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Exploring the Overlap in Male Juvenile Sexual Offending and General Delinquency: Trauma, Alcohol Use, and Masculine Beliefs

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Title: Exploring the Overlap in Male Juvenile Sexual Offending and General Delinquency: Trauma, Alcohol Use, and Masculine Beliefs
Language: English
Authors: Brown, Adam, Burton, David L.
Source: Journal of Child Sexual Abuse. 2010 19(4):450-468.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Physical Description: PDF
Page Count: 19
Publication Date: 2010
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Sexual Abuse, Drinking, Delinquency, Males, Alcohol Abuse, Masculinity, Beliefs, Emotional Disturbances, Recidivism, Aggression, Crime, Youth, Violence, Therapy, Measures (Individuals)
DOI: 10.1080/10538712.2010.495044
ISSN: 1053-8712
Abstract: Despite Burton and Meezan's (2004) finding that sexually aggressive youth are three to four times more likely to recidivate nonsexually than sexually, there is little to no research to date that explores this overlap in criminality. With a sample of 290 male sexually violent adjudicated and incarcerated youth, this study was able to successfully predict those who are exclusively sexually violent from those who are both nonsexually and sexually violent with each of the following factors: childhood trauma, masculine beliefs, and alcohol use. While alcohol use accounted for the greatest variance between the groups, masculine beliefs offered the greatest basis for the discussion and future projects for the authors of the study. Treatment and research implications are offered. (Contains 2 notes and 5 tables.)
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 79
Entry Date: 2010
Accession Number: EJ892308
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0052646030;jxa01jul.10;2019Apr01.14:13;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0052646030-1">Exploring the Overlap in Male Juvenile Sexual Offending and General Delinquency: Trauma, Alcohol Use, and Masculine Beliefs. </title> <p>Despite Burton and Meezan's (2004) finding that sexually aggressive youth are three to four times more likely to recidivate nonsexually than sexually, there is little to no research to date that explores this overlap in criminality. With a sample of 290 male sexually violent adjudicated and incarcerated youth, this study was able to successfully predict those who are exclusively sexually violent from those who are both nonsexually and sexually violent with each of the following factors: childhood trauma, masculine beliefs, and alcohol use. While alcohol use accounted for the greatest variance between the groups, masculine beliefs offered the greatest basis for the discussion and future projects for the authors of the study. Treatment and research implications are offered.</p> <p>Keywords: nonsexual violence; masculinity; alcohol; trauma; sexual violence; juvenile sexual offender</p> <p>Due to the heterogeneity of the population of youth sexual abusers and the robust variance in the characterological and historical makeup of individuals within the population, etiological factors of juvenile sexual aggression remain unclear ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref1">31</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref2">72</reflink>]). Much of the current literature[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref3">1</reflink>] that targets juvenile sexual offending does so by comparing nonsexual offenders, also known as general delinquents, with sexually offending juveniles in an attempt to determine possible risk factors specific to sexual offending ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref4">6</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref5">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref6">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref7">70</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref8">71</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref9">79</reflink>]). Interestingly, in the process of considering these two groups dichotomously, researchers have paid little attention to the existence of a considerable overlap of nonsexual violence among juvenile sexual offenders. This, despite that reoffense of nonsexual crime in juveniles is three to four times more likely than the reoffense of sexual crime ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref10">8</reflink>]).</p> <p>Given this statistic, is it appropriate to unilaterally consider all juveniles who have committed one or more sexual crimes as a homogeneous group? Or is it possible that youth sexual offenders are quite different depending on their level of delinquency? If so, is it also possible that some of the factors that predict both general delinquency and sexual offending might also predict differences among the more delinquent and less delinquent youth sexual offenders? This distinction is important, as the conviction of a sexual offense for juveniles in the United States currently mandates similar or equal treatment and punishment to that of adult sexual offenders, including punitive sentencing, residency restrictions, and registration requirements that are often public, despite data demonstrating the averse effects of this reaction to juvenile offenders ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref11">35</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref12">67</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the majority of researched cultures, there is perhaps no greater risk to a male child's sense of masculine agency than the helpless experience of being the victim of a physical or sexual trauma early in life. Without appropriate treatment, many of these individuals might choose to use substances as a means to curb the psychological effects of this abuse. Some of these individuals go on to repeat the cycle of violence and perpetrate acts of sexual and nonsexual violence on others. Accordingly, in discussing etiologies of sexual and nonsexual violence and criminality in male juveniles, authors have often pointed to three variables: childhood trauma ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref13">26</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref14">34</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref15">59</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref16">75</reflink>]), substance