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Academic Principles versus Employability Pressures: A Modern Power Struggle or a Creative Opportunity?

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Title: Academic Principles versus Employability Pressures: A Modern Power Struggle or a Creative Opportunity?
Language: English
Authors: Jameson, Jill, Strudwick, Kate, Bond-Taylor, Sue, Jones, Mandy
Source: Teaching in Higher Education. 2012 17(1):25-37.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 13
Publication Date: 2012
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Descriptive
Education Level: Higher Education
Descriptors: Undergraduate Students, Employment Potential, Critical Theory, Career Planning, Educational Principles, Education Work Relationship, Theory Practice Relationship, Political Influences, Discourse Analysis, Criminology, Political Power, Employment Opportunities, Foreign Countries, Creative Activities
Geographic Terms: United Kingdom
DOI: 10.1080/13562517.2011.590978
ISSN: 1356-2517
Abstract: This paper considers both the difficulties and the opportunities created by the mounting political pressures on UK universities to increase the "employability" of undergraduate students. Using the subject of criminology as an example, the paper considers tensions that can be created when practitioners are brought into the academy to contribute directly in the curriculum. The paper advocates that whilst such difficulties cannot be underestimated, academic engagement in this agenda can be beneficial. Using a brief example it will be argued that creative use of practitioner discourses not only empowers students in their career planning but can be used to facilitate student understanding of the links between critical theory and practice. Consideration is also given to the argument that staying out of the debate risks the marginalisation of academic influence. (Contains 3 notes.)
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 47
Entry Date: 2012
Accession Number: EJ968930
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0071347709;thd01feb.12;2019Mar19.13:23;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0071347709-1">Academic principles versus employability pressures: a modern power struggle or a creative opportunity? </title> <p>This paper considers both the difficulties and the opportunities created by the mounting political pressures on UK universities to increase the 'employability' of undergraduate students. Using the subject of criminology as an example, the paper considers tensions that can be created when practitioners are brought into the academy to contribute directly in the curriculum. The paper advocates that whilst such difficulties cannot be underestimated, academic engagement in this agenda can be beneficial. Using a brief example it will be argued that creative use of practitioner discourses not only empowers students in their career planning but can be used to facilitate student understanding of the links between critical theory and practice. Consideration is also given to the argument that staying out of the debate risks the marginalisation of academic influence.</p> <p>Keywords: student employability; criminology; curriculum; discourse analysis</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-2">The marketisation of higher education</hd> <p>In recent years the UK higher education (HE) sector has on a number of levels been affected by global economic and political developments. Alongside the identification of the student as 'consumer', Lambert, Parker, and Neary ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref1">24</reflink>]) pinpoint the emergence of neoliberal influenced managerial strategies resulting in increased entrepreneurial activity, emphasis on systems of 'quality control' and burgeoning relationships between universities and the private sector. Using Foster's analogy (2002) that this represents the 'Tesco' model of education where learning is packaged and sold to suit economic need and consumer demand, they argue that:</p> <p>This is an 'instrumental' education, in the sense that it is about the development of human resources and economic prosperity much more than notions of personal achievement, growth and fulfilment and the promotion of education for the social good. (Lambert, Parker, and Neary 2007, 526)</p> <p>Whilst there never has been a consensus about the purpose of university (Schwartz [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref2">38</reflink>]) or the way in which different groups involved within the HE arena apply meanings to their participation, there is no doubt that neoliberal influences have touched many aspects of HE. This has prompted debates about influences on academic 'autonomy' and the role of academic staff in respect of the activities that exist under the scholarship umbrella [See Greenbank ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref3">18</reflink>]) for the academics role, Jefferson and Shapland ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref4">22</reflink>]) for political pressures on research funding and Yorke (2006) for employability in HE].</p> <p>This paper is concerned with the growing pressure on universities to increase 'employability' of graduates and with the implications this might have for academic integrity and autonomy. Yorke and Knight ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref5">48</reflink>]) argue that the relationship between HE and the economy has been long-standing, but that there is a growing political concern in relation to national well-being and that HE should make an appropriate contribution in terms of 'human capital'. 