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The Job Market for Teachers in Italy

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Title: The Job Market for Teachers in Italy
Language: English
Authors: Cammelli, Andrea, Ferrante, Francesco, Ghiselli, Silvia
Source: European Journal of Education. Dec 2011 46(4):489-507.
Availability: Wiley-Blackwell. 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148. Tel: 800-835-6770; Tel: 781-388-8598; Fax: 781-388-8232; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: http://www.wiley.com/WileyCDA/
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 19
Publication Date: 2011
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: Outcomes of Education, Labor Market, College Graduates, Foreign Countries, Teachers, Cultural Background, Teacher Characteristics, Motivation, Teaching (Occupation)
Geographic Terms: Italy
DOI: 10.1111/j.1465-3435.2011.01496.x
ISSN: 0141-8211
Abstract: The AlmaLaurea database (http://www.almalaurea.it) offers broad documentation on the characteristics of university graduates who chose a teaching career one year, three years and five years after their degree, forming a representative sample of Italian school teachers. This article offers both a descriptive analysis of the data on the characteristics of the groups examined and some deeper study to bring out the ways in which the features of university-trained teachers differ from those of other university graduates. The underlying behaviour hypothesis is that "educational and vocational choices depend not only on individuals' social and cultural background but are also shaped by economic and socio-cultural motivations". The intent of the in-depth study is to determine the distinctive traits of the various groups of teachers, deliberately selected for uniformity with respect to their educational careers and their chances of employment.
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 33
Entry Date: 2011
Accession Number: EJ947701
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0067365628;eje01dec.11;2019May31.08:45;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0067365628-1">The Job Market for Teachers in Italy. </title> <p>The AlmaLaurea database (<ulink href="http://www.almalaurea.it">http://www.almalaurea.it</ulink>) offers broad documentation on the characteristics of university graduates who chose a teaching career one year, three years and five years after their degree, forming a representative sample of Italian school teachers. This article offers both a descriptive analysis of the data on the characteristics of the groups examined and some deeper study to bring out the ways in which the features of university‐trained teachers differ from those of other university graduates. The underlying behaviour hypothesis is that educational and vocational choices depend not only on individuals' social and cultural background but are also shaped by economic and socio‐cultural motivations. The intent of the in‐depth study is to determine the distinctive traits of the various groups of teachers, deliberately selected for uniformity with respect to their educational careers and their chances of employment.</p> <p>The poor performance of Italian school students in basic subjects as revealed in international surveys ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref1">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref2">20</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref3">23</reflink>]) has sparked a wide‐ranging debate on the need to reform the school system and more specifically the mechanisms for teachers' recruitment, compensation and career advancement. The empirical evidence confirms that the quality of teachers, measured by various yardsticks, is an important factor in educational outcomes, albeit less important than family background and students' individual characteristics ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref4">18</reflink>]; Woessman & Fuchs, 2004). Three broad conclusions emerge from research on student learning. The first and most solidly based is that the largest source of variation in student learning can be attributed to differences in what students bring to school — their abilities and attitudes and family and community background ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref5">25</reflink>], p. 2).</p> <p>Attention to the quality of the educational process was also fostered by the more recent debate on the role of education as a driving force in economic development. It is increasingly clear that the growth of developed countries does not depend on educational levels or changes in them as much as on the skills of the population as measured by aptitude tests ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref6">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>Recruitment and teacher's compensation and career mechanisms are central to the discussion on educational reform, not just in Italy, but also in most OECD countries ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref7">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref8">21</reflink>]). One contributing factor is the average age of teaching staff, especially in Italy ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref9">21</reflink>]), which means that, in view of the substantial renewal that should be undertaken promptly(with the constraints and options of the public budget), it is urgent to improve the mechanisms of human resource selection and self‐selection in the school system. In 2004, it was estimated that the next 5 to 10 years would see the entry of more new teachers than in the previous 20 years ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref10">25</reflink>]).</p> <p>The assessment of education systems is subject to many limits, not only lack of data. First, one must identify the relevant parameters of educational performance and select the most appropriate indicators to gauge them. Second, we must be capable of isolating and measuring the main factors in that performance (school organisation, structure of curricula, kind and degree of parent participation, local and family context, mode of school financing), including teacher quality, while taking environmental factors into account. This is difficult methodologically and not without perils operationally. An abundant literature confirms this and offers little in the way of certainty, especially considering the weight of specific institutional and cultural factors in determining school performance which often prevents comparisons of experiences in different contexts ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref11">7</reflink>]). For Italy, national and international tests of academic performance give an indication on the teaching quality of schools but do not allow satisfactory in‐depth examination of the direct association between didactic inputs and educational output (test results). There are significant differences between the results of international tests (TIMMS, PISA) and the national INVALSI test, casting doubt on the latter's validity ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref12">23</reflink>]). Nor is direct measurement of teacher quality based on credentials (grade‐point average in high school and university, experience, post‐university training, etc.) entirely satisfactory. For just as for measurements of quality of work in other environments, the quality of teaching depends not only on objectively certifiable skills, but also on motivational, non‐cognitive or personality factors that are difficult to observe. The teacher characteristics that are harder to measure but can be vital to student learning include the ability to clearly convey ideas; create effective learning environments for different types of students; foster productive teacher‐student relationships; be enthusiastic and creative; and work effectively with colleagues and parents ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref13">25</reflink>] p. 2). These difficulties are reflected in the fact that the empirical evidence in this area is not conclusive ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref14">9</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref15">10</reflink>]). There is no doubt that, in addition to the teacher's knowledge and skills, school organisation, and students' background, motivation and personality traits contribute to effective teaching. The institutional matters include the criteria for setting standards for evaluating students (internal or external to the school), the school's degree of autonomy in various areas (budget, curricula, etc.) and pay incentives. The quality of learning processes greatly depends on teachers' motivation to develop their own teaching style that creates a channel of communication with the students.