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A Proposed Model for Teachers' Perceptions of National and Moral Education: A National Identity Building Curriculum in Post-Colonial Hong Kong

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Title: A Proposed Model for Teachers' Perceptions of National and Moral Education: A National Identity Building Curriculum in Post-Colonial Hong Kong
Language: English
Authors: Wong, Koon Lin (ORCID 0000-0002-7927-0358), Haste, Helen, Lee, John Chi-Kin, Kennedy, Kerry John, Chan, Jacqueline Kin-sang
Source: Journal of Educational Change. May 2021 22(2):221-246.
Availability: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 26
Publication Date: 2021
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Moral Values, Self Concept, Nationalism, Teaching Methods, Social Change, Foreign Policy, Moral Development, Values Education, Student Attitudes, Conflict, Curriculum Development, Comparative Analysis, Educational Change, Citizenship Education, Models, Foreign Countries
Geographic Terms: Hong Kong
DOI: 10.1007/s10833-020-09388-x
ISSN: 1573-1812
Abstract: Since Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty, national identity building became an important part of school education meeting some resistance in Hong Kong society. In 2012, thousands of school stakeholders protested against the introduction of the 2012 Guide of Moral and National Education (MNE). These conflicts have influenced teachers' attitudes towards MNE and curriculum choices. Employing the Model of Teachers' Perceptions of Moral and National Education, this research investigates the factors affecting teachers' perceptions of MNE, as a national identity building curriculum. The findings indicated that "perceived other support for MNE," "perceived non-monetary cost--benefits," "perceived concerns of MNE," and "comparison with the previous system (Moral and Civic education)" were the significant predictors for teachers' receptivity of MNE. The results suggested that if teachers were supported by others, they were more likely to support MNE; and they were less likely to support the implementation of MNE when teachers had serious concerns about it. The results recommended adding media and socio-political factors into the Model of Teachers' Receptivity to curriculum changes. The discussion will employ identity grafting (Lee in Managing Chineseness: Identity and ethnic management in Singapore, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2017) as a point of comparison to identify the theoretical implications of MNE.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2021
Accession Number: EJ1294323
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0149880686;9m301may.21;2021Apr21.03:07;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0149880686-1">A proposed model for teachers' perceptions of national and moral education: A national identity building curriculum in post-colonial Hong Kong </title> <p>Since Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty, national identity building became an important part of school education meeting some resistance in Hong Kong society. In 2012, thousands of school stakeholders protested against the introduction of the 2012 Guide of Moral and National Education (MNE). These conflicts have influenced teachers' attitudes towards MNE and curriculum choices. Employing the Model of Teachers' Perceptions of Moral and National Education, this research investigates the factors affecting teachers' perceptions of MNE, as a national identity building curriculum. The findings indicated that "perceived other support for MNE," "perceived non-monetary cost–benefits," "perceived concerns of MNE," and "comparison with the previous system (Moral and Civic education)" were the significant predictors for teachers' receptivity of MNE. The results suggested that if teachers were supported by others, they were more likely to support MNE; and they were less likely to support the implementation of MNE when teachers had serious concerns about it. The results recommended adding media and socio-political factors into the Model of Teachers' Receptivity to curriculum changes. The discussion will employ identity grafting (Lee in Managing Chineseness: Identity and ethnic management in Singapore, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2017) as a point of comparison to identify the theoretical implications of MNE.</p> <p>Keywords: Teachers' perceptions; Citizenship education; National identity building; Nationalism and patriotism</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-2">Introduction</hd> <p>All modern countries emphasize the importance of national identity building for strengthening loyalty and commitment to the nation state through enhancing a feeling of national pride, a sense of security and a sense of belonging to the nation (He and Guo [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref1">15</reflink>]; Tse [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref2">42</reflink>]). National identity building is not only for effective governance (Tse [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref3">42</reflink>]), but is also for facilitating social and political harmony. Amongst others, Dewey ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref4">6</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref5">7</reflink>]) argued that education is the means of preparing students for the social continuity of life and for further development of democratic societies, Nurturing peoples' acceptance of the government and strengthening national loyalty have often been seen as an important mission of school education (Tse [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref6">42</reflink>]). Teachers play a key role in strengthening students' national identity. National identity building has been an important commitment since Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty. It has been prioritized as a curriculum goal in the education reform, and remains on the educational agenda in Hong Kong (Kennedy and Kuang [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref7">17</reflink>]). However, what has been taken-for-granted as a national necessity for national identity building becomes a controversy in the light of the global political tensions with the rise of localism that makes national identity building controversial in Hong Kong. Localism is referred to political movements for preserving Hong Kong' autonomy and identity.</p> <p>National identity building has encountered unique obstacles for Hong Kong in the post-colonial era (Hong Kong was British colony) and has met resistance in Hong Kong society. In polarized and pluralistic societies, such as Hong Kong, promoting national identity has been labeled by some as "political indoctrination", and teachers are concerned about their teaching being monitored (Yuen and Mok [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref8">56</reflink>]). Against this background, national identity building has been a difficult assignment for teachers to accomplish since they are, on one hand, the implementers of curriculum change, but on the other, they serve as gatekeepers who make curriculum decisions. This research investigates the factors affecting teachers' perceptions of moral and national education, as a national identity building curriculum.