in terms of a "hardware divide", which arises due to a lack of access to ICT resources. As a consequence, educational policy makers invested more money for the acquisition of ICT devices in order to alleviate the digital divide and to ensure equality of access for children from different ethnic or social backgrounds. However, research indicates that these attempts have not been successful, presumably because of an ill‐defined conceptualisation of the digital divide. Indeed, it can be criticised that the dichotomous distinction between the technological "haves" and "haves not" simplifies the interaction of different factors which contribute to the digital divide. Warschauer ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref1">23</reflink>]) raises serious reservations against such an explanatory model and points out that the availability of ICT access is overemphasised at the expense of factors such as general literacy, level of education, community resources and social resources. Similarly, Stanley ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref2">20</reflink>]) draws attention from cost–related, economic factors to psychosocial variables, which might affect attitudes towards computers. Therefore, further research should depart from investigating the issue of access to physical IT resources and draw attention to the cultural factors, as argued by Stanley ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref3">20</reflink>]).</p> <p>A more elaborate conceptualisation of the digital divide has been forwarded by Martin ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref4">13</reflink>]). According to Martin ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref5">13</reflink>]), the digital divide encompasses three major dimensions: motivation, possession and skills. Motivation is defined as the individual's attitude towards learning to use ICT and the willingness to devote effort to the acquisition of ICT skills. Possessions refer to the actual availability of and access to ICT devices. Skills describe not only the individual's ability to deal with ICT devices but also the availability of help and support in their social network. The importance of social networks has also been emphasised by DiMaggio, Hargittai, Neumann, & Robinson, ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref6">5</reflink>]) and Stanley ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref7">20</reflink>]). According to Stanley ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref8">20</reflink>]), the relationship between computer attitudes and social background is complex: "I conclude that efforts to increase computer literacy in underserved communities must go beyond physical access and connectivity and consider the role of cultural factors". In essence, the arguments cited above suggest that the digital divide goes beyond a divide in terms of physical access and the three‐dimensional model of Martin ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref9">13</reflink>]) will be utilised as a framework for the purpose of the present research. This study aims to investigate the attitudes in general secondary students from economically deprived backgrounds compared to peers from average socioeconomic backgrounds.</p> <hd id="AN0044085255-3">General secondary schools – social segregation and deprivation</hd> <p>General secondary schools have come under scrutiny in recent years due to a student population that is highly segregated in terms of ethnicity, language mastery and socio‐economic status, low performance and poor occupational prospects (Rösner, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref10">16</reflink>]). Beck ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref11">1</reflink>]) claims in his seminal work "Risk Society" that attendance at German general secondary schools equals a one‐way street towards occupational and thus socio‐economic hopelessness. Because of their low performance, these students face severe problems in entering the labour market compared to students from other secondary school forms. In order to illustrate the situation of general secondary school students, it is essential to provide a brief outline of the educational system in Germany.</p> <p>Germany consists of different states (Länder), such as North Rhine–Westphalia (NRW), with federal educational ministries. Strictly speaking, there is no uniform educational system in Germany. However, the school structures and the curricula are comparable. In essence, the secondary school system is broken down in four major school types, the general secondary school (Hauptschule), the intermediate secondary school (Realschule), the grammar school (Gymnasium) and the comprehensive school (Gesamtschule). Apart from these school types, special schools exists which provide a basic educational qualification for students with special needs. The different secondary school types have different aims and entry requirements.</p> <p>The Gymnasium is comparable to a grammar school. Depending on the state, the Gymnasium takes eight to nine years and leads to A‐levels (Abitur), required to attend university. The intermediate secondary school ends after Year 10, meaning that students visit the Realschule for six years. After finishing the Realschule, the majority of students enter vocational education. However, students with adequate performance can be admitted to the grammar school afterwards. The general secondary school aims to provide children with a basic educational certificate and to prepare them for a vocational qualification. As with the Realschule, students visit the general secondary school for six years.