</p> <p>Institutional arrangements affect teachers' quality and motivation since they shape recruitment rules and determine the returns to the teachers' occupational choice ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref16">4</reflink>]). In Italy, recruitment criteria have varied greatly in the last few years and significant changes are still under way. In the period covered by this article, a qualification ('abilitazione') was required to obtain a permanent position, either through a competition or by attending specialisation schools for teaching at secondary level (SSIS). Tenured positions were allocated to those who ranked highly in the list of qualified teachers. To be hired as temporary teachers, graduates had to be enrolled and high‐ranking in a general list, as well as in a list managed at school level ('graduatoria provinciale' and 'graduatoria della scuola') that attach substantial weight to seniority acquired through temporary contracts ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref17">24</reflink>], pp. 72–75). Most graduates have been hired on temporary contracts and have experienced long periods of precarious employment. On average, they must wait ten years before being tenured ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref18">2</reflink>]).</p> <p>This article, which is based on the AlmaLaurea database, offers both a descriptive analysis of the characteristics of the groups and a deeper study to bring out the ways in which the features of university‐trained teachers differ from those of other university graduates. The underlying behavioural hypothesis is that educational and vocational choices depend not only on individuals' social and cultural background, but also on economic and socio‐cultural motivations. Choices are based on the expected content of contractual 'packages' associated with different educational and professional paths (earnings, flexibility of working time, career opportunities, correspondence to intellectual interests, etc.). The purpose of the in‐depth study is to determine the traits of the various groups of teachers, deliberately selected for uniformity with respect to their educational careers and chances of employment. We assume that: (a) those who chose the same educational path share more motivations and preferences than those who chose different paths; and (b) those who graduated in the same degree course had more uniform employment and professional opportunities than those with different degrees. The analysis is useful for a number of reasons. First, it offers up‐to‐date information on new teachers' profiles. Second, the quality of the Italian school system in the next three or four decades and the chances for reforming it depend on the characteristics of the teachers who are entering it now. Third, the information can help to identify the main factors of selection on which to act and the direction in which to move. And, finally, our approach can be extended to other countries.</p> <p>The key point in this article is that the teaching community, which is usually treated as essentially homogeneous, is highly differentiated internally. The selection and self‐selection of teachers differ, depending on their type of degree course and the school they attend. This corresponds to differences in the cultural motivations behind the future teachers' careers, due in part to individual social and cultural background, but also to asymmetries in graduates' actual or perceived employment and professional opportunities based on their degree and family background.</p> <p>The survey presented here, conducted by computer‐assisted telephone interviews in the autumn of 2007, covered all those who obtained their degrees in the summer sessions of 2006, 2004, and 2002, respectively one, three, and five years on. The sample comprised 92,000 degree holders from 45 universities ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref19">12</reflink>]). The questionnaire elicited responses to such key issues as: participation in graduate education, present employment, type of work (contract, position, earnings), characteristics of the employer (size, public/private sector, economic branch), relevance of the degree for the job (use of skills acquired at university, degree as a job requirement), job satisfaction, search for another job. The information is drawn principally from this employment survey, supplemented by the <emph>Profile of Graduates</emph>.</p> <p>The sample yields a meaningful picture of higher education in Italy, but, despite the large number of universities involved, it does not represent the entire system. Further, as the number of institutions involved in the survey is rising every year, there are problems of comparability of the samples over time. To obtain representative estimates for Italian university graduates as a group, the results of the employment conditions of pre‐reform graduates (before 2000) were treated by a procedure of 'reproportioning' which assigns to each interviewee a 'weight' such that the distributions of the reproportioned variables are as close as possible to those for all Italian graduates. This attenuated the limitations of the absence in the AlmaLaurea consortium of universities (<ulink href="http://www.almalaurea.it">http://www.almalaurea.it</ulink>) in some parts of the country, which is all the more important when analysing trends in a labour market that is characterised by sharp geographical disparities.</p> <hd id="AN0067365628-2">Characteristics of Teachers and Other University Graduates</hd> <p>The occupational position of university graduates, as observed in the AlmaLaurea survey, pinpoints those who have chosen teaching and allows for a comparative analysis with graduates who have chosen other professions.</p> <p>The categories distinguish between secondary (middle and high school) teachers and pre‐school and elementary school teachers. Other types of teachers are also identified (special education, physical education, etc.), but no comments or analyses are provided because of their specific characteristics. Whenever more detailed information is lacking, the type of teaching position was inferred from the type of degree obtained, since the range of teaching posts available is linked to training. Overall, pre‐reform graduates who reported being employed as teachers numbered almost 5,000 (1,200 within one year of graduation, 2,100 within three years, 1,500 after five years). Most of our considerations here bear on those who obtained a position five years on, assuming that by that time their professional situation had stabilised (not only in contractual terms). Thus, when no time period is specified, the group consists of those who are teachers five years after graduation.</p> <p>Of the group of employed graduates one year after graduation, 11% took up school teaching. 7% worked in elementary or nursery schools, 2% in secondary schools, and the other 2% in other types of teaching. Nationwide, about 54% of the teachers under 30 are university‐trained; in elementary school, the percentage drops to 34%, but it is 87.5% among secondary school teachers (see [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref20">2</reflink>] for data on the labour force in 2005). As the time since graduation increases, the share of graduates employed in the school system does not change significantly, but its composition does. Five years on, teachers still make up 11% of all graduates, but secondary school teachers are now the majority (almost 7%, against 3% in elementary and nursery schools and 2% in other institutions).</p> <p>The change in the distribution by type of school is due to the mode of entry into the labour force, i.e. the high share of one‐year graduates in elementary or pre‐school jobs reflects the fact that in many cases they are continuing a job that was taken up before finishing their university training. A large share had chosen this outlet before graduating: 36% one year after graduation, a figure that drops to 18% five years on. For all those employed as a group, in both cases the figures are at least 7 percentage points lower. The graduates who began their present job while still students are more numerous among primary and pre‐school than among middle or high school teachers: 39% as against 10% five years on.</p> <p> <bold>Gender</bold>. Teaching is very much a woman's profession. Over 80% of graduates who go into teaching are women, including 95% in nursery and elementary school (against about 55% of all employed graduates). But it should be noted that the selection mechanism begins with the choice of educational track in high school and then at university.</p> <p> <bold>Time needed to find first job</bold>. This is much longer for teachers, especially secondary school teachers. If, on average, those interviewed five years after graduation took over 13 months to obtain their first job (and nearly 15 months for secondary school teachers), graduates in other activities took less than 12 months. The gap does not depend on differences in the interval between graduation and work availability. In general, all those who were interviewed had started to look for work about 5 months after graduation, with no significant difference between teachers and others. Only secondary school teachers lagged behind by about a month.</p> <p> <bold>Socio‐cultural background.