abuse ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref17">33</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref18">47</reflink>]), and the endorsement of hypermasculine traits ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref19">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref20">43</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref21">66</reflink>]). Each of these factors has been shown to demonstrate a correlation to both nonsexual and sexual violence among juveniles. Yet, although it seems logical to do so, these correlates have not been used to explore the nonsexual criminality of juvenile sexual offenders, despite disproportionately high rates of nonsexual criminal recidivism among these individuals ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref22">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref23">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref24">54</reflink>]), suggesting that sexual violence for some juveniles is perhaps one of a number of delinquent activities in which they engage. Due to the dearth of existing literature on the nonsexual criminality of juvenile sexual offenders, the following review includes literature from general delinquency and youth sexual offending separately. This review also contains the use of some adult nonsexual and sexual offender literature for comparative purposes. It should be noted that such comparisons need be made with great caution, as these groups are distinct; however, the adult literature allows us to raise salient concepts for this nearly adult sample.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-2">VIOLENCE BEGETS VIOLENCE: EFFECTS OF TRAUMA</hd> <p>Despite the robust finding that most male juveniles who come from violent homes or abusive environments will not go on to be violent themselves ([<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref25">75</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref26">76</reflink>]), one of the early and still extant theories for both nonsexual and sexual violence in male juveniles is that many of those who victimize others are themselves victims who have gone on to repeat the cycle of violence ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref27">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref28">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref29">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref30">58</reflink>]).</p> <p>Among studies of male delinquency, severe physical discipline in the preschool years has been correlated to violent behavior in later years ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref31">27</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref32">60</reflink>]). Juveniles who have witnessed domestic violence, without necessarily being physically assaulted themselves, are also more likely to become delinquent than juveniles who have not witnessed violence ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref33">26</reflink>]). Additionally, children who have been reared in hostile homes are more likely to associate with delinquent peers ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref34">55</reflink>]), which, in turn, is a strong correlate of general delinquency ([<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref35">49</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref36">77</reflink>]).</p> <p>Juvenile sexual offenders disclose having been sexually victimized at a higher percentage than general delinquents, which results in the logical hypothesis that being a victim of sexual abuse may account for a great deal of sexually abusive behaviors ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref37">9</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref38">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref39">38</reflink>]). As with general delinquency, juvenile sexual offenders have typically been reared in environments with myriad forms of neglect and violence ([<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref40">59</reflink>]). In fact, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref41">2</reflink>]) have shown that exposure to sexual violence in the home, without necessarily being sexually violated themselves, may also contribute to the commission of sexual violence among juveniles.</p> <p>Therefore, while violence may indeed beget violence for some among both general delinquents and juvenile sexual offenders, extant literature points in the direction of a strong overlap for how trauma accounts for both. This suggests that other factors might be necessary in distinguishing general delinquency from juvenile sexual offending.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-3">SUBSTANCE ABUSE AND THE COMMISSION OF VIOLENCE</hd> <p>In his research on general delinquency, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref42">47</reflink>]) found alcohol use related to one-half to two-thirds of violent and nonviolent crimes committed by juveniles. Many other studies have also shown a positive correlation of substance use to delinquency ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref43">20</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref44">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref45">48</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref46">65</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref47">68</reflink>]). While these studies, among many others, suggest that substance use is often present at the time of a delinquent act, none demonstrate causality.</p> <p>In studies attempting to link juvenile sexual offending to substance use, little empirical evidence exists to support incidence ratios of the two, which vary from 3.4% to 72% ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref48">39</reflink>]). For example, many (now dated) studies have concluded that the prevalence of substance use among juvenile sexual offenders is uncommon ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref49">1</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref50">3</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref51">16</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref52">24</reflink>]), while a more recent study has found substance abuse to be a significant risk factor for adolescent male sexual offending ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref53">33</reflink>]). Similar to findings that link substance abuse to general delinquency, in their study of 351 male juvenile sexual offenders, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref54">12</reflink>]) found that nearly half of male juvenile sexual offenders report using substances before and/or after a sexual offense occurred, indicating this as a strong correlate, although, as with general delinquency, not necessarily causal.