</p> <p>Various terms (civic education (CE), moral education (ME) and national education (NE)) have been used for citizenship education in the Hong Kong context. Each of these terms has distinct domain and been affected by its colonial heritage as well as its more recent role as a Chinese city. The aim of ME in the East and the West is nurture students with virtues and moral characteristic in their respective cultures, even ME in both contexts is constructed differently. In relation to national identity building, ME starts with cultivation of moral virtues as preparation for contributing to the society and country. CE is to nurture students to be informed citizens with civic knowledge, deposition and skills. In the East, CE is emphasized in terms of ME while in Western countries (e.g. USA), CE was mainly about the structure of government (Lo 2009), and shifted to a more critical perspective in the last decades. In Hong Kong, CE was multidimensional and was viewed as a socialization tool in cultivating critical and patriotic citizens (Wong et al. [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref9">50</reflink>]). There is no consensus on definitions of NE. NE in both contexts has been seen as a socialization tool for national identity building. NE in mainland China is patriotic education, which defined differently from Hong Kong (Lai and Byram [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref10">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>The followings explained the usages of terms of moral and national education (MNE) and moral and civic education (MCE) in this study. Major educational reforms was undertook by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government to refocus citizenship education on national identity in 2001. The term of MCE was used in the 2001 Learning to Learn (CDC [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref11">4</reflink>]), the educational reform document. The Chief Executive, Donald Tsang, announced the replacing of MCE with MNE in order to strengthen national identity building in Policy Address 2010 and 2011. The term of MNE was employed when the Guide of Moral and National Education was released in 2011.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-3">The development of citizenship education in Hong Kong</hd> <p>In the British colonial era, the government employed institutional strategies to separate Hong Kong people from Mainland China through citizenship education (Fairbrother [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref12">8</reflink>]). In this way, the teachers felt helpless because of a lack of autonomy in the choice of the textbooks (Tse 1998). The Director, the Department of Education, has been granted power to take control of the curriculum, school books and events at school (Morris and Sweeting [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref13">36</reflink>]; Morris and Chan [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref14">35</reflink>]). The colonial government emphasized moral values and moral education (ME) and avoided concepts of "nation state" and the development of a national identity. This framing which has been termed an identity grafting strategy (Lee [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref15">23</reflink>]), meant that in the British colonial period, Hong Kong's people lacked a national identity. People's Republic of China (PRC) regained sovereignty over Hong Kong on 1 July 1997. Hong Kong re-integrated with China under the "One Country, Two Systems" policy instead of becoming an independent state which has posed challenges for cultivating national identity.</p> <p>Since the handover in 1997, the official ideology of citizenship education has fostered national identity and patriotism with the participatory spirit of the Hong Kong people to support the One nation, Two systems national policy. Similar to the British colonial government, the HKSAR government has employed institutional strategies to strengthen national identity among the youth which has been a feature of most educational reforms in post-colonial education since 2001. This was particularly evident in 2011 with the introduction of MNE. Donald Tsang, who was then the Chief Executive proposed MNE as an independent subject, which was initially planned to be executed in primary and secondary schools in 2012 and 2013, respectively. The draft of the Guide was published in early May 2011. During the consultation period, there were arguments raised by school stakeholders, particularly parents who had the concern of the indoctrination effect on students with the Guide stressing mostly the bright side of China and ignoring politically sensitive issues (Legislative Council [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref16">26</reflink>]; Leung and Tang [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref17">29</reflink>]). Lee ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref18">23</reflink>]) talked about such born-again strategies as being a rejection of Western identities. Here, with the reconfiguration of power, the strategy is redirected at 'Chinese indoctrination', which rejected national identity. Cultivating students' national identity could still be difficult for teachers because of a lack of support of school stakeholders (Wong [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref19">45</reflink>]).</p> <p>Education Bureau officers, however, responded and stated that a "political brainwashing" effect on students would not occur from the implementation of MNE because teachers have academic freedom in selecting their teaching topics and materials (Ho [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref20">16</reflink>]; Lau [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref21">20</reflink>]; Ma [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref22">31</reflink>]), and they are encouraged to discuss issues related to politically controversial topics (such as democracy and human rights in China) with their students. Acceleration of school stakeholders' anger in resistance to the introduction of the MNE subject was increased with the publication of the Teaching Manual and Handbook of National Education in July 2012 called <emph>The China Model</emph>. In September 2012, Thousands of Hong Kong people joined in marches against MNE, known as the anti-national education movement (Chong and Yu [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref23">2</reflink>]). The Guide was discontinued and schools adapted the teaching elements of MNE differently, and