</bold> The analysis of graduates' social and economic background ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref21">13</reflink>]) shows that the probability of continuing one's studies beyond compulsory school largely depends on family background. This confirms the literature that underscores that education does not always favour social mobility, especially in Italy. Even though young people from socially and culturally advantaged families are overrepresented among university graduates, today, 72% are the first in their family to obtain a degree.</p> <p>An examination of the social and cultural background of graduates who go into teaching confirms the fundamental role of the family in influencing their choices and supporting them, not only economically. If these graduates tend to come from less educated families, 21% have at least one university‐trained parent, against 26% for non‐teachers. Amongst pre‐ and primary school teachers, only 12% have a university‐educated parent. This does not include graduates whose parents' social background and education are not available (about 18% of all respondents five years after graduation). Secondary school teachers show no significant differences with graduates in other professions. Indeed, those who follow degree courses that are more oriented towards teaching (letters, sciences, languages) come from the most advantaged families.</p> <p>Pre‐ and primary school teachers, whose employment choices are generally made before enrolment, are significantly older on graduation (28.5, as against 27.6 for secondary school teachers and employed graduates in general), reconfirming that in many cases they are already working when they obtain their degree.</p> <p>In terms of social background, white‐collar and managerial or professional families are less common among teachers and working‐class families are more numerous (19%, against 14% of non‐teaching graduates). Again, this is characteristic of pre‐ and primary school teachers (where a working‐class background rises to 21%). Those from working‐class backgrounds are more common among teachers in the geology/biology, other scientific, engineering and economics/statistics groups. Save for geology/biology, these courses rarely lead to teaching careers. Here again, limiting the analysis to secondary school teachers confirms the results. By contrast, teachers from the more teaching‐oriented degree courses (languages and sciences in particular), but also from political/social science, are more likely to come from white‐collar, managerial or professional classes. The social origins of the pre‐ and primary school teachers from the education‐oriented degree courses, by contrast, do not differ from those of the other professions. The concept of 'social class' here follows [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref22">11</reflink>]), reconfirmed more recently in [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref23">27</reflink>]): social class is determined by the socio‐economic position of the graduate's father and mother, identified as the higher of the two under the principle of 'dominance'.</p> <p> <bold>Mobility</bold>. The world of teaching is both highly gender‐ ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref24">21</reflink>]) and regionally characterised. Again, the results may be influenced by young people's differing aspirations, which in many cases represent a response to the economic and employment difficulties of their home regions. Regardless of degree course, teachers (especially secondary school teachers) come more frequently from the South. No fewer than 42% of these young teachers lived in the South when they graduated (49% among secondary school teachers), compared with 32% for people in other professions. The larger presence of Southerners in the teaching profession is even more marked in some degree courses: more than 50% of teachers/graduates in law, economics/statistics and sciences.</p> <p>Joint consideration of social class and region produces interesting findings. In the South, while the nationwide tendency of a relatively high percentage of working‐class backgrounds is confirmed (16%, compared with 19% nationally), the contingent of managerial/professional origin is nearly twice as large as in the North (11% as against 5%). Our data do not permit to discriminate among the interpretations of this outcome. Indeed, the latter interpretations include lack of job alternatives, the social prestige of the profession and the stability of a public job. Thus, in the South, because of greater economic difficulties and certain cultural factors, teaching is seen as a good job opportunity, regardless of social class.</p> <p>These initial observations do not take account of job‐related geographical mobility. Sometimes, graduates must consider the need to move. This is almost inevitable for those who reside in the South. These observations apply more markedly to teachers, especially secondary school teachers. Overall, about 20% have moved to another region for work‐related reasons, but the figure is 35% for Southerners and just 5% for Northerners. The case of secondary school teachers is instructive: 40% of those from Southern regions and only 4% of those from the North have changed regions for work reasons. Mobility for job‐related reasons goes beyond the North‐South divide. Secondary school teachers have a longer journey than other teachers or graduates in other professions. The teachers surveyed travel an average of 18 kilometres to get to work each day (against 16 for non‐teachers), but this average is 22 kilometres for secondary school teachers and 11 for pre‐/primary school teachers. And 20% of secondary school teachers travel between 30 and 100 kilometres, compared to just 12% of other graduates. This carries major implications in terms of costs.</p> <p> <bold>Stability and precariousness in public and private school teaching.</bold> One year after graduation, most teachers have only fixed‐term contracts (65%, against 16% for those in other professions). Among the non‐teachers, other atypical employment contracts are widespread (in particular, project collaborators), involving a quarter of all those who are employed one year on. Looking at open‐ended contracts, 33% of teachers have permanent positions, compared with 27% for non‐teachers. Those who have been working longer (especially teachers who are continuing a job they began while still studying) are more likely to have permanent jobs.</p> <p>Five years after graduation, however, disadvantages emerge. A large share of graduates has achieved job stability, but teachers still tend to be trapped in precarious situations. 38% have permanent positions (compared with 49% for non‐teachers, plus another 25% who are self‐employed) and 61% have fixed‐term contracts (compared to 9% in other professions). The situation of pre‐ and primary school teachers is better than that of secondary school teachers, probably because many continue jobs begun before completing their studies. 64% are on open‐ended contracts, compared with just 21% of secondary school teachers. Pre‐ and primary school teachers have a higher rate of job stability than non‐teachers.</p> <p>Most teachers are in the public sector (above 80% for every type of school), which has a significant impact on some of the main labour market indicators, most notably job stability. It is no accident that private school teachers generally report better contract terms: nearly two‐thirds of those interviewed are on open‐ended contracts, compared with just one third of public school teachers. And in this case, the greater job stability does not depend on continuation of jobs begun at university, as this situation is less common in private schools. Among those engaged in other professions, 80% of men and 68% of women have stable jobs; the difference depends above all on the distribution of self‐employment (29% of men, 21% of women).</p> <p>There are no differences in contract type between men and women, either among pre‐ and primary school or among secondary school teachers. This result, so radically different from the situation among non‐teachers, is probably due to the large share of teachers who are in public employment.</p> <p> <bold>Salary versus job commitment and effort</bold>. One year after graduation, the teachers surveyed report earnings of about €1,000 a month net, 3% less than graduates in other professions. They were asked: 'What are your monthly earnings from your current job? If you do not recall the exact monthly figure, please think of the average for the last three months, including any extra income or diminution, regardless of cause, as long as the cause is work‐related'. Focusing on those who entered the job market after graduation, average earnings are lower by about €40 a month, with no significantly greater decrease for any of the categories considered here. But with time, teachers' economic conditions worsen in comparison with other professions. As in the case of job security, it is precisely when university training begins to bear fruit that all the weaknesses and problems of the teachers' situation emerge. Where for teachers average real earnings increase by about 8% from the first to the fifth year after graduation to slightly under €1,100 a month, those in other professions score a gain in earnings of more than 30% to net take‐home pay of €1,370 a month.