</p> <p>As with trauma, researchers have reported that substance use may be closely connected to both acts of delinquency and juvenile sexual offending. However, research has not yet demonstrated a clear relationship between substance abuse and criminal behavior.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-4">MASCULINE BELIEFS</hd> <p>In 2006, juvenile males accounted for 83% of all violent criminal arrests among juveniles in the United States ([<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref55">61</reflink>]). When isolating sexual criminality other than forcible rape and prostitution, males accounted for 90% of all juvenile arrests. For forcible rape specifically, males represented 98% of all juveniles arrested. Given the overwhelming male representation in the violent criminal juvenile population, it seems logical that researchers sometimes acknowledge the presence of masculine beliefs in the epidemiology of these offenders ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref56">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref57">57</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref58">62</reflink>]). While each masculinity measure is unique, <emph>hypermasculinity</emph> in extant studies of adult men typically indicates the presence of cognitive distortions with regard to physical, emotional, and/or intellectual superiority over all women and among those males who are deemed to be less masculine, which are then used to rationalize expressions of dominance ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref59">18</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref60">73</reflink>]).</p> <p>In studies of violent adult and juvenile males, it is often unclear to what degree cognitive distortions regarding masculine beliefs are preexisting (prior to the abusive behavior) or post hoc rationalizations. However, the robust presence of these cognitive distortions in the etiology of adult male violence, both sexual ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref61">13</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref62">42</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref63">44</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref64">63</reflink>]) and nonsexual ([<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref65">41</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref66">46</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref67">74</reflink>]), makes the presence of masculine beliefs a salient issue to explore in juvenile criminality.</p> <p>In general delinquency, hypermasculine beliefs have been correlated to the commission of violent acts on others as a justifiable means to demonstrate manhood ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref68">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref69">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref70">43</reflink>]), attain status in a group ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref71">29</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref72">51</reflink>]), and justify the depictions of dominance, toughness, and competitiveness in the world ([<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref73">66</reflink>]).</p> <p>Among juvenile sexual offenders, how hypermasculine beliefs correlate to sexual offending has been less clear. [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref74">30</reflink>]) found that the endorsement of hypermasculine beliefs did not have any predictive value in sexual offending at all, while other recent studies have found that, in fact, a deficit of hypermasculine traits may account for sexual offending ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref75">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref76">79</reflink>]).</p> <p>Therefore, using hypermasculinity as a factor in delinquency and sexual offending demonstrates less overlap than does trauma and substance abuse in extant literature. However, given its presence in studies of general delinquency, it seems logical that sexually offending youth who also endorse hypermasculine traits are more likely to be nonsexually violent than those who do not.</p> <p>Both trauma and substance abuse are correlated to general delinquency and sexual offending among juveniles, while studies of masculinity up to this point are too varied to provide for a clear comparison. Therefore, a closer examination of the overlap of nonsexual offenses among juvenile sexual offenders using two well-known correlates of both nonsexual and sexual offending, along with one well-known correlate of nonsexual and sexual violence in adult males that has not yet been well-researched in juveniles, is supported.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-5">CURRENT STUDY</hd> <p>Despite the high instances of nonsexual criminal recidivism (conviction) among juvenile sexual offenders, researchers have largely ignored the overlap in nonsexual criminality among juvenile sexual offenders. In the current project, a sample of 332 incarcerated juvenile sexual offenders is used to explore the commission of nonsexual violence. The first hypothesis is that there will be a high incidence of nonsexual violence in this sample of youth, as data suggests. The second hypothesis builds off of this and asserts that the three correlates used in this study will be able to account for the some of the differences between youth who exclusively sexually offend and those who commit acts of sexual and nonsexual violence, a finding that might suggest that researchers should resist the urge to consider youth sexual offenders as a homogenous group.