</p> <p>Depending on the child's achievement during primary school, the primary school teacher refers to the child to one of the four secondary school types. Primary school children with low achievement scores in core subjects such as mathematics are referred to general secondary schools, whereas children with average and above average grades are able to attend comprehensive school. Once children have been referred to a school type, it is difficult for children to be admitted at a higher secondary school type. There is a growing consensus among researchers that an increased permeability between different school types has not been achieved (Mauthe & Rösner, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref12">14</reflink>]). The hierarchical organisation of the secondary school system reflects the assumption that students of different abilities and with different occupational aims should be segregated into different schools. Indeed, the mathematical achievement at general secondary schools is low compared to other secondary school types (Fleischer, Pallack, Wirth, & Leutner, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref13">6</reflink>]). This tracking system has been severely criticised in recent years, especially because the segregation, which has considerable consequences for children's future careers, takes place after just four years of primary school education. Hence, children from economically deprived families are severely disadvantaged compared to children from a middle‐class household, who experience a facilitating environment and support at home.</p> <p>Indeed, the share of students from low socio‐economic backgrounds is higher than 50% at most general secondary schools (Schümer et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref14">17</reflink>]). This is crucial, because the German secondary school system has been criticised for exacerbating disparities between children from different socio‐economic statuses. Research indicates that children from lower SES households are severely disadvantaged in the educational system. The definition of students' SES is based on the school data, which indicate whether or not students receive financial support to buy school books. Families who receive this support are classified as lower SES. Over 80% of the children who attend grammar school come from a high parental occupation background, so that children from working class parents are vastly underrepresented (Becker, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref15">2</reflink>]).</p> <p>Children from higher SES backgrounds are nine times more likely to attend grammar school than working‐class students. Students from all other SES classes are still four times more likely to attend grammar school than working‐class children. Working‐class children, on the other hand, are three times more likely to attend general secondary schools. In 2001, only 25% of working‐class children, but over two‐thirds of all other classes, received recommendation for grammar school (Becker, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref16">2</reflink>]). Also, over 10% of working‐class children had to repeat a school year in primary school and children from this class were more likely to repeat than children from higher social backgrounds. In addition, an investigation of school data from 2000 to 2002 revealed that working‐class children perform consistently worse at school than children from higher classes. Dauber, Alexander and Entwisle ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref17">4</reflink>]) found that low SES students are more often referred into lower tracks. To sum up, educational opportunities are strongly determined by social background. This contradicts the prevailing view of Germany as a society that is characterised by equal opportunities for members of all races and classes and facilitates the tendency not to acknowledge the significance of social background for educational success.</p> <hd id="AN0044085255-4">ICT implementation for socially deprived learners</hd> <p>In order to improve the occupational prospects for general secondary school children, it is crucial to ensure regular and frequent access to ICT devices to prepare them for a participation in an increasingly technological society. Indeed, given the rapid advances in technology, skilled usage of ICT devices is not only a "critical filter" for entry into higher echelon occupations, but is nowadays required for the majority of occupations (Crombie, Arbanel, & Anderson, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref18">3</reflink>]). This implies that the provision of, and access to, ICT is essential for all students and especially for those with limited occupational prospects. Many general secondary schools have recognised the need to provide a notoriously disadvantaged student population with ICT experiences and access to high‐quality resources and spent considerable money on computers and hardware, Internet access and computer‐based learning software.</p> <p>An example for such a technology‐rich environment is the school where the present study was carried out. Each classroom is equipped with two Internet‐ready personal computers for research purposes. In addition, two rooms with a total of 38 Internet‐ready personal computers are available for learning purposes. Children from classes five to nine have a total of four hours computer‐based learning in mathematics and German per week. Further, children from class seven onwards have two hours of ICT education per week. Given the emphasis on computer‐based learning and the access to ICT resources, it is justified to describe this school as a technology‐rich environment.</p> <p>The research suggests that ICT implementation can facilitate the achievement of disadvantaged and low achieving learners. Graff and Lebens ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref19">9</reflink>]) found that the implementation of a web‐based programme can lead to significant learning gains in mathematics for children with mathematical difficulties at general secondary schools. Owens and Waxman ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref20">15</reflink>]) reported that learners from minority groups used computers more frequently. Hanson ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref21">10</reflink>]) on the other hand asserts that implementing computers maintain educational inequities with respect to social background and therefore contribute to a digital divide.