</p> <p>These considerations do not change when the sample is restricted to those who are working full‐time and only started their current job after graduating. Five years on, teachers have average monthly earnings of €1,150, other graduates €1,450. The decision to focus on this particular group follows from observations on the labour market. First, part‐time work is distributed differently by profession, gender, and public/private sector. Among teachers, and especially secondary school and private school teachers, part‐time work is more common: 20% as against 14% for those in other activities.</p> <p>Predictably, the earnings of secondary school teachers are significantly higher (€1,170) than those of primary and nursery school teachers (€1,080). The salary scale is quite 'flat', with very little variation between type of teaching or discipline and, within a given discipline, between individuals because of the great weight of the public sector in education where salaries are set by national collective bargaining. On the other hand, the school system makes no gender distinctions in terms of pay. Unlike most other branches of the economy, where, for a given position, men usually enjoy a considerable earnings advantage, in schools (private and public alike) gender differences are much narrower (overall, 5% in favour of men, against 22% in other occupations).</p> <p>Teachers are highly critical of their income level. Even though they were less concerned with this aspect at graduation, most maintain that their earnings are not commensurate with their education or with their current position. A comparison with graduates in other lines of work highlights this dissatisfaction. Overall, 83% think that their earnings are not in line with their level of education (compared with 66% among other employed university graduates), while 72% complain of the lack of correspondence with their position (57% among non‐teachers).</p> <p>Another factor is geographical differentials in earnings. First, there is the difference between teachers in some of the 'special statute' regions and those in other regions whose salaries are set by nationwide bargaining. The difference is so significant as to affect the self‐selection of teaching staff. Also, more generally, there is a sharp regional differentiation in the earnings of university graduates, especially non‐teachers. A significant source of variation, which is not analysed here, is geographical differences in the cost of living. Teachers are particularly disadvantaged in the North of Italy (where they earn 22% less than graduates in other professions), because the other graduates' earnings are higher, on average, than in the South (where teachers earn only 12% less than the others). This general conclusion needs further inquiry to take account of composition effects in connection with regional economic contexts.</p> <p>Notwithstanding the enormous difficulties ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref25">21</reflink>]), these differentials need to be evaluated with consideration of workloads, which differ according to employment position and type of activity, but also to sector (public or private). Independently of the share of part‐time work, teachers report that they work an average of 23 hours a week, against 41 for other employed graduates. It is hard to tell whether they counted their non‐classroom time (lesson planning, tests, exam grading, writing reports for school bodies, class coordination, project management, etc.). This factor is far from negligible, as it weighs directly on teachers' effective workload and because it is a feature of teaching and not of other lines of work. Finally, the average figure for weekly working hours does not allow for an evaluation of differences between teachers according to subject, which depend above all on non‐classroom work activity.</p> <hd id="AN0067365628-3">Career Choice and Job Satisfaction</hd> <p> <bold>Consistency between training and employment.</bold> The AlmaLaurea reports examine consistency between university training and professional outcomes according to whether the respondent's degree is required for the job and what use is made on the job of the skills and knowledge acquired at university. These aspects are combined in a summary index of 'degree efficacy on the job'. But since the university degree is all but compulsory for teaching, we chose to concentrate on the second component of the indicator. In all, six out of ten teachers report that they make ample use of their university‐acquired skills and training in their work, compared with only five out of ten among their non‐teaching counterparts. It is chiefly secondary school teachers (73% against 43% for primary and pre‐school teachers) and those who entered teaching just after graduation (69% against 52% for those who were already teaching) who make effective use of their university education.</p> <p>The teachers are generally more satisfied with their work, not only directly, but also indirectly in a lesser propensity to want to change jobs. Despite less job security and lower earnings, only 14% said they were looking for another job (compared with 26% of the graduates engaged in other professions); among secondary school teachers the percentage falls as low as 9%. Teachers' greater job satisfaction is confirmed not only in general terms, but also with reference to its social usefulness, correspondence to cultural and intellectual interests, consistency with their university studies, and leisure time. This does not prevent these university‐trained teachers from finding problems with their work, in particular with the prospects for income and career advancement, which they consider unsatisfactory. And they are not very satisfied with their job stability or type of contract. Secondary school teachers report greater satisfaction with the consistency between their job and their educational background, while primary and pre‐school teachers are more satisfied with job security and type of contract (again, this depends on the higher percentage of these teachers who are continuing work begun during their university years).</p> <p> <bold>The educational choices of teaching graduates: inclinations and opportunities.</bold> About half the teachers in the survey (Table I), independently of their university degree course, came from an academic high school (<emph>liceo</emph>), compared with 58% of graduates in other professions; 21% came from teacher training high schools, compared with 3% for those in other professions; and 16% had a technical school background, against 29% in other professions.</p> <p>I Graduates in 2002 interviewed five years later: Type of secondary school diploma by type of school or other profession (percentages)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th align="left" /><th align="center">Secondary school diploma</th><th align="center">No. Interviews</th></tr><tr><th align="center">Liceo</th><th align="center">Normal</th><th align="center">Technical</th><th align="center">Artistic</th><th align="center">Vocational</th><th align="center">Other</th><th align="center">Foreign</th><th align="center">No answer</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>Secondary school teachers</td><td>65.7</td><td>6.5</td><td>19.3</td><td>1.6</td><td>1.6</td><td>0.7</td><td>1.4</td><td>3.2</td><td>890</td></tr><tr><td>Elementary/pre — primary school teachers</td><td>19.8</td><td>61.1</td><td>5.0</td><td>0.5</td><td>2.1</td><td>1.5</td><td>—</td><td>10.1</td><td>360</td></tr><tr><td>Other teachers</td><td>44.9</td><td>15.1</td><td>18.8</td><td>1.1</td><td>5.2</td><td>1.2</td><td>6.0</td><td>7.6</td><td>245</td></tr><tr><td>Total teachers</td><td>51.2</td><td>21.0</td><td>15.8</td><td>1.2</td><td>2.3</td><td>1.0</td><td>1.8</td><td>5.6</td><td>1,495</td></tr><tr><td>Other occupations</td><td>58.0</td><td>3.0</td><td>29.3</td><td>1.4</td><td>2.2</td><td>1.0</td><td>1.5</td><td>3.6</td><td>12,063</td></tr><tr><td>Total employed graduates</td><td>57.3</td><td>5.0</td><td>27.8</td><td>1.4</td><td>2.2</td><td>1.0</td><td>1.6</td><td>3.8</td><td>13,564</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Teachers from academic or technical high schools are more common in secondary schools where they account for 66% and 19% of the total, respectively. In primary and pre‐school, most came from normal schools (61%). These data underscore the importance of consistency between educational background and occupational choice, especially since 29% of those who took a scientific university degree course attended a technical high school (to mention but one of the tracks leading most readily to employment in the school system). It is symptomatic that 5% of those who had taken a degree course in education (Table II) had attended vocational high schools (low though it is, this share is twice as high as for teachers as a group).