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-6">METHODS</hd> <p>After consents were obtained, confidential data were collected from adjudicated male sexually offending youth in six residential facilities in a Midwest state. For this study, data were collected from 332 adjudicated juvenile sexual offenders, including demographics and nonstandardized measures of aggression.</p> <p>In order to separate subjects who were exclusively sexually violent from those who also reported to be nonsexually violent, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref77">15</reflink>]) Self-Report Delinquency Scale (SRD) was used to assess for nonsexual violence. This instrument is comprised of 32 items that asked the juveniles to give the best estimate of the number of times they had engaged in the activity listed during the year before entering prison[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref78">2</reflink>] and is scored on a 1–7 frequency scale, where 1 = "did not do" and 7 = "2–3 times per day."</p> <p>Four SRD items were used to indicate nonsexual violence (see Tables 1–4). If a youth responded to all four items that indicated nonsexual violence on the SRD and endorsed any of these behaviors, he was placed in the "nonsexually and sexually violent' (NS&SV) group (<emph>n</emph> = 147, 44.277%). Youth who responded to all four items, but did so without endorsing any of the behaviors were placed in the "exclusively sexually violent" (ESV) group (<emph>n</emph> = 143, 43.07%). The first set of analyses (i.e., frequency responses to the SRD questions) include the entire sample (<emph>N</emph> = 332), while the second set of analyses focus on between group analyses (NS&SV [<emph>n</emph> = 147] and ESV [<emph>n</emph> = 143], respectively, or <emph>n</emph> = 290, collectively).</p> <p>TABLE 1 Responses to "During the Year before Your Arrest, how Often Did You Attack Someone with the Idea of Seriously Hurting or Killing that Person?" (n = 298)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Frequency</td><td>Number (percentage)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Did not do</td><td char="%">197(66.1%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once per month</td><td char="%">47(15.8%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once every 2–3 weeks</td><td char="%">22(7.4%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a week</td><td char="%">9(3%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a week</td><td char="%">3(1%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a day</td><td char="%">8(2.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a day</td><td char="%">12(4%)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>TABLE 2 Responses to "During the Year before Your Arrest, How Often Did You Hit or Threaten to Hit Your Supervisor or Another Employee?" (n = 296)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Frequency</td><td>Number (percentage)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Did not do</td><td char="%">266(89.9%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once per month</td><td char="%">21(7.1%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once every 2–3 weeks</td><td char="%">2(.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a week</td><td char="%">1(.3%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a week</td><td char="%">0(0%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a day</td><td char="%">2(.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a day</td><td char="%">4(1.3%)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>TABLE 3 Responses to "During the Year before Your Arrest, How Often Did You use Force or Strong-Arm Methods to Get Money or Things from People?" (n =287)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Frequency</td><td>Number (percentage)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Did not do</td><td char="%">213(71.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once per month</td><td char="%">31(10.4%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once every 2–3 weeks</td><td char="%">11(3.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a week</td><td char="%">11(3.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a week</td><td char="%">0(0%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a day</td><td char="%">6(2%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a day</td><td char="%">15(5.1%)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>TABLE 4 Responses to "During the Year before Your Arrest, How Often were You Involved in Gang Fights?" (n = 282)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Frequency</td><td>Number (percentage)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Did not do</td><td char="%">203(67.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once per month</td><td char="%">21(7%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once every 2–3 weeks</td><td char="%">16(5.3%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a week</td><td char="%">8(2.7%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a week</td><td char="%">0(0%)</td></tr><tr><td>Once a day</td><td char="%">6(2%)</td></tr><tr><td>2–3 times a day</td><td char="%">28(9.3%)</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>The average age of the sample (<emph>N</emph> = 332) was 16.70 years (<emph>SD</emph> = 1.65 years). There were no age differences between the groups (<emph>t</emph> =.63, <emph>p</emph> =.53). Likewise, there was also no difference between the groups on grade (<emph>t</emph> =.73, <emph>p</emph> =.47); the youth were currently in the 9th grade (<emph>SD</emph> = 1.63 grades). There were also no differences between the groups in race (χ<sups>2</sups> = 4.1(<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref79">2</reflink>), <emph>p</emph> <.13), with 50% of the entire sample indicating their race as Caucasian (<emph>n</emph> = 156), 29% African American (<emph>n</emph> = 90), and 13% Other (<emph>n</emph> = 43), which includes those who indicated Hispanic, Asian, Pacific Islander, Native American, Arab American, or Other. An additional 13% of respondents (<emph>n</emph> = 43) did not report race.</p> <p>On a 7-point scale of modus operandi, (1 = babysat or played with victims and 7 = force and babysat/games threats), the overall sample reported an average of 2.44 (<emph>SD</emph> = 2.08). As might be predicted, there was a small difference with regard to modus operandi between the groups (<emph>t</emph> = 2.19, <emph>p</emph> =.03), with the NS&SV youth having a mean of 2.8 (<emph>SD</emph> = 2.13) and the ESV youth having a mean of 2.2 (<emph>SD</emph> = 2.02).