</p> <p>Indeed, a review of the existing literature suggests that learners from socially disadvantaged backgrounds and ethnic minorities hold a rather negative self‐concept of their abilities to work effectively with a computer (Stanley, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref22">20</reflink>]). Volman, van Eck, Heemskerk and Kuiper ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref23">22</reflink>]), for example, claim that students from ethnic minorities see themselves as less capable of using IT than students from the majority population. Indeed, these assumptions are confirmed in the findings of the Volman et al. study, which provides results of a self‐assessment of computer skills. Only 68% of students from ethnic minorities considered themselves able to send an email, compared to 89% of majority students. Whereas nearly 100% of the majority population was confident that they were able to surf the Internet, only 73% of their minority classmates considered themselves able to do so. Similarly, only 61% of students from an ethnic minority background, compared to 87% of the majority group, reported that they could print out an Internet page. In secondary schools, 89% of majority students assessed themselves as being proficient in Microsoft Windows, compared to 67% of minority students. In sum, Volman et al. ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref24">22</reflink>]) concluded that students from an ethnic minority saw themselves as less proficient than majority students in 15 out of 24 computer skills. If children from ethnic minorities forward a sceptical attitude towards computers, it might be that this pattern also applies to children from deprived economic backgrounds. This question is the focus of the current research.</p> <p>The term "digital natives" implicates that students' competence with ICT is almost taken for granted nowadays. Teachers, lecturers and future employers expect students to be able to use the various digital opportunities available to them. The increasing popularity of social utility tools such as Facebook or Twitter extends the importance of ICT competence from the occupational and academic domain to the domain of social and personal relationships. In other words, ICT competence constitutes a dimension of contemporary socio‐cultural capital.</p> <p>Hence, it is even more important to examine the factors which contribute to the "digital divide". One factor which has been cited in this respect is a lack of access to ICT devices. In order to address this issue further, the present study explores the role of socio‐economic status on attitudes towards computers in a technology‐rich environment. The aim of the study is to derive practical implications for facilitating "digital inclusion" among students from deprived socio‐economic households.</p> <hd id="AN0044085255-5">Method</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0044085255-6">Sampling</hd> <p>The school selected for the current research was chosen because the student population is representative of the student composition at general secondary schools in the state of North Rhine–Westphalia. The information of the demographic composition of the student population has been derived from published data from a large‐scale educational assessment which included measures on the demographic characteristics of the catchment area. Based on this information, it was possible to categorise schools in one of three categories, as depicted in Table 1 below. The school where the present research took place falls into category one.</p> <p>Table 1. Classification scheme for the demographic composition of the student population.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td /><td>Category 1 general schools (36.4%)</td><td>Category 2 secondary schools (44.6%)</td><td>Category 3 secondary schools (less than 20%)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Student composition</td><td>At least 50% immigrant students with language deficits.</td><td>25–50% immigrant students with language deficits.</td><td>Less than 25% immigrant students with language deficits.</td></tr><tr><td /><td>At least 20% children from a low socio‐economic background</td><td>10–20% children from low socio‐economic background</td><td>Less than 10% of students come from families with a low social background</td></tr><tr><td /><td>Almost no children from parents with higher education certificates.</td><td>Up to 10% of children from families where at least one parent has a higher education certificate.</td><td>More than 10% of children from families where at least one parent has a higher education certificate.</td></tr><tr><td>Catchment area</td><td>Children tend to live in urban high–density areas, which are characterised by a low real estate value, multi‐ storey buildings, large apartment blocks and the absence of garden or parks.</td><td>Children tend to live in suburban areas. The real estate value in these areas is middle to upper class.</td><td>Students live in rural suburban areas that are characterised by free‐standing houses, green spaces and gardens.</td></tr><tr><td>Note: Adapted from <ext-link ext-link-type="url" href="http://www.learn-line.nrw.de/angebote/lernstand8/download/ergebn%5f05/kompetenzniveaus%5f05.pdf" title="www.learn-line.nrw.de/angebote/lernstand8/download/ergebn%5f05/kompetenzniveaus%5f05.pdf" />.</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0044085255-7">Participants</hd> <p>Sixty children aged 11–14 took part in the present study, 25 males and 35 females. The mean age was 12.7 years. Of all children, 31 children were identified as coming from low socio‐economic backgrounds, based on whether or not they receive financial support for buying school equipment. Children visited classes five and six of a German general secondary school in an urban catchment area. As part of their curriculum, the children had a total of four hours computer‐based learning, two hours for mathematics and two hours German. The programme they used for mathematics and German is an eLearning platform, which provides web‐based delivered instruction. The programme starts with a standardised test to diagnose children's abilities. Based on this diagnosis, the programme generates an individual learning schedule for each child. Under the supervision of the teacher, the children then work through their schedule.