</p> <p>II Teachers/graduates in 2002 interviewed five years afterwards: Type of secondary school diploma by group of university courses (percentages)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th align="left" /><th align="center">Secondary school diploma</th><th align="center">No. Interviews</th></tr><tr><th align="center">Liceo</th><th align="center">Normal</th><th align="center">Technical</th><th align="center">Artistic</th><th align="center">Vocational</th><th align="center">Other</th><th align="center">Foreign</th><th align="center">No answer</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>Economics‐statistics</td><td>50.8</td><td>2.2</td><td>42.8</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>4.1</td><td>60</td></tr><tr><td>Engineering</td><td>45.2</td><td>—</td><td>52.1</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>2.6</td><td>64</td></tr><tr><td>Geology‐biology</td><td>64.9</td><td>8.4</td><td>13.1</td><td>—</td><td>2.4</td><td>1.0</td><td>7.5</td><td>2.6</td><td>96</td></tr><tr><td>Languages</td><td>53.7</td><td>15.8</td><td>15.4</td><td>0.8</td><td>2.6</td><td>1.1</td><td>8.8</td><td>1.7</td><td>213</td></tr><tr><td>Law</td><td>37.0</td><td>37.2</td><td>21.6</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>4.2</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>31</td></tr><tr><td>Literary</td><td>67.9</td><td>19.1</td><td>3.6</td><td>1.0</td><td>2.0</td><td>1.3</td><td>0.3</td><td>4.8</td><td>434</td></tr><tr><td>Other science‐related*</td><td>40.7</td><td>4.0</td><td>36.5</td><td>10.5</td><td>—</td><td>3.9</td><td>—</td><td>4.4</td><td>58</td></tr><tr><td>Political‐social</td><td>42.5</td><td>42.8</td><td>12.6</td><td>—</td><td>2.1</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>37</td></tr><tr><td>Psychology</td><td>40.9</td><td>27.1</td><td>13.1</td><td>1.1</td><td>4.1</td><td>1.3</td><td>—</td><td>12.3</td><td>72</td></tr><tr><td>Science</td><td>65.0</td><td>4.4</td><td>29.0</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>—</td><td>1.6</td><td>94</td></tr><tr><td>Teaching‐related</td><td>24.9</td><td>46.2</td><td>10.5</td><td>1.9</td><td>5.0</td><td>0.3</td><td>—</td><td>11.2</td><td>293</td></tr><tr><td>Total teachers/graduates</td><td>51.2</td><td>21.0</td><td>15.8</td><td>1.2</td><td>2.3</td><td>1.0</td><td>1.8</td><td>5.6</td><td>1,495</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 *  Agronomy/veterinary, architecture, chemistry‐pharmaceutics.</p> <p>It is interesting to note that normal school graduates (regardless of profession) generally opted not only for education‐linked courses (pedagogy, education science, science of primary education), but also for letters, psychology, languages or political‐social subjects. In terms of the expectations of students nearing graduation, these courses are characterised by the possibility of self‐fulfilment at work, based on the more cultural factors. In the sort of work they seek, rather than earnings, career prospects and job stability, these students prefer a good match with their cultural and intellectual interests, consistency with their studies, and greater independence and more leisure time. The concordance of personal inclinations with life choices is also confirmed by respondents' profession five years after graduation. A large share of graduates from the education‐linked faculties, letters, science or languages opted for teaching, unlike graduates in law, economics or statistics, political and social science, engineering and other scientific faculties (agronomy/veterinary, architecture, chemistry‐pharmaceutics). It is no accident, then, that teachers account for 43% of graduates in the teaching‐related group of courses (pedagogy, education science, science of primary education), 34% of the literary group, and almost 30% of the scientific and language groups. As expected, secondary school teachers are significantly more common among graduates in sciences (28%), letters (24%), languages (20%) and geology/biology (16%); pre‐ and primary school teachers, obviously, are more numerous in the teaching‐related courses (23%).</p> <p> <bold>Teacher selection and self‐selection mechanisms: motivations, educational choices, employment opportunities.</bold> Useful though they may be in tracing the main characteristics of the young teachers in comparison with other university graduates, these results do not take account of the fact that the selection and self‐selection mechanisms should be assessed on the basis of more homogeneous comparisons in terms of educational choices and the job opportunities they bring. The more teaching is taken as a residual option among the available goals and alternatives, the more likely it is that the new teacher will not be very motivated and find little job satisfaction. On the one hand, the choice of degree course is affected by family background and pre‐university schooling, but on the other it influences post‐graduation employment outcomes ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref26">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>We assume that (a) those who have chosen the same educational path share more motivations and preferences than those who have chosen different paths; and (b) that those graduating in the same degree course have more uniform employment and professional opportunities than those with different degrees. It is revealing to resume our earlier considerations, taking the degree course into account. We focus on the respondents' judgements on earnings and job satisfaction. For earnings, our index numbers for comparing teachers with fellow‐graduates in the same degree course but a different profession show that teachers generally earn less. For teachers as a group, only those from the political/social science group earn more (6% more than their counterparts in other professions); and it should not be neglected that teaching is a totally residual career choice among this group. Among graduates in all the other degree courses, teachers earn less by amounts ranging from 28% among engineering graduates to 2% in the literary fields.</p> <p>As for job satisfaction, teachers' higher ratings are common to all degree courses except law and psychology, but, even here, the differences are small (the largest disparity, found among law graduates, translates into an average satisfaction grade of 6.8 out of 10 among teachers and 7.4 among those in other professions).</p> <p>The disaggregation of teachers in secondary and pre‐ or primary school levels confirms these considerations, despite some exceptions that nevertheless do not alter the overall framework.</p> <p> <bold>Job turnover.</bold> Our understanding of the employment choices of new teachers will be enhanced by comparing respondents who are looking for another job with those who do not intend to change, at least in the immediate future. We presume that strategies are affected by the length of time the graduate has been in the labour market, so we focus on those who did not start work until after graduation. Of these, 14% are actively seeking a different job, scarcely half the 27% registered by graduates in other professions. The share of teachers seeking a different job varies by type of school (9% for secondary, 17% for pre‐/primary). However, there would not appear to be self‐selection based on academic performance or even on family background. There are no significant differences between job‐seekers and others in university grade or degree lateness. Similarly, as regards parents' education and social class, our data show no differences between those who are seeking and those who are not seeking another job.</p> <p>By contrast, there is a significant difference between the two groups in terms of job satisfaction (Table III). In each of the parameters considered, the teachers looking for another job report being less satisfied than those who are not. They are not satisfied with their type of employment contract, their job security, and their earnings and career prospects (their judgements on these aspects are all below satisfactory; in the Italian school system, a pass —'satisfactory'— grade is 6). Another relevant point is the rewards of correspondence with one's cultural interests. Teachers looking for another job assess this aspect at 6.6 (out of 10), while their colleagues who are not interested in changing give a grade of 8, strongly underscoring the disparity of motivation between the two groups. The lowest marks given by the job‐seekers were for earnings, job security and career prospects. This is confirmed by data on earnings.</p> <p>III Teachers/graduates in 2002 interviewed five years afterwards: Job satisfaction of those seeking vs. not seeking a new job (average values)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th /><th>Seeking new job</th><th>Not seeking</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>Overall satisfaction</td><td>6.5</td><td>8.2</td></tr><tr><td>Job stability/security</td><td>5.2</td><td>6.4</td></tr><tr><td>Consistency with studies</td><td>7.1</td><td>8.1</td></tr><tr><td>Acquisition of skills</td><td>6.7</td><td>7.7</td></tr><tr><td>Prestige from job</td><td>6.1</td><td>6.9</td></tr><tr><td>Match with cultural interests</td><td>6.6</td><td>8.1</td></tr><tr><td>Social usefulness of work</td><td>8.4</td><td>8.9</td></tr><tr><td>Independence/autonomy</td><td>7.3</td><td>8.1</td></tr><tr><td>Involvement in decision‐making</td><td>6.7</td><td>7.4</td></tr><tr><td>Flexibility of hours/work time</td><td>6.4</td><td>6.8</td></tr><tr><td>Leisure time</td><td>7.3</td><td>7.9</td></tr><tr><td>Work place</td><td>7.0</td><td>7.4</td></tr><tr><td>Relations with colleagues</td><td>7.7</td><td>8.0</td></tr><tr><td>Type of contract</td><td>5.4</td><td>6.6</td></tr><tr><td>Earnings prospects</td><td>5.1</td><td>6.0</td></tr><tr><td>Career prospects</td><td>5.3</td><td>6.1</td></tr><tr><td>Total teachers</td><td>129</td><td>808</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>2 Not working before graduation.