</p> <p>On a 14-point scale indicating the severity or complexity of sexual crimes committed, (1 = exposure and 14 = penetration, exposure, fondling, and oral sex), the entire sample reported an average of 8.55 (<emph>SD</emph> = 4.29). Once again, there was no difference between the groups (<emph>t</emph> = 1.4, <emph>p</emph> =.16).</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-7">Administration</hd> <p>After institutional board approval, confidential data were collected using pencil and paper surveys from six residential facilities in a Midwestern state. The surveys were administered in small (8–12) group format in classrooms; however, participants were separated to ensure that they could not view one another's responses. The youth were not provided with an incentive to complete the survey.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-8">MEASURES</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0052646030-9">Socially Desirable Responding</hd> <p>The Millon Adolescent Clinical Inventory (MACI) is based on Millon's theory of patterns in personality ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref80">53</reflink>]) and is devised for youths in treatment or in correctional institutions. It was normed on 579 adolescents in such facilities, with 2 smaller cross-validation samples. Its scales comprise 160 true or false questions, including "I would much rather follow someone than be the leader" and "I probably deserve many of the problems I have." Based on [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref81">52</reflink>]) validity scoring procedures, data from 8 juveniles were not used for this study.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-10">Childhood Trauma</hd> <p>The Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) measures traumatic experiences throughout childhood and has been reported to have good internal consistency and test–retest reliability ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref82">4</reflink>]). The CTQ is a retrospective self-report questionnaire that consists of items used to assess the extent to which respondents experienced five types of negative childhood experiences: physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, physical neglect, and emotional neglect. The questionnaire used consisted of 34 items asking clients to rate the frequency of various events that took place when they "were growing up" on a 1–5 scale, where 1 = "never true" and 5 = "very often true." Therefore, the highest a youth could score on this measure is 170. Questions included: "Someone tried to touch me in a sexual way or make me touch them," "There was someone in my family who wanted me to be a success," and "I was punished with a belt, board, cord, or some other hard object." The overall total trauma score for the subsample used in this analysis had sound reliability (α =.94).</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-11">Substance Abuse</hd> <p>The alcohol use and drug use subscales of the SRD ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref83">15</reflink>]) were chosen to assess for substance use. This scale was designed and has often been used for an incarcerated male adolescent sample. Respondents answered questions regarding alcohol and drug use before being arrested on a 6-point scale (from 1 = "did not do" to 7 = "2–3 times per day." The alcohol subscale has two items. Therefore, the highest a youth could score on this subscale is 14. The two questions in the subscale included, "I used alcohol or other liquor" and "Was drunk in a public place." The alcohol use subscale had acceptable inter-item reliability of (a =.80) for the subsample. However, the 4 item drug use subscale did not (a =.489) and was not used in further analyses.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-12">Masculinity</hd> <p>The Male Role Norms Inventory (MRNI) consists of true or false questions to assess traditional and nontraditional masculine beliefs ([<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref84">36</reflink>]). Unique to the MRNI when compared to other masculinity inventories is that it calls for the respondents to make specific gender assignments to attitudes and beliefs without making any direct comparisons between men and women, thereby avoiding the likelihood of a respondent feeling shamed if he answers questions in a way that suggests femininity rather than masculinity ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref85">37</reflink>]). Fifty-two opinions are offered that ask respondents how they felt before they were arrested. A score of 1 = "strongly disagree" and 7 = "strongly agree." Examples of MRNI questions include: "A man should do whatever it takes to be admired and respected" and "A man should always be ready for sex." For this study and for comparison with other studies, the traditional MRNI score was used, which has 52 items. Therefore, a youth can score between 52 (strongly disagrees with every question) and 364 (strongly agrees with every question) on this measure. The traditional MRNI score had a respectable Cronbach's reliability (a =.87) for this subsample.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-13">RESULTS</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0052646030-14">Commission of Nonsexual Violence among Sexual Offenders</hd> <p>Among respondents who reported the commission of nonsexual violence (there were a few nonresponders in each question), the question responded to most affirmatively regarded intent to hurt or kill a person, with 30.42% of the entire sample (<emph>n</emph> = 101) endorsing this behavior (see Table 1). The nonsexual violence question most infrequently responded to in the affirmative regarded hitting or threatening to hit a supervisor, with 9.04% (<emph>n</emph> = 30) of the entire sample reporting to have done so (see Table 2). Perhaps this is the case, as many of the youth may not have been employed prior to arrest. However, we leave the result here for comparison with the many other samples assessed with this measure. In a total score (that is if youth said "yes" to any of the items), 56.9% of the youth admitted to nonsexual violence.