'Key employability skills' were originally integrated into the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education (QAA) subject benchmarks for all undergraduate degrees following the Dearing Report in 1997 (Brown [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref6">4</reflink>]), and the idea of embedding employability into the curriculum has been debated within Higher Education Academy publications such as discourse from the Enhancing Student Employability Co-ordination Team. It is well documented that the possession of a degree is related to economic prosperity; however, with more people accessing HE than ever before and an increasingly dynamic and competitive graduate employment marketplace, the general view is that having a degree is not enough on its own to ensure graduate-level employment (CBI [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref7">7</reflink>]). Tomlinson ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref8">43</reflink>]) argues that in the context of increasing fees and the current economic climate, students (and their parents) are increasingly shopping around for courses, seeing employability as a core criteria. In a survey by the National Union of Students (NUS [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref9">31</reflink>]) on applicants throughout the sector, 66% of the participants were concerned about graduate employment levels.</p> <p>At the time of writing, HE in the UK is undergoing wide-ranging changes in funding resulting from the Browne Review (October 2010). The recent 'crisis' in HE partly arises from 'targeted investment in priority subjects', resulting in a large reduction in teaching grants for many subjects including social sciences and humanities. It is, however, significant that employability outcomes and priorities have been specifically linked with funding provision both in the previous Labour governments HE framework, 'Higher Ambitions' published in November 2009, and more recently by the Conservative/Liberal Coalition Minister for Universities and Science. Willets ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref10">46</reflink>]) has required universities to publish 'Employability statements'. Given this agenda, Newman ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref11">30</reflink>]) argues that universities will have to explain not only how they can <emph>educate</emph> students in workplace skills but also how they can improve the career <emph>opportunities</emph> of graduates. The problem for universities is how student 'employability' is measured. Former Labour Business Secretary Peter Mandelson ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref12">26</reflink>]) defines this as previous graduates' success in 'moving on to good occupations', whereas Willets ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref13">46</reflink>]) talks about pressing universities to 'make more information available to prospective students about the cost of different university courses, as well as related graduate earnings and student satisfaction'. Not all staff working in HE are comfortable with this development and Yorke and Knight ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref14">48</reflink>]), 158) identify a range of responses from the HE sector:</p> <p>Some worry that employers' intentions will lead higher education away from its pursuit of truth. Others doubt the validity of human capital theories that are often associated with an interest in employability ... Predictably, some academic staff are indifferent, treating employability as a fad. Some are more positive.</p> <p>Whilst some academics reject employability as a specific curriculum goal, academic staff mostly accept that curriculum processes do have the potential to improve employability, but according to Higher Education Funding Council for England's (HEFCE) research, teaching basic 'key skills' more generally over the curriculum appears to have little impact on graduate employment (Brown [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref15">4</reflink>]). More effective is the involvement of employers in course design and delivery as well as work placements (Mason et al. 2003, cited in Brown [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref16">4</reflink>]). Involving work organisations in the curriculum may seem advantageous but Keep and Rainbird (2000, cited in Reeve and Gallacher [35]) argue that there are structural and cultural factors that can inhibit the achievement of high levels of learning in work organisations. These include 'short termism'; cost minimisation; underutilisation of existing skills; low levels of autonomy for those in non-managerial roles; a 'low-trust' command, control and surveillance approach to employee relations; and that management, who are more used to an ethos of doing/action, lack appropriate reflective/analysis skills to develop learning. The concern is that the promotion of independent academic thought, which has long-term and conceptual benefits, may be compromised for tangible short-term business aims, or that studying in the workplace may be compromised in times of economic difficulties, as collaborations can be relatively expensive and time-consuming (Huxham and Vangen 2000, cited in Reeve and Gallacher [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref17">35</reflink>]). Employers also often prefer short-term highly focussed courses for employees, rather than courses that might reflect more generally on theoretical concerns (Reeve and Gallacher [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref18">35</reflink>]). Despite this, given the current political context integrating funding, fees and student employability, the importance of engaging in the 'employability' debate is particularly significant for academics.</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-3">Defining and measuring employability</hd> <p>The difference between making students more 'employable' and improving graduate employment is problematic. Currently, employability in UK universities is measured by the Destination of Leavers in Higher Education (DLHE) survey. This survey is completed by all UK universities, six months after students have graduated, and measures types of employment graduates from any particular course have secured.