</p> <p> <bold>Ex‐ante motivations and ex‐post satisfaction.</bold> Educational and professional choices are guided by expectations of fulfilment. So to understand the factors driving new teachers' selection/self‐selection, an examination of graduates' motivations and relative satisfaction after five years can be most useful. Eight factors are considered here: earnings prospects, career prospects, job stability or security, acquisition of skills, correspondence with course of study, match with cultural interests, independence/autonomy, and leisure.</p> <p>For a more careful examination of motivations, we sought to adjust the judgements expressed for the 'cut‐off effect'. It is well known ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref27">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref28">6</reflink>]) that subjective judgements are scaled differently according to the individual. The scale is arbitrary, so figures can only be valid in relative terms. Hence, all figures have been normalised with respect to the respondent's average grade. The normalisation procedure sets all preferences on a scale of −1 to 1, with 0 corresponding to the average grade of the individual respondent. Grades of between −1 and 0 indicate aspects that respondents have judged worse than their personal average; those from 0 to 1, those they have judged better. In general, in their job search, these teachers seem to be chiefly motivated by cultural concerns (matching interests, correspondence with type of studies), while they attribute less importance than their non‐teaching colleagues to earnings and career prospects. The pattern remains when the type of school is controlled for (Table IV).</p> <p>IV — Graduates in 2002 five years afterwards: Judgements on various aspects of ideal job sought, by profession (average values, normalised judgements)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th align="left" /><th align="center">Judgements on various aspects of ideal job sought</th><th align="center">No. Interviews</th></tr><tr><th align="center">Earnings possibility</th><th align="center">Career possibility</th><th align="center">Job stability/security</th><th align="center">Acquisition of skills</th><th align="center">Consistency with studies</th><th align="center">Match with cultural interests</th><th align="center">Independence/autonomy</th><th align="center">Leisure time</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>Secondary school teachers</td><td>−0.14</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.36</td><td>0.68</td><td>0.15</td><td>0.25</td><td>−0.11</td><td>−0.52</td><td>746</td></tr><tr><td>Elementary/pre — primary school teachers</td><td>−0.17</td><td>−0.07</td><td>0.43</td><td>0.69</td><td>0.14</td><td>0.15</td><td>−0.14</td><td>−0.45</td><td>270</td></tr><tr><td>Other teachers</td><td>−0.21</td><td>−0.10</td><td>0.20</td><td>0.65</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.23</td><td>0.05</td><td>−0.46</td><td>188</td></tr><tr><td>Total teachers</td><td>−0.16</td><td>0.00</td><td>0.35</td><td>0.68</td><td>0.13</td><td>0.23</td><td>−0.09</td><td>−0.49</td><td>1,203</td></tr><tr><td>Other occupations</td><td>−0.01</td><td>0.23</td><td>0.12</td><td>0.72</td><td>−0.01</td><td>0.00</td><td>−0.04</td><td>−0.50</td><td>10,171</td></tr><tr><td>Total employed graduates</td><td>−0.03</td><td>0.21</td><td>0.15</td><td>0.72</td><td>0.01</td><td>0.02</td><td>−0.05</td><td>−0.50</td><td>11,381</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>A more detailed analysis confirms these observations. The normalised judgements were subjected to a factor analysis and the factors identified were subjected to a cluster analysis to isolate homogeneous groups of graduates according to their expressed preferences (considering only those who were employed five years after graduation). First, graduates in the degree courses that were more oriented towards teaching (literary, linguistic, education‐related and also scientific) had higher expectations for professional fulfilment corresponding to their personal cultural interests and relevance to their studies. They gave less importance to earnings, career, and even job security. And five years on teachers share the same kind of aspirations (those expressed at time of graduation), confirming the close correspondence between educational choices, professional aspirations and subsequent job history.</p> <p>Graduates who choose to go into teaching are thus more sensitive to cultural motivations in their educational and job choices. As we have seen, taking account of subjectivity in judgements, the data reveal, five years on, that teachers have greater job satisfaction in connection with cultural and intellectual factors and motivations. However, this needs to be examined in the light of the trend in job satisfaction over time. Looking at graduates in the same profession one year and five years after graduation, we find that in most respects their degree of job satisfaction has declined. A longitudinal study was conducted of students graduating in 2002 who were in teaching jobs both one year and five years later. Those engaged in other professions were also studied one and five years after graduation. Again, subjective assessments are adjusted for the 'cut‐off effect'. For teachers, the erosion is more pronounced. This deterioration in such a short period suggests that, by comparison with other graduates, those who choose to teach have higher expectations of fulfilment that are only partly satisfied, if not totally frustrated ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref29">21</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0067365628-4">Conclusion</hd> <p>This study of the AlmaLaurea sample of graduates confirms the usefulness of surveys to assess the characteristics and quality of entering teachers in comparison with the profile of graduates opting for other professions. The only element that is common to all the teachers is the large share and considerable duration of precarious employment ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref30">2</reflink>]). Five years after graduation only 38% have permanent positions, as against 49% of non‐teachers (and 74% counting the self‐employed). This translates into a significant deterioration between the first and fifth year after graduation in most of the indicators of job satisfaction for teachers, both in absolute terms and in relation to other professions. Hence, even though the overall job satisfaction of teachers five years on is still higher than that of other graduates, it declines even in that short period, both for those with and without secure jobs. Clearly, this stems from a particularly difficult entry path which teachers experience regardless of the outcome.</p> <p>Projecting this deterioration — although data are lacking — strongly suggests that while the job satisfaction rating is still higher among teachers after five years, it will not remain so throughout their careers. One wonders about the possible effects on teacher selection, since, with time, the information on unrealised expectations can be expected to feed back to the educational and career choices of the upcoming generations ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref31">16</reflink>]), weakening the incentives of students with better alternatives to enter the teaching profession.</p> <p>As for the differences linked to the type of degree course, all the data suggest that entry selection will be more virtuous (in terms of the teachers' credentials, motivations, job satisfaction, and the job‐education match) for graduates in the courses for which teaching is the natural job outlet, mainly teachers in the humanities. The selection appears to be less virtuous for graduates in technical‐scientific or pre‐professional disciplines. This coincides with the findings of international surveys on the requirements for qualified teachers by discipline and the difficulty of securing them in those areas ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref32">25</reflink>]).