various terms were used as MCE, MNE, and MCNE. With the dominance of Chinese power in Hong Kong, many Hong Kong people rejected national education as 'Chinese indoctrination', seeing it as a born-again strategy now directed at rejection of Western identities (Lee [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref24">23</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-4">Conceptual framework</hd> <p>A nation is formed through political legitimacy and citizens' active participation, and its people are bonded together through a collective will (Kwan [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref25">18</reflink>]). National identity building serves as an instrument to strengthen national unity and legitimize regime stability. Scholars generally describe national identity as an individual and/or collective identification with a nation state through the construction of a common past history and the formation of social boundaries between their own and other social groups (Silva and Leal [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref26">41</reflink>]; Müller [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref27">37</reflink>]). Strengthening national identity could intensify patriotism. Patriotism is characterized by the followings aspects: rejecting uncritical acceptance of national authorities, allowing different views on the reconstruction of the nation's history, and evaluating the nation critically rather than accepting the idea of an idealized nation, rejecting a state-authoritarian 'culture of subject' and supporting democratic principles (Blank and Schmidt [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref28">1</reflink>]). Nationalism is a shallow form of patriotism. Nationalism manifests as a belief of national periority, and a desire to dominate international communities and stresses that the interests of one's nation are more important than others' nations (Osborne et al. [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref29">39</reflink>]; Platt and Laszloffy [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref30">40</reflink>]). The characteristics of nationalism include an uncritical acceptance of the nation state and the political authorities, idealization of the nation in the sense of a generalized positive assessment of the nation (Blank and Schmidt [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref31">1</reflink>]).</p> <p>Ethnic nationalists emphasize the ties of common roots and inheritance while civic nationalists stress the importance of participation and building a collective will through social interaction (Kwan [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref32">18</reflink>]). People in Hong Kong "acknowledge their Chinese roots...[but unlike their Mainland China counterparts] this does not translate easily into a common national identity" (Lin [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref33">30</reflink>], p. 116). Traditionally Hong Kong local identification has been compatible with Chinese national identification as Confucianism is regarded as shared culture and values by people in Hong Kong and Mainland China. However, Hong Kong people have their own spoken language (Cantonese) and connect with a distinctive colonial historical path rather than sharing a common historical narrative with the rest of China. As a result, Hong Kong identity has become increasingly incompatible with the nationalism promoted by the Beijing government (Veg [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref34">43</reflink>]).</p> <p>Strengthening national identity or promoting Chineseness can be a challenging task for teachers in Hong Kong. In <emph>Managing Chineseness</emph>, Lee ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref35">23</reflink>]) explained how the concept of identity grafting could help teachers manage their everyday professional life by increasing awareness of the dilemma of dual hegemony. "Identity grafting refers to attempts to reconcile the tensions generated by discourse on the need to take explicit position that replicates dual hegemony to realize change agenda at an accelerated pace" (Lee [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref36">23</reflink>], p. 4). Dual hegemony refers to tensions between global and ethnonational identities as global powers assert pressure Chinese to abide by international as Chinese seeks to establish its presence as a global power and reclaim its territories lost to colonization based on ethnonational grounds. As mentioned in the earlier section, these tensions produce a sense of born-again Chineseness in Chinese societies, where Chinese people become more aware of belong themselves as global citizens and their ethnonational identity as Chinese. However, the meaning of born-again Chinese identity takes different form between Mainland China and Hong Kong. Hong Kong people experience born-again Chinese identity differently from mainland Chinese. their distinct territorial identity as a Special Administrative Region, which refers to "the political identification with democracy, rule of law, freedoms and human rights that was taught in school during the transition period from 1982" (Lai and Byram [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref37">19</reflink>], p. 48). People in Mainland China experience born-again Chinese identity as a unifying factor of nationalism. In contrast some people in Hong Kong view "Chineseness" as an aggressive and repressive form of nationalism. Nevertheless, regardless of whether it is in Hong Kong or mainland China, born-again Chinese identity is not simply a choice between Chinese and/or Western identities. Research shows that while many Hong Kong people reject the political dimensions of Chineseness, they do not resist associations with being culturally Chinese (Leung [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref38">27</reflink>]). This means that identity grafting cannot comprehensively explain the complicated identities of people in Hong Kong and the concept of born-again Chinese identity, which needs further investigation.</p> <p>Understanding factors that contribute to teachers' perceptions to national identity building could provide pedagogical and practical knowledge for teachers. Yuen and Mok ([<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref39">56</reflink>]) examined teachers' perceptions on nurturing national identification through CE with 17 primary and secondary teachers in Hong Kong. The results indicated that a mandatory national education program from the government with the aim to glorify China was not suitable for Hong Kong. These findings suggested that educational policies and student learning were the factors affecting teachers' perceptions of national identity building curriculum (Yuen and Mok [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref40">56</reflink>]). Wong et al. ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref41">53</reflink>]