[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref19">1</reflink>] Both the collection timescale and the measurement of 'graduate employment' tend to favour vocational courses such as medicine, social work and nursing, where students tend to secure 'graduate' employment soon after leaving university, in comparison to 'academic' courses within humanities and social sciences (see Purcell and Elias [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref20">33</reflink>]).[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref21">2</reflink>] Universities with a vibrant postgraduate culture tend to rate highly as such courses are rated as 'graduate destinations' in the DLHE, and ethnic origin, class, gender and local and regional fluctuations in economic buoyancy also have an effect (Pedagogy for Employability Group [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref22">32</reflink>]). Importantly, Moreau and Leathwood ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref23">28</reflink>]) identify that 'skills' are not perceived as neutral by employers who read these differently in applicants depending on ethnicity, gender, age, disability and social class. For these reasons, Yorke ([<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref24">47</reflink>], 2) argues that 'employability' should refer 'to a graduate's achievements and his/her <emph>potential</emph> to obtain a graduate job and should not be confused with the actual acquisition of a graduate job'.</p> <p>'Employability' is clearly contentious, and different interest groups will argue about the meaning and the application of practice in HE. Yorke ([<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref25">47</reflink>], 11) claims that there will be discrepancies between what employers require in terms of a graduate perfectly attuned to their needs and what HE can reasonably supply without compromising academic autonomy. Beckmann and Cooper ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref26">3</reflink>], 1) argue that we already face the 'increasing production of uncritical thinkers, compliant to the needs of the market' and 'increasing deprofessionalisation of the education system' because of the introduction of problematic mechanisms of 'quality assurance' influenced by the ethos of liberalism and managerialism. Academics are therefore faced with significant pressures to achieve a balance between academic integrity and creativity and the need to respond to external economic and political pressures in respect of student employability.</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-4">Employers in the academy: the case of criminology</hd> <p>It can therefore be seen that academic staff face a number of tensions when delivering academic programmes as they struggle to meet the demands of the marketisation of HE, whilst not diluting rigorous, principled teaching of academic disciplines. In particular, those employing more 'critical' approaches may have to consider the ethical dilemmas posed when engaging with employers who may represent the locus of power that is the subject of their critique. When genuine respect for academic freedom collides with pressure to deliver 'appropriate' skills and attitudes for the workplace, creative solutions are required to add value to academic degree programmes, without depoliticising or marginalising contentious issues. There are a number of issues here worthy of note. Firstly, it may be in the interests of organisations to favour particular knowledges, ideas and methodologies within a discipline, which potentially marginalises other ways of thinking. Like most academic subjects, criminology is a contested discipline, showing considerable differences in the knowledges/truths, methodologies and theoretical underpinnings of the discipline, between those who might be described as 'critical' criminologists in comparison to the more orthodox and empirical branch of the discipline. The QAA ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref27">34</reflink>], 3.3) subject benchmarks, which are produced for all UK degrees to ensure consistency across courses, do, however, recognise the power–knowledge dimension in the study of crime, stating that '[criminology] must guard against attempts to foreclose this dialogue with the premature creation of theoretical or methodological protocols favouring particular sub-discipline fields, whether endorsed by state officials, by the mass media, or by fashions of academic thought'. For some orthodox criminologists the inclusion of employers and practitioners in the academy would merely be representing an extension of their collaborations in the research field, which historically have been interventionist in policy-making and concerned with the efficiency of the criminal justice system [see Smart ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref28">40</reflink>]), Garland ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref29">17</reflink>]) and Walklate ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref30">45</reflink>]) for discussion of different branches of criminological thinking]. Garland ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref31">17</reflink>]), for instance, argues that a distinctive feature of orthodox criminological thinking is an inherent presumption that we can scientifically define crime as a particular act that is different from other acts, identify and address the causes of crime and objectively define 'criminals' as different from 'non-criminals'. The research done by UK research bodies such as the Home Office, the Scottish Office and academic institutions such as the Cambridge Institute have been referred to by Loader ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref32">25</reflink>], 193) as follows:</p> <p>'Jobbing Criminology' [going] 'from criminological job to criminological job either unburdened by intellectual agendas, or else committed only to narrow construed and pre-established policy goals: research that proceeds with little overt reference to the political and ethical dimensions of the issues at hand'.