</p> <p>The data also reveal differences between secondary‐school and pre‐/primary teachers. They partly depend on different paths to employment. As for comparisons based on region of origin, the data confirm that southerners continue to choose teaching more frequently than other Italians. In any case, these data should be crossed with the marked feminisation of teaching, especially in elementary school. Many families, and not only in the South, still see teaching as the first best option for women ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref33">2</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref34">26</reflink>]), in relation to the concept of women's earnings as secondary to those of her husband. This model is associated with very specific cultural factors. In this sense, and also in the light of the job satisfaction data, teaching should not be seen as a residual choice from which to infer negative judgements on the underlying motivational factors. Having said this, however, given the relatively poor performance of Southern high schools in the PISA tests ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref35">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref36">23</reflink>]), Southerners' greater propensity for teaching means that a large proportion of Italian teachers are not trained in the best‐performing schools. Given the fundamental role of human capital in development, this engenders inertia that hampers the narrowing of the socio‐economic gap between North and South.</p> <p>The lack of uniformity within the group of teachers is in line with the PISA results, which show an equally diversified situation for Italian schools as a function of discipline, type of school and geographic area ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref37">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref38">20</reflink>]). The data show a more severe achievement deficit for Italian students in mathematics and sciences and in problem‐solving skills, and scores below the national average on all tests for, respectively, students in the South and those of the technical and vocational schools. The poor performance of technical and vocational school students in particular is confirmed by the AlmaLaurea data on students' university performance by type of high school (lateness in obtaining the degree, average grade). These outcomes therefore can, at least in part, be ascribed to processes of selection and self‐selection of different types of high school on the part of both students and teachers.</p> <p>Attentive examination of the AlmaLaurea data can provide general and specific indications for the Italian school reform. 'Policies aimed at attracting and retaining effective teachers need both to recruit competent people into the profession, and also to provide support and incentives for professional development and on‐going performance at high levels ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref39">25</reflink>], p. 7). Three aspects deserve investigation: the impact of precarious employment on the selection process, the role of incentives, and the relationship between training‐job match and teacher quality. In suggesting these reflections, we will be going beyond what strictly emerges from the data. An initial general consideration is that despite the marked deterioration in job satisfaction between the first and fifth year of teaching, the process of teachers' selection and self‐selection is neutral, except as regards social background.</p> <p>The marked differentiation within the groups of teachers suggests a second general indication of method, contrasting with the tendency to take teachers as an indistinct, uniform group. Organisational arrangements and any incentives should therefore recognise the variety of motivations and expectations, which involve both disciplines and school levels. This variety corresponds to differences in teacher profiles that are relevant for effectiveness, such as the differences in teaching method between art and mathematics, or in communicative approach between elementary and secondary school teaching. Even now, they correspond to differences in recruitment and roles in educational processes that need to be better articulated and enhanced at the various levels. There is no question, for instance, that secondary school teachers of the basic subjects (Italian, mathematics, sciences) count for more than the others in overall educational achievement. This depends both on the number of classroom hours and their role in coordinating classes and interacting with parents. But secondary schools do not recognise the importance of these roles in collegial decisions or in determining pay or career advancement. For example, at present, the decision not to let a student progress from the first to the second year of junior high school must be taken unanimously by all the teachers who are responsible for the class. Hence, the religion or physical education teachers could block the decision to retain a student with serious learning deficits. For the construction of a correct set of incentives, it is essential that these differences of role and responsibility in the control of the educational process, especially vis‐à‐vis families, be recognised both in terms of earnings and career and of roles within the school. This means envisaging, as in any organisation, the positions, mechanisms and career opportunities that are differentiated according to position within the educational process, effective workload, and responsibilities.</p> <p>Continuing on the subject of incentives, another general indication relating to aspirations and motivations is that, if teaching is to be made attractive to the best graduates, not only pay and career incentives, but also cultural motivations must be brought into play, as these are more important for teachers than for graduates in other professions, e.g. by providing free or low‐cost access to lifelong learning, purchase of books and participation in cultural activities that are relevant for skills enhancement. Rewards and sanctions need to be carefully modulated, given that both the economic theory ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref40">1</reflink>]) and empirical studies ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref41">15</reflink>]) make it clear that in the longer run results‐based pay can displace workers' intrinsic motivations and thus require a progressive upward realignment of the incentives. This is especially relevant for teachers, for whom the intrinsic motivations are decisive. In both cases, this means recouping the recognition of the key role of teachers as educators in school and in society.</p> <p>The job satisfaction data show the need to revise recruitment methods. Protracted precariousness is a grave pathology in the school system and must be remedied by instituting recruitment mechanisms that are rigorous in selection procedures, but also ensure the attainment of job security within a reasonable time frame. The lack of stability (teachers with precarious situations, but not only they, are subject to very great, obligatory mobility) not only makes teaching less attractive — job opportunities, holding motivation constant, are better elsewhere — but also severely undermine the effectiveness of teaching itself by reducing its continuity (For the adverse effects of teacher mobility on PISA test results, see [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref42">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref43">2</reflink>]). Another significant factor is the average distance of teachers' schools from home. The cost of commuting, at least for high school teachers, is considerably greater than for other professions (about 35% more in terms of kilometers). The cost of mobility comprises both monetary (for transport) and non‐pecuniary costs (time and discomfort). Specific tax breaks for teachers could be used to compensate for commuting costs. For a significant share of high school teachers, then, the cost of mobility between home and work may have a perceptible impact on their net earnings.</p> <p>As for the match between education and employment, our data suggest that the efficiency of the education system could be improved by introducing mechanisms to orient and tie down future teachers' educational choices starting in high school, especially for the fundamental subjects. For instance, of the AlmaLaurea sample, 15% of graduates in the linguistic group, 10% in the education‐oriented, and 4% in the literary group came from technical schools; for vocational schools, the figures were 3%, 5% and 2%. The idea that this matching is unimportant has ancient origins and has led to some abuses. For instance, until recently, the regulations permitted law graduates to teach physical education in high school.</p> <p>The tendency of thinking of special teacher training as something that comes on top of the university degree should be reconsidered in light of the fact that many of the skills and non‐cognitive traits required for teaching (teacher's talents) are acquired at an early age ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref44">14</reflink>]). This approach is supported in the economics/psychology literature, which finds significant elements of irreversibility in the training process ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref45">3</reflink>]). Taking into account the differing quality of education in high schools, as achievement tests show ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref46">21</reflink>]), one must question how advisable it is to retain today's indiscriminate access to the teaching of basic subjects. Instead, there could be greater overall consistency in future teachers' training, extending back to the type of secondary school.