</p> <hd id="AN0044085255-8">Materials</hd> <p>The revised computer attitude scale was administered to measure students' affective responses towards the computer. The revised computer attitude scale for secondary students was designed by Smalley, Graff and Saunders ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref25">19</reflink>]) and is a modification of Jones and Clarke's ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref26">11</reflink>]) computer attitude scale for secondary students (CASS). In line with the CASS, the modified scale involves a behavioural, a cognitive and an affective component. The scale includes a total of 37 items, 15 items for affect, 10 items for behaviour and 12 for cognition. Based on the results of Cronbach's alpha, the internal consistency of each of the scales was found to be satisfactory: affective (.95), behavioural (.71) and cognitive (.88). The overall internal consistency of the entire scale is high (.95). In the modified version, the cognitive items were revised in favour of more contemporary items. The scale is designed as a five‐point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Items with negative statements must be scored reverse. The scale has a satisfactory test–retest reliability (r =.88).</p> <hd id="AN0044085255-9">Procedure</hd> <p>The revised computer attitude scale for secondary students was administered in groups of 10 students. After students sat down, they were made feel comfortable through approximately five minutes of informal talk. They were briefly introduced to the rationale of the attitude research. It was emphasised that their data would be handled confidentially and would not be shown to their teacher or anyone else. After the briefing, students received their questionnaire booklets, a pen and a German dictionary in case they didn't know a word. After the students had finished the questionnaire, they were thanked and asked to go back to their class quietly. On average, the questionnaire took 30–35 minutes to complete.</p> <hd id="AN0044085255-10">Results</hd> <p>A one‐way analysis of variance has been carried out to investigate differences in attitudes towards computers between children from average and low SES households for each of the items. A mean score higher than three implies agreement with an item whereas a mean score lower than three implies disagreement. For the purpose of clarity and brevity, only items which showed significant differences will be reported. The mean scores displayed in Table 2 indicate that children from a lower SES background were significantly more likely than their average SES peers to indicate that they "feel important when others ask me for information about computers" than average SES students (F (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref27">1</reflink>, 58) = 3,8; <emph>p</emph> =.58). Table 3 shows that low SES students were more likely than average SES students to agree that "If I can, I will take subjects that will teach me to use computers" (F (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref28">1</reflink>, 58) = 3, 9; <emph>p</emph> =.52), suggesting that they are keen to use the available opportunities to learn more about computer usage than students from average SES backgrounds, who possess ICT equipment at home. However, the means in Table 4 demonstrate that children from deprived socio‐economic backgrounds felt significantly more threatened than average SES students when others talked about computers (F (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref29">1</reflink>, 58) = 5,1; <emph>p</emph> <.05). In addition, Table 5 shows that these children were more likely to get a sinking feeling when they think of trying to use a computer (F (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref30">1</reflink>, 58) = 3,8; <emph>p</emph> =.52).</p> <p>Table 2. Differences between children from low and average SES backgrounds: I feel important when others ask me for information about computers.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>SES</td><td>Mean</td><td>Std. Deviation</td><td><italic>n</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Low</td><td char=".">3.35</td><td char=".">1.28</td><td char=".">31</td></tr><tr><td>Average</td><td char=".">2.76</td><td char=".">1.10</td><td char=".">29</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td char=".">3.07</td><td char=".">1.22</td><td char=".">60</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 3. Differences between children from low and average SES backgrounds: If I can, I will take subjects that will teach me to use computers.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>SES</td><td>Mean</td><td>Std. Deviation</td><td><italic>n</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>low</td><td char=".">3.87</td><td char=".">0.85</td><td char=".">31</td></tr><tr><td>average</td><td char=".">3.31</td><td char=".">1.31</td><td char=".">29</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td char=".">3.60</td><td char=".">1.12</td><td char=".">60</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 4. Differences between children from low and average SES backgrounds: I feel threatened when others talked about computers.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>SES</td><td>Mean</td><td>Std. Deviation</td><td><italic>n</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>low</td><td char=".">3.68</td><td char=".">1.33</td><td char=".">31</td></tr><tr><td>average</td><td char=".">4.34</td><td char=".">0.9</td><td char=".">29</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td char=".">4.00</td><td char=".">1.18</td><td char=".">60</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 5. Differences between children from low and average SES backgrounds: I get a sinking feeling when trying to use a computer.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>SES</td><td>Mean</td><td>Std. Deviation</td><td><italic>n</italic></td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Low</td><td char=".">3.90</td><td char=".">1.22</td><td char=".">31</td></tr><tr><td>Average</td><td char=".">4.41</td><td char=".">0.73</td><td char=".">29</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td char=".">4.15</td><td char=".">1.04</td><td char=".">60</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0044085255-11">Discussion</hd> <p>Overall, the results imply that while children from low SES households express feelings of threat and tension when they think of using a computer or when witnessing computer‐related talk, they also value computers and believe that computer‐related knowledge is important. In other words, children from low SES households recognise the importance of computers and ICT skills as an essential component for their future educational and occupational prospects but at the same time these children feel cautious about actually using the computer. Thus, the findings imply that a digital divide between children from low SES households and children from low SES households remains, in spite of extensive ICT resources in their school. This pattern of findings can be explained in terms of Martin's ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref31">13</reflink>]) three‐dimensional conceptualisation of the digital divide. As mentioned in the literature review, Martin ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref32">13</reflink>]) proposed that the concept of the digital divide goes beyond a lack of access to ICT resources and encompasses three dimensions, namely motivation, possession of ICT resources and skills.