</p> <p>In comparison, academics who take a more 'critical criminological' approach (see Carrington and Hogg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref33">6</reflink>]) have tended to reject orthodox criminology's emphasis on correctionalism and positivism. Schwendinger, Schwendinger, and Lynch ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref34">39</reflink>]) argue that criminological work should be about advancing equality, social justice and participatory democracy, rather than a 'sterile focus' on the effectiveness of crime policies. Critical criminologists challenge the uncritical acceptance of the definition of crime and its measurement using official statistics and also would be critical of the agents, institutions and systems of social control such as the police, prisons, courts and judiciary. For these criminologists, who would see ethical and political dimensions as central to any criminological debates, Becker's (1967) call to arms, which challenged academics to consider 'Whose side are we on?' still resonates, making collaboration in the academic arena with some employers and practitioners potentially problematic.</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-5">Practitioners and the 'problem' of crime</hd> <p>A second issue is that practitioners are particularly constrained by the wider political context, which may limit their aims, objectives and solutions. For academics in criminology, the debate about the social construction of 'crime' is fundamental and goes to the root of why a practitioner influence may be seen as problematic. Critical criminologists ask fundamental questions about <emph>why</emph> the state defines particular behaviours as 'crime' which results in what they would argue is the disproportionate criminalisation of certain groups over others, whereas practitioners mostly work with orthodox classifications of crime and criminals in which these definitions are seen as relatively unproblematic. Whilst they adhere to bureaucratic and organisational definitions of equality, practitioners define crime in respect of actions that the state prohibits, define criminals as those who break state laws, and concentrate on those that the authorities identify as 'problematic' (see Carrington and Hogg [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref35">6</reflink>]). Whilst it would be impossible to work without an 'official' definition of crime and a system of laws, codes and due process within the criminal justice system because these <emph>formally</emph> protect the individual against arbitrary actions by the state, critical criminologists are particularly concerned about how these codes and laws are <emph>substantively</emph> written and applied. Tierney ([<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref36">41</reflink>]) argues that despite being perceived as a tightly formulated and objective set of legal rules, in practice the criminal justice system is locked into a series of organisational demands and processes. Practice is also seen to be influenced by individual practitioner interpretations of the law and potential prejudice. Thus, critical criminologists identify how the criminal justice process is skewed towards proactively focusing on violations such as street crime and antisocial behaviour, in comparison to the legal and health and safety violations committed by business, and how race, class and gender may result in the differential treatment of individuals (see Becker [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref37">2</reflink>]; Tierney [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref38">41</reflink>]). Individuals committing corporate violations are treated much more ambivalently by the public and authorities, even though they arguably cause more harm financially and physically to society. For example, financial costs in the UK were estimated at 15 billion pounds for 'traditional crime' (Civil Service Policy Hub 2008) in comparison to 40 billion pounds for corporate crime (RSM Robson Rhodes, cited in 'This is Money' 2004). For avoidable deaths and injury in the UK, there were around 8000 work-related cancer deaths and 1.2 million cases of occupational ill health (HSE [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref39">19</reflink>]), in comparison to 784 people killed in an act of murder or manslaughter (Walker et al. [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref40">44</reflink>]). Although such comparisons are far more complex than can be discussed in this paper, critical criminologists would wish to challenge why less resources are given to regulating the workplace (330 million pounds for 2009–2010) (HSE [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref41">20</reflink>]) than to policing the streets (4682 million pounds) (Directgov [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref42">12</reflink>]).</p> <p>A third issue is that empiricism and pragmatism are more valued in the 'real world' than academic theorising. Unlike other more technical disciplines, academic criminologists have never had the debate about crime exclusively to themselves. Not only do they have to compete with practitioners and other crime 'experts', but they also have to vie with some populist and punitive media-fuelled assumptions regarding the nature of crime and criminals, often espoused by politicians and the general public. Downes and Morgan ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref43">13</reflink>]) have observed that politicians argue over the high ground as to who best maintains public order, community safety, effective policing and law enforcement, which tends to result in support for populist punitive solutions. In this context, the various law and order practitioners seek party political support for their vested interests, claiming that these are in the interests of the general public. This marginalises other 'less popular' arguments and competing 'truths' about crime and how to deal with 'the crime problem'. Foucault's ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref44">16</reflink>], 28) 'power-knowledge' analysis identifies that the processes and