</p> <ref id="AN0067365628-5"> <title> REFERENCES </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref40" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Akerlof, G. A. (1982) Labor contracts as partial gift exchange, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 97, pp. 543 – 569.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref18" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Barbieri, G., Cipollone, P. & Sestito, P. (2008) Labour market for teachers: demographic characteristics and allocative mechanisms, Giornale degli Economisti e Annali di Economia, 66.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref45" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Borghans, L., Duckworth, A. L., Heckman, J. & Ter Weel, B. (2008) The Economics and Psychology of Personality Traits (NBER WP n. 13810).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref16" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Bishop, J. & Woessmann, L. (2002) Institutional Effects in a Simple Model of Educational Production (IZA WP 484).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref27" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Camillo, F. (1999) La costruzione di tipologie su preferenze espresse con voti: alcune soluzioni di codifica dei dati, Micro & Macro Marketing, 3.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref28" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Camillo, F. & Ghiselli, S., (2005) Dall'aspirazione alla soddisfazione: tipologia di transizioni e percorsi laurea‐lavoro definite su basi soggettive, in: A. Cammelli (Ed) La transizione dall'università al lavoro in Europa e in Italia.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref11" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> Cammelli, A., Buldo, B., Busetta, A. & Di Francia, A. (2004) Stato ed evoluzione delle statistiche dell'istruzione in Italia. Rapporto di ricerca 04.04, Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, Commissione per la Garanzia dell'Informazione statistica.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Cipollone, P. & Sestito, P. (2007) Quanto imparano gli studenti italiani: i divari Nord‐Sud. Mimeo Banca d'Italia.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref14" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> Clotfelter, C. T., Ladd, H. F. & Vigdor, J. L. (2007a) How and Why do Teacher Credentials Matter for Student Achievement? NBER Working Paper n. 12828.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Clotfelter, C. T., Ladd, H. F. & Vigdor, J. L. (2007b) Teacher Credentials and Students Achievement in High School: a Cross‐Subject Analysis with Students Fixed Effects (NBER WP n. 13617).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Cobalti, A. & Schizzerotto, A. (1994) La Mobilità sociale in Italia (Bologna, Il Mulino).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> C onsorzio I nteruniversitario A lma L aurea (2008) X Rapporto sulla condizione occupazionale dei laureati. Formazione universitaria ed esigenze del mercato del lavoro (Bologna, Il Mulino).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> C onsorzio I nteruniversitario A lma L aurea (2009) X Profilo dei laureati italiani. Nel cantiere delle riforme universitarie (Bologna, Il Mulino).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Cunha, F. & Heckman, J. J. (2007) The Technology of Skill Formation (NBER WP n.12840).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Frey, B. S. & Jegen, R. (2000) Motivation Crowding Theory: A Survey of Empirical Evidence. Zurich IEER Working Paper No. 26 <ulink href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=203330">http://ssrn.com/abstract=203330</ulink>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ferrante, F. (2009) Education, aspirations and life satisfaction, Kyklos, 62, pp. 542 – 562.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Ferrante, F. (2010) Educational/skill mismatch: cosa ci dicono i dati AlmaLaurea? XII indagine alma laurea sulla condizione occupazionale dei laureati, (Bologna, Il Mulino).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hanushek, E. A., Kain, J. F., O'Brien, D. M. & Steven Rivkin, S. G. (2005) The Market for Teacher Quality, NBER WP n. 11154.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Hanushek, E. A. & Woessmann, L. (2008) The role of school improvement in economic development, NBER WP n. 12832.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> INVALSI (2007) Le competenze in scienze lettura e matematica degli studenti quindicenni, Rapporto nazionale Pisa 2006 (Armando Editore).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> MPI (M inistero P ubblica I struzione) (2007) Quaderno bianco sulla scuola, settembre.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> MPI (2008) La scuola statale: sintesi dei dati.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Montanaro, P. (2007) La qualità dell'istruzione italiana; lavoro preparatorio per la relazione sul 2006 (Banca d'Italia, Nucleo di ricerca della sede di Ancona).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> OECD (2003) Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers — Country Background Report for Italy (Paris, OECD).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> OECD (2004) Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers — Final Report: Teachers Matter. Overview (Paris, OECD).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Schizzerotto, A. (2000) La condizione sociale e la carriera lavorativa degli insegnanti italiani, in: A. Cavalli (Ed) Scuola che cambia.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Schizzerotto, A. (a cura di) (2002) Vite ineguali. Disuguaglianze e corsi di vita nell'Italia contemporanea (Bologna, il Mulino).</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Woessmann, L. & Fuchs, T. (2007) What accounts for international differences in student performance? A re‐examination using PISA data, Empirical Economics.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Andrea Cammelli; Francesco Ferrante and Silvia Ghiselli</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref17"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref44"></nolink>
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  Data: The Job Market for Teachers in Italy
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cammelli%2C+Andrea%22">Cammelli, Andrea</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Ferrante%2C+Francesco%22">Ferrante, Francesco</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Ghiselli%2C+Silvia%22">Ghiselli, Silvia</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22European+Journal+of+Education%22"><i>European Journal of Education</i></searchLink>. Dec 2011 46(4):489-507.
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  Data: Wiley-Blackwell. 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148. Tel: 800-835-6770; Tel: 781-388-8598; Fax: 781-388-8232; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: http://www.wiley.com/WileyCDA/
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Outcomes+of+Education%22">Outcomes of Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Labor+Market%22">Labor Market</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Graduates%22">College Graduates</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teachers%22">Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Background%22">Cultural Background</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teacher+Characteristics%22">Teacher Characteristics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Motivation%22">Motivation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+%28Occupation%29%22">Teaching (Occupation)</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1111/j.1465-3435.2011.01496.x
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  Data: The AlmaLaurea database (http://www.almalaurea.it) offers broad documentation on the characteristics of university graduates who chose a teaching career one year, three years and five years after their degree, forming a representative sample of Italian school teachers. This article offers both a descriptive analysis of the data on the characteristics of the groups examined and some deeper study to bring out the ways in which the features of university-trained teachers differ from those of other university graduates. The underlying behaviour hypothesis is that "educational and vocational choices depend not only on individuals' social and cultural background but are also shaped by economic and socio-cultural motivations". The intent of the in-depth study is to determine the distinctive traits of the various groups of teachers, deliberately selected for uniformity with respect to their educational careers and their chances of employment.
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