</p> <p>The remaining analyses focus on between-group differences. As is typical, not all youth responded to all questions, so the subsamples are less than the main <emph>N</emph> in most cases.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-15">Substance Abuse</hd> <p>The two groups varied significantly on the SRD alcohol abuse scale (<emph>t</emph> = 8.20, <emph>p</emph> = <.000). The average for the NS&SV youth (<emph>n</emph> = 144) was 5.00 (<emph>SD</emph> = 4.19), while the ESV youth (<emph>n</emph> = 142) was 1.63 (<emph>SD</emph> = 2.58).</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-16">Childhood Trauma</hd> <p>The two groups also varied significantly on the CTQ total score (<emph>t</emph> = 3.78, <emph>p</emph> = <.000). The average for the NS&SV youth (<emph>n</emph> = 144) was 77.28 (<emph>SD</emph> = 26.89), while the ESV youth (<emph>n</emph> = 142) was 66.52 (<emph>SD</emph> = 26.19).</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-17">Distorted Masculine Beliefs</hd> <p>Finally, the two groups also varied significantly on the MRNI traditional score (<emph>t</emph> = 2.88, <emph>p</emph> = <.004). The average for the NS&SV youth (<emph>n</emph> = 144) was 4.02 (<emph>SD</emph> =.78), while the ESV youth (<emph>n</emph> = 142) was 3.76 (<emph>SD</emph> =.77).</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-18">Regression Analysis</hd> <p>Using logistic regression, the SRD alcohol abuse score, the CTQ total score, and the total traditional MNRI score were regressed onto group membership: nonsexually and sexually violent (NS&SV) youth and exclusively sexually violent (ESV) youth. All three variables significantly (χ<sups>2</sups> =66.79(<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref86">3</reflink>), p <.000) predicted group membership in descending order (see Table 5). This regression correctly classified 80% of the ESV youth and 66% of the NS&SV youth and accounted for 28.3% of the variance in group membership.</p> <p>TABLE 5 Logistic Regression Analysis</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td /><td><italic>B</italic></td><td>S.E.</td><td>Wald</td><td><italic>P</italic> value</td><td>Exp(B)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Alcohol use</td><td char=".">.256</td><td char=".">.044</td><td char=".">33.851</td><td char=".">.000</td><td char=".">1.292</td></tr><tr><td>CTQ Total Score</td><td char=".">.013</td><td char=".">.005</td><td char=".">5.853</td><td char=".">.016</td><td char=".">1.013</td></tr><tr><td>MRNI</td><td char=".">.371</td><td char=".">.181</td><td char=".">4.224</td><td char=".">.040</td><td char=".">1.450</td></tr><tr><td>Constant</td><td char=".">−3.113</td><td char=".">.849</td><td char=".">13.439</td><td char=".">.000</td><td char=".">.044</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Note</italic>: Group membership was coded 0 = exclusively sexually violent and 1 = sexually and nonsexually violent.</td></tr><tr><td>*Higher scores on the three measures signify more alcohol use, more trauma, and greater masculinity.</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0052646030-19">DISCUSSION</hd> <p>Previous researchers have shown both general delinquency and youth sexual offending (separately) to be predicted by childhood trauma and alcohol use (Caserta & Burton, n.d.; [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref87">12</reflink>]). While studies of masculine beliefs in youth are few in number and varied in their results, this has been shown to be a highly predictive factor in both general aggression ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref88">40</reflink>]) and sexual aggression in adult men ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref89">45</reflink>]). To date, no researchers have combined these potentially related variables among juveniles, as was done here. The first hypothesis, that most juvenile sexual offenders will demonstrate nonsexual criminality, was correct: results indicated that a little more than half of all juvenile sexual offenders report the commission of nonsexually violent behavior in the year prior to their incarceration. If the current study were to have included nonviolent criminality (e.g., breaking and entering, theft, drug possession with intent to sell, etc.), this number would have likely been much higher. The second hypothesis, that the three factors explored would successfully predict differences between youth who exclusively sexually offend and youth who commit acts of sexual and nonsexual violence, was also correct: alcohol use, childhood trauma, and masculine beliefs predicted nonsexual violence among sexually offending youth.</p> <p>It is interesting that there were no differences between the groups with regard to age, race, or grade in school; age might have been a relevant factor, as older and/or educationally advanced sexually abusive youth would have more opportunities for violence, coercion of others, and the physical strength to have a greater pool of victims. Additionally, the modus operandi of sexual abuse with regard to severity of sexual abuse did not vary between ESV youth and the NS&SV youth, which is a new and unexpected finding, and one perhaps suggesting that the severity with which one engages in sexual violence is not affected by correlates to nonsexual violence. This is quite surprising, as it stands to reason that a youth who demonstrates diverse violent behavior (e.g., NS&SV) would be more severe in his methods of sexually offending than a youth who is exclusively a sexual offender and otherwise nonviolent.</p> <p>That alcohol use is the greatest predictor of nonsexual violence among sexually offending youth is also a new finding, but one consistent with extant literature on the relationship of alcohol to both general delinquency and sexual aggression in adolescents ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref90">32</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref91">64</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref92">69</reflink>]). The difference between the two groups is striking, with the ESV youth reporting far less alcohol consumption than the NS&SV youth. One should be cautious when considering what might account for this difference, as it is not clear if greater alcohol use is contributory to higher levels of diverse violence, or if sexually offending youth who have a greater propensity for nonsexual violence also have lives that are more conducive to higher levels of alcohol consumption for reasons unrelated to and independent of the acts of violence themselves. This is a question that requires further research.