struggles that make up and traverse any subject of knowledge work to determine '... the forms and possible domains of [that] knowledge'. Whilst criminology in the academy welcomes different debates and knowledges, and has been actually described as 'a rendezvous discipline ... [where] ... social scientific disciplines interact' (QAA [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref45">34</reflink>], 11), criminological knowledge does not exist on a level playing field, and power struggles are therefore wielded in the discipline where some truths (particularly popular punitive approaches) are seen to hold more validity and legitimacy than other more liberal or critical approaches. Thus, practitioners with their pragmatic 'no-nonsense' approaches and 'real-world' experiences are seen to have much more valid opinions by policy-makers in comparison to academics in their 'ivory towers'. Research in the <emph>Times Higher Education</emph> found that 80% of academics thought that scholars could no longer 'speak the truth to power' (Batty and Shepherd [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref46">1</reflink>]), and there are a number of documented instances where academics have been criticised as churning out irrelevant findings or had to apparently modify their results to fit in with political demands (Sanders [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref47">36</reflink>]).</p> <p>The consequence of this may be that if adherence to particular knowledges and collaborations is seen as beneficial in terms of improving the employability of students, then academic staff might be under pressure to prioritise certain knowledges and debates over others. On this subject, Christie ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref48">8</reflink>], 58) identifies that management ideology is not only invading universities from the top in terms of performance indicators and efficiency but also rising from the bottom as students demand 'useful knowledge, that is knowledge their coming masters – will demand from them'. This stifles academic creativity as Christie (ibid) argues:</p> <p>This means that the old university standards of critical thinking come under strain. Students become more interested in being equipped with answers that solve administrative problems than with critical questions which only complicate the tasks of those with administrative responsibilities. The moral power of the question-makers is thus diminished.</p> <p>Mannheim (cited in Young [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref49">49</reflink>]) maintains that the risk of intervening in the immediate realist politics of the here and now and potentially rejecting the more 'utopian' and theoretical aspects of academic thought may result in academic knowledge being 'transposed into what effectively amounts to a defence of the status quo', as it is the utopian nature of knowledge that provides 'sufficient intellectual distance from immediate pressures to allow reason to prevail' (Young [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref50">49</reflink>], 430). This may mean restricting potential knowledges that may potentially benefit society.</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-6">Practitioners in the academy: a power struggle or a creative opportunity?</hd> <p>The issue of student employability is recognised in UK subject benchmarks. For criminology courses, students are expected to 'develop a range of skills that will enable them to work autonomously both as students and in subsequent employment' (QAA [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref51">34</reflink>], 5.1). The benchmarks recognise the theoretical, empirical and critical dimensions of criminology (QAA [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref52">34</reflink>], 3.2 and 3.3), but also that criminology should have a 'strong policy orientation and a close relationship with the criminal justice professions' (QAA [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref53">34</reflink>], 3.5). QAA benchmarks in effect are written to reflect the holistic educational experience students should expect, but these requirements may compete. Given this knowledge, can the influence of practitioners in the curriculum be congruent with the potentially competing directions within the academic discipline and still be compatible with critical thinking that forwards ideals such as social justice, equality and empowerment, rather than diminishing into positivist correctionalism?</p> <p>There are three reasons why the influence of practitioners could be beneficial to academic disciplines. Firstly, Cohen ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref54">10</reflink>]) argues that most academic knowledge does not exist within the pure academic world, so there are good academic reasons to engage with those who work within them. Academic knowledge, he argues, cannot purely exist within the heads of individuals but is also affected by 'institutional domains', which are in turn shaped by organisational structures, divisions and the emergence of disputes as well as how research is funded and how particular findings may be published and used. Criminological knowledge, as an example, does not exist within the pure academic world, but is also applied within the 'states crime control apparatus'. Therefore, an understanding of these 'institutional domains' is crucial, both for a critical understanding of the academic subject matter and as part of a student's self-reflection that may, from an employability point of view, make them more informed about the type of work they wish to pursue in the future. Whilst employer engagement in the academy may cover a multitude of collaborations that could incorporate anything from work experience to lectures, either within or outwith the curriculum, such contributions can be seen as an opportunity to illustrate the applied nature of academic theory, explaining and benefitting practice beyond the academy.