</p> <p>The motivation of children from low SES households to use computers seems ambivalent. On the one hand, the finding that children from low SES households are more willing to take subjects which include ICT usage than their average SES peers implies a considerable motivation to devote effort to the acquisition of ICT skills. Indeed, the finding that low SES children feel more important than average SES children suggests that they recognise and appreciate the benefits and values associated with ICT proficiency. The finding that learners from deprived socio‐economic backgrounds are more interested in learning to use ICT devices corresponds to previous results. Pulos and Fisher (1987), for example, found that learners from low SES backgrounds were more interested in working with the computer than their average SES peers. One possible explanation for this finding is that low SES children perceive computer literacy and ICT proficiency as essential qualification for entering "middle class" occupations.</p> <p>However, the cautiousness expressed by low SES children when thinking about using the computer by them might impede this motivation: hearing other children talking about computers more proficiently might give rise to feelings of inferiority. This seems to link with the notion that computer literacy is associated with "middle class" abilities and therefore constitutes a possible threat to children from low SES backgrounds. Hence, the motivational difference between children from different SES backgrounds can be linked to the aspect of possession, which remains an essential aspect within the concept of the digital divide. A possible reason for this cautiousness is that children from low SES households have fewer opportunities to interact with computers than their peers from average SES households, mainly because of a lack of access to ICT devices. This would then result in a lack of computer proficiency and lower self‐confidence in using computers.</p> <p>It could be argued that children were exposed to a technology‐rich environment and there should no longer be a difference between children from low and average households in their confidence to deal with a computer. However, it is likely that children from average SES households are advantaged because in addition to their ICT lessons in school, they have more frequent opportunities to interact with computers at home. It could also be argued that children from average SES households have not only more opportunities to work the computer but are more likely to possess their own computer whereas lower SES households might share one computer among family members. In addition, average SES households are likely to possess qualitatively better ICT devices which again an advantage of children from average SES households over children from low SES households.</p> <p>Also, Martin's three‐dimensional model emphasises that the mere possession of ICT resources is worth little without the availability of support from others: even if a low SES household possesses high quality ICT resources, the social support network might be not as strong as the support network of average SES households. High quality ICT resources might be more widespread among average SES households. Indeed, the parents of average SES children might be proficient in ICT usage because they need ICT skills as part of their jobs whereas low SES parents might be more likely to perform manual work or jobs which don't require ICT skills.</p> <p>Therefore, average SES children can draw on a wider support network such as parents, peers and relatives in case of problems when using ICT. Differences in the support network are likely to influence children's attitude towards using a computer and provide a potential explanation for why low SES children are more concerned when thinking to use the computer. Thus, it might be that technology‐rich learning environments increase the digital divide, because children who have access to both high‐quality ICT devices and support from parents and peers at home are more proficient when it comes to using computer literacy in school. In other words, it is possible that technology‐rich learning environments create a "Matthew effect", in that they benefit children who are already proficient in these environments.</p> <p>To recap, it was found that despite the fact that low SES children were exposed to a technology‐rich environment at school, they still expressed sceptical attitudes towards computers. This corresponds to the findings of Steele ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref33">21</reflink>]), who concluded that even equal preparation does not eradicate the marginalisation of minority students in educational systems (Steele, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref34">21</reflink>]) and this finding might extend to students' affective responses. While the fear of embarrassment and failure is relatively common for all students, Steele argues that minority students, such as low SES children, experience an additional stereotype threat, namely the fear of confirming the negative intellectual stereotype that their particular group carries. The fear of contributing to a group stigma has a self‐fulfilling potential because it increases anxiety in school environments.