</p> <p>The finding that greater trauma levels are reported among the NS&SV youth is not surprising, as trauma has already been found by many researchers, cited in the review, to contribute to both delinquency and sexual offending for some youth.</p> <p>A significant problem realized while exploring masculine beliefs is that definitions of masculinity used are not always clear and often anecdotal (e.g. [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref93">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref94">29</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref95">51</reflink>]). Furthermore, specific measures used in both this study, and all studies cited in the review, were measures originally designed and tested for adult populations and adapted by the authors of the study, as no widely used measure of masculinity in adolescents existed at the time of data collection. When creating the survey for the current study, the MRNI was chosen as the most appropriate of the existing masculine beliefs inventories, in part, because of its focus on gender assignment to attitudes in a more general sense (e.g. status, power, libido), as opposed to measures that assessed <emph>hypermasculinity</emph> or <emph>hostile masculinity</emph>, which focus on aggression against women and negative, hostile beliefs about women. Masculinity findings associated with sexual and general aggression in the review measured masculinity using a variety of different measures ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref96">45</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref97">56</reflink>]). Therefore, the understanding of how masculine beliefs affect general delinquency and sexual offending among male perpetrators remains opaque.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-20">IMPLICATIONS</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0052646030-21">Research</hd> <p>A better understanding of the relationship between alcohol use and the commission of nonsexual violence among juvenile sexual offenders can be aided by future analyses of patterns of behavior among juvenile sexual offenders specific to alcohol use before and after the commission of violent offenses. The exploration of comorbid factors (e.g., mood disorders, genetic and environmental factors, etc.) associated with alcohol use would also be beneficial.</p> <p>It seems apparent that clarifying the definition of masculinity might be helpful before future attempts are made in applying this concept to the etiology of sexual offending or general delinquency. Aside from questions relating to certain implicit biological characteristics of males, attempts to find common denominators across masculinity measures are quite challenging. In turn, this suggests an inherent problem with terms <emph>hypermasculinity</emph> and <emph>hostile masculinity</emph>, both of which have been identified to correlate with general delinquency and sexual offending in juveniles. As defined in the literature, these terms identify traits in males that closely resemble symptomology associated with psychopathy and Cluster B personality disorders (e.g., grandiosity, lack of empathy, aggressiveness, law breaking behavior, sexual impulsivity, recurrent fights, entitlement, exploitative of others, and arrogant attitudes). However, the direct connection between masculine beliefs and these behaviors is unclear. If <emph>hypermasculinity</emph> is literally excessive masculinity, and <emph>hostile masculinity</emph> a hostile version of behavior associated with being a normal male, then the implication is that normal masculinity includes attributes that reflect these characteristics, but either to a lesser extent (<emph>hypermasculinity</emph>) or in the absence of hostility (<emph>hostile masculinity</emph>). While feminist authors in the past 30 years have made great gains in understanding how traditional femininity engenders a culture of victimhood among many girls as they develop into adolescents and women ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref98">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref99">14</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref100">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref101">22</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref102">23</reflink>]), it is interesting that researchers have historically ignored how assumptions of traditional masculinity might also engender a culture of violent aggression in some boys as they develop into adolescents and men ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref103">50</reflink>]). While no single measure of masculine attitudes in relation to sexual offending has yet been standardized in adolescents ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref104">17</reflink>]), it seems that in doing so, care should be taken to avoid the intertwining of what it means to have masculine beliefs with what it means to be a perpetrator of violence or to be otherwise hostile toward others. While it is true that the vast majority of those committing violent crimes are male, as has been cited, it is also true that the vast majority of males living in the world are never arrested for committing acts of violence, perhaps suggesting that the majority of males are nonviolent individuals. If so, then one might conclude that the presumed association between masculinity and hostility is inappropriate. In our current study (data collection underway), an effort has been made to separate hostility and aggression from masculine beliefs.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-22">Treatment</hd> <p>As reported earlier, juvenile sexual offenders are three to four times more likely to reoffend nonsexually than sexually ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref105">8</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref106">78</reflink>]). The finding that alcohol abuse is the greatest predictor of nonsexual violence among juvenile sexual offenders suggests that alcohol-specific treatment for sexually offending youth might greatly reduce the commission of nonsexual violence among these young men. Currently, sexual offender programs for adolescents do not typically incorporate substance abuse treatment ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref107">10</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-23">Limitations</hd> <p>A known limitation is that this was a retrospective cross-sectional study. Despite using multiple facilities, this study was also limited by using sexual offenders from one state only. Along with a larger sample size, subjects from varying geographic populations will aid future analyses. Additionally, despite controlling for truthfulness with the MACI lie scale, use of the subjects' self-reports without corroborating reports from staff members or the subjects' official records increased the chance of deception. Finally, there are concerns about the use of the MRNI for this sample as discussed previously.</p> <hd id="AN0052646030-24">Notes</hd> <ref id="AN0052646030-25"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref3" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> 1. Please note that where the term <emph>juvenile</emph> is used, the ages of the youth in the studies are from 12–18 in most cases and occasionally 12–21. 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  Group: Ti
  Data: Exploring the Overlap in Male Juvenile Sexual Offending and General Delinquency: Trauma, Alcohol Use, and Masculine Beliefs
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  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Brown%2C+Adam%22">Brown, Adam</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Burton%2C+David+L%2E%22">Burton, David L.</searchLink>
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  Label: Source
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Child+Sexual+Abuse%22"><i>Journal of Child Sexual Abuse</i></searchLink>. 2010 19(4):450-468.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: PDF
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
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  Data: 19
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2010
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sexual+Abuse%22">Sexual Abuse</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Drinking%22">Drinking</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Delinquency%22">Delinquency</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Males%22">Males</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Alcohol+Abuse%22">Alcohol Abuse</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Masculinity%22">Masculinity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Beliefs%22">Beliefs</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Emotional+Disturbances%22">Emotional Disturbances</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Recidivism%22">Recidivism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Aggression%22">Aggression</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Crime%22">Crime</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Youth%22">Youth</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Violence%22">Violence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Therapy%22">Therapy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Measures+%28Individuals%29%22">Measures (Individuals)</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/10538712.2010.495044
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1053-8712
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Despite Burton and Meezan's (2004) finding that sexually aggressive youth are three to four times more likely to recidivate nonsexually than sexually, there is little to no research to date that explores this overlap in criminality. With a sample of 290 male sexually violent adjudicated and incarcerated youth, this study was able to successfully predict those who are exclusively sexually violent from those who are both nonsexually and sexually violent with each of the following factors: childhood trauma, masculine beliefs, and alcohol use. While alcohol use accounted for the greatest variance between the groups, masculine beliefs offered the greatest basis for the discussion and future projects for the authors of the study. Treatment and research implications are offered. (Contains 2 notes and 5 tables.)
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  Data: As Provided
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  Data: 79
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  Data: 2010
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  Data: EJ892308
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        Value: 10.1080/10538712.2010.495044
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      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 19
        StartPage: 450
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Sexual Abuse
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Drinking
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Delinquency
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Males
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Alcohol Abuse
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Masculinity
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      – SubjectFull: Beliefs
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Emotional Disturbances
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Recidivism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Aggression
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      – SubjectFull: Crime
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      – SubjectFull: Youth
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      – SubjectFull: Violence
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      – SubjectFull: Therapy
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      – SubjectFull: Measures (Individuals)
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Exploring the Overlap in Male Juvenile Sexual Offending and General Delinquency: Trauma, Alcohol Use, and Masculine Beliefs
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            – TitleFull: Journal of Child Sexual Abuse
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