</p> <p>Secondly, Currie ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref55">11</reflink>]) argues that the loss of academic principle and independence are less troubling than academics being marginalised from the debate if they do not engage with questions of practitioner influence and contribution:</p> <p>Definitions of social reality are always the object of struggle and contest. Staying <emph>out</emph> of that struggle does not mean that others will graciously and judiciously wait for the results of further research before they make their own definitions of reality and act upon them accordingly. (Currie [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref56">11</reflink>], 188)</p> <p>For criminology, Currie ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref57">11</reflink>]) advocates the need for a more public discipline in which institutional settings are created that foster relationships between academics, policy-makers, journalists, the public and other stakeholders so that practitioner agencies become not just consumers of criminological research but 'partners in a real sense, actively involved in framing the questions we ask' (p. 188). Addressing employability within the curriculum may provide a useful means of drawing students into these partnerships, and 'opting in' may allow academics to have some say in how they use employers in the curriculum, whereas opting out might leave others to decide. Criminology has historically been marginalised within criminal justice debates, having 'depressingly little impact on the course of public policy towards crime and justice' (Currie [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref58">11</reflink>], 175), and he also argues that this is partly because academics have not been involved enough in education 'outside the classroom' (Currie [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref59">11</reflink>], 183), and thus have not bridged the gap between technical research and theory in the academy, and the uninformed but consequential political discourse. Given the political urgency about student employability, therefore, academics cannot afford to be marginalised from a debate that has the potential to fundamentally impinge on learning and knowledge acquisition in the academy.</p> <p>Thirdly, practitioners can not only bring practical knowledge to the curriculum that enhances the theoretical knowledge base of academic teaching, but if linked, these discourses can also serve to empower students in their career planning. Unfortunately, employability is often seen as separate to core academic study by both staff and students (Jameson, Strudwick, and Bond-Taylor [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref60">21</reflink>]). Consequently, whilst university careers services often put on events and practitioner talks, students often do not attend these unless they are specifically related to personal career plans so that students, who want to go into the police, are reluctant to attend a lecture by the probation service. This is clearly a missed 'employability' opportunity as employers are predominantly looking for similar characteristics in graduates, whatever their business (see CBI [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref61">7</reflink>]), but 'live' practitioner discourses can be used in the curriculum as a useful academic resource to explore the theoretical underpinnings of practice. This is not to say that all careers events can, or should, be put in the curriculum, but only that greater liaison with careers staff and practitioners can create opportunities for a much more critical and theoretical engagement with the practitioner discourse. Rather than these occasions being seen as an opportunity by some to 'soak up' information about 'how to get a job' (and totally avoided by others who see them as irrelevant), a practitioner session embedded in the academic curriculum can be located in the context of subject-relevant academic issues, for instance exploring the reality of organisational cultures, the practical application of relevant theoretical underpinnings and managerialist strategies such as the application of performance indicators. Introducing students to the frameworks that influence practitioner experience, the knowledge of the inter-agency links and partnerships and how the professional language and jargon is used in its practical context give these occasions potential to improve the academic appreciation of students, as they can be guided in how theory might inform practice and can also be enlightened about business/organisational procedures. This is valuable given that the CBI survey (CBI [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref62">7</reflink>]) found that although typical graduates have good generic skills such as IT, team-working and problem-solving, they are poor in their appreciation and application of 'business or commercial' awareness.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref63">3</reflink>] Practitioners therefore can make good partners with academic staff who can put their practical discourse in a more theoretical and critical context, the aim at one level being to encourage students to actively engage with practitioner discourses rather than passively soaking up information, and at another level to put the students into a learning environment whereby they understand the value of professional practitioner discourses in improving their awareness of how the criminal justice system works as well as what opportunities may be available for their future employment (Jameson, Strudwick, and Bond-Taylor 2010).