</p> <p>A stereotype does not need to be believed in to elicit stereotype threat: the mere awareness of an existing stereotype is sufficient to do so. In other words, stereotype threat results from the "mere recognition that a negative group stereotype could apply to oneself in a given situation" (Steele, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref35">21</reflink>]). Children from deprived social backgrounds might be aware that they are perceived as less familiar with the computer and are therefore more likely than native students to articulate negative attitudes towards the computer. Indeed, evidence shows that minority students do have higher levels of anxiety in scholastic situations that involve performance evaluation (Silverman, La Greca, & Wasserstein [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref36">18</reflink>]) and this corresponds to some extent to the present findings. To recap, the importance of cultural factors and Steele's stereotype threat theory provide helpful accounts for the attitudes towards computers in low SES children.</p> <p>This implies that children from deprived backgrounds deserve particular attention when implementing technology in the classroom. For those involved in educational practice and policy making, it is important to address the attitudes towards ICT in low SES children and their concept of computer literacy in order to provide appropriate interventions to improve attitudes. One possible option to improve attitudes is to exemplify the benefits of computer literacy, to show how ICT is used in everyday life and to challenge prevailing stereotypes that dealing with ICT is confined to a particular group of experts. Rather, it should be emphasised that children are "in control" when working with technology in order to develop a sense of self‐efficacy.</p> <p>The "Matthew effect" can possibly be avoided if children from deprived households receive closer supervision and more support from the teacher when working with ICT devices. Educational intervention should account for the attitudes of parents and peers towards ICT in order to achieve an effective transformation of attitudes. An exchange with parents is essential to explore how stereotypes regarding to ICT proficiency are produced and reproduced in children's family environment. Hence, any effort to improve attitudes towards computers need to go beyond the individual child and should account for the social environment in which attitudes are developed, maintained and reproduced.</p> <p>In addition, it might be useful for educational policy to promote computer literacy as a domain – general competence and to illustrate the usefulness of technology in different domains. Indeed, technology is mainly used for teaching and learning mathematics and this might contribute again to the Matthew effect, in that children with better mathematical and ICT abilities benefit more in technology‐rich environments than children with lower mathematical abilities or mathematical difficulties. Nowadays, computer literacy is almost taken for granted in the classroom and therefore it is even more important to remain alert and to notice the class‐related differences in dealing with devices that are mainly targeted towards middle‐class individuals.</p> <p>The findings substantiate the established notion that the mere provision of ICT resources does not alleviate the digital divide. Moreover, the finding that low SES children forward a more anxious attitude towards using a computer has considerable implications for educational practice, because attitudes towards a certain subject is linked to achievement and therefore influences later educational and occupational prospects. Levine and Donitsa‐Schmidt ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref37">12</reflink>]) found that attitudes towards computers are highly predictive for future computer‐related activities, for example whether or not students choose to pursue careers which ask for IT literacy. Also, Galbraith, Haines and Pemberton ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref38">7</reflink>]) reported a strong correlation between the computer‐mathematics subscale they developed and computer confidence than similar math‐related measures. Hence the negative attitudes of low SES children towards computers might deprive their ICT experiences and in turn career options, which are already deprived within the German educational system (Gogolin, Neumann, & Roth, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref39">8</reflink>]).</p> <p>In conclusion, the current findings suggest that in order to benefit from a technology‐rich environment, low SES children need not only access to ICT devices but also support from teachers and peers rather than mere supervision during computer‐based learning sessions. Further research might address the impact of support from teachers and peers on the facilitation of a positive approach towards the computer, which could potentially enhance the otherwise limited career options of low SES students from German general secondary schools.</p> <ref id="AN0044085255-12"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref11" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Beck, U.1986. Risikogesellschaft: Auf dem Weg in eine andere Moderne, Frankfurt/Main: Edition Suhrkamp. Sonderausgabe 2003</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref15" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Becker, R.2004. Datenreport 2004 – Zahlen und Fakten über die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Auszug aus Teil 2, Berlin: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref18" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Crombie, G., Arbanel, T. and Anderson, C.2000. Bridging the gender gap in high‐technology educationNational Association of Secondary School Principals. 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  Data: Given that children in Germany with a lower socio-economic status (SES) are over-represented at general secondary schools, the present study aimed to examine the impact of children's SES on attitudes towards computers. The results suggest that compared to average SES students, children from deprived socio-economic backgrounds perceive the computer as important but remain generally more cautious towards computers, despite being exposed to a "technologically rich environment", where computer-based instruction is part of the curriculum and ensures frequent access to high quality ICT devices. The findings add further support to the notion that the mere provision of ICT access is not sufficient to close the digital divide. Rather, the extent of support that low SES children receive from their social network and prevailing stereotypes with respect to ICT proficiency, seem to be salient variables which require further investigation. (Contains 5 tables.)
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