</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-7">Critical criminology and practitioner discourses – an example in the curriculum</hd> <p>If the task of critical criminologists is one of 'shaking the taken-for-granted foundations of inequality and all its disciplinary accomplices in the social science and justice systems ... about making myths conscious and about the reconfiguration of knowledge production in the larger discipline' (Kane [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref64">23</reflink>], 314), then creative opportunities can arise when we draw upon employer perspectives within the curriculum. This may, however, require a methodological understanding that goes beyond the often limited traditional quantitative and qualitative methods such as surveys and interviews offered in undergraduate criminology courses. Developing understanding of discourse analysis methodology necessitates concrete illustration through data collection, content analysis and the identification and evaluation of discursive formations. Employer perspectives presented in the form of guest lectures provide the opportunity for that data collection:</p> <p>The broad appeal of discourse analysis to social researchers lies in its ability to reveal how institutions and individual subjects are formed, produced, given meaning, constructed and represented through particular configurations of knowledge. (Muncie [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref65">29</reflink>], 74)</p> <p>This reflects Foucault's ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref66">15</reflink>]) interpretation of discourses as linguistic categories that not only describe the object discussed but construct our understanding of that object and exclude alternative constructions. We are therefore reminded that 'what is said is always a way of <emph>not</emph> saying something else' (Gill 1996, cited in Bryman 2004, 372). Critical analysis of these discursive formations therefore enables exploration of the power relations that legitimise the dominant discourses and attribute to them the authority of 'truth'. Milliken ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref67">27</reflink>], 236) claims that through this political act there is the potential to 'denaturalize dominant forms of knowledge and expose to critical questioning the practices they enable', directing us to study 'the operationalization of discursive categories in the activities of governments and international organizations, and the <emph>regular effects</emph> on their targets of interventions taken on this basis' (p. 240). Through analysis of the discourses produced within certain institutional and professional settings, it is therefore suggested that the practices of agents of state can be scrutinised and the 'common-sense' nature of their activities deconstructed.</p> <p>For students of criminology, there is considerable benefit to be acquired in witnessing institutional discourses straight from the horse's mouth. This is amplified when a range of sometimes diverse and potentially contradictory discourses are provided by a number of different speakers. In our experience of applying these methods in the curriculum, students were quick to identify the differing language used by each of the practitioners for the members of the public they work with. From the consumerist language of 'client' and 'customer' to more legalistic jargon of 'offender' or 'accused', the identities ascribed through these linguistic categories reflect the ethos and mission of the organisations, reflecting quite differing conceptions of 'justice' and how it might be achieved for those individuals. Contemplating how comfortably these discourses fit alongside each other in the context of multi-agency partnerships also serves to improve their grasp of criminal justice and crime prevention processes and to appreciate the incongruities within what is purported to be a 'system'. The students discovered that the discourse analysis assignment was far more academically challenging and complex than they had envisaged within an apparent employability module.</p> <p>None of this is incompatible with the employability agenda. Such knowledge can serve to empower students in their decisions about career choices. This is significant particularly as many 'graduate' careers have long and involved application processes, and for a student who spends lots of time and energy applying and being successful, only to find that the work is nothing like what they thought it would be, can undermine a student's self-esteem and confidence. Schein ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref68">37</reflink>]) identifies that for all individuals, there are a number of what he terms 'career anchors' that apply to any working situation, which represent an area of a person's self-concept that is so central that they cannot compromise on it. These include technical competence, job security, autonomy, entrepreneurial creativity, the matching of personal and organisational values and work/life balance. Practitioners in the curriculum have the potential to give that extra practical dimension that perhaps cannot be experienced by merely reading about an organisation, which might help students identify whether the ethos of a particular organisation matches their own personal ethos.</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-8">Conclusion</hd> <p>In order to preserve academic freedoms and critical arguments, it is not in the interests of academics to ignore the pressures on universities to provide an educational experience to suit economic and political demands. Whilst this paper does not advocate capitulating wholly to such demands, taking possession of the situation can create opportunities to apply critical thinking to practice and is certainly preferable to the consequences of being marginalised from this debate. Furthermore, practitioner contribution to the curriculum also has the potential to support other HE initiatives revolving around research-engaged teaching in which the student becomes more independently and actively engaged with the research process. Drawing upon the wealth of experience of local practitioners enables students to reflect upon current practical debates and to develop research foci and methodological strategies that meet the challenges of critical academic thinking whilst remaining compatible with the multiple institutional 'realities' or 'truths' emanating from those practitioners and the agencies within which they work.</p> <hd id="AN0071347709-9">Notes</hd> <ref id="AN0071347709-10"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref19" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> 1. Whilst there is also a 'longitudinal DLHE', which looks at graduates over a longer period of time, this only uses a relatively small sample across universities.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref21" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> 2. The definition of graduate employment covers one of the following: expertise deriving from HE and subsequent employment experience; the ability to play strategic or managerial roles; high-level interactive skills.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref26" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> 3. This is described as 'basic understanding of the key drivers for business success including the importance of innovation and taking calculated risks and the need to provide customer satisfaction and build customer loyalty' (CBI [7]).</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0071347709-11"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Batty, P., and J.Shepherd. 2006. Ministers vilify researchers (December 1). 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  Data: Academic Principles versus Employability Pressures: A Modern Power Struggle or a Creative Opportunity?
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jameson%2C+Jill%22">Jameson, Jill</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Strudwick%2C+Kate%22">Strudwick, Kate</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Bond-Taylor%2C+Sue%22">Bond-Taylor, Sue</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jones%2C+Mandy%22">Jones, Mandy</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Teaching+in+Higher+Education%22"><i>Teaching in Higher Education</i></searchLink>. 2012 17(1):25-37.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Undergraduate+Students%22">Undergraduate Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Employment+Potential%22">Employment Potential</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Critical+Theory%22">Critical Theory</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Career+Planning%22">Career Planning</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Principles%22">Educational Principles</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Education+Work+Relationship%22">Education Work Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Theory+Practice+Relationship%22">Theory Practice Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Political+Influences%22">Political Influences</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Discourse+Analysis%22">Discourse Analysis</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Criminology%22">Criminology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Political+Power%22">Political Power</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Employment+Opportunities%22">Employment Opportunities</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Creative+Activities%22">Creative Activities</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/13562517.2011.590978
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  Data: This paper considers both the difficulties and the opportunities created by the mounting political pressures on UK universities to increase the "employability" of undergraduate students. Using the subject of criminology as an example, the paper considers tensions that can be created when practitioners are brought into the academy to contribute directly in the curriculum. The paper advocates that whilst such difficulties cannot be underestimated, academic engagement in this agenda can be beneficial. Using a brief example it will be argued that creative use of practitioner discourses not only empowers students in their career planning but can be used to facilitate student understanding of the links between critical theory and practice. Consideration is also given to the argument that staying out of the debate risks the marginalisation of academic influence. (Contains 3 notes.)
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        Value: 10.1080/13562517.2011.590978
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      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 13
        StartPage: 25
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Undergraduate Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Employment Potential
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Critical Theory
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Career Planning
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Principles
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Education Work Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Theory Practice Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Political Influences
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Discourse Analysis
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Criminology
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Political Power
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Employment Opportunities
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Creative Activities
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: United Kingdom
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Academic Principles versus Employability Pressures: A Modern Power Struggle or a Creative Opportunity?
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Jameson, Jill
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Strudwick, Kate
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Bond-Taylor, Sue
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Jones, Mandy
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2012
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 1356-2517
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 17
            – Type: issue
              Value: 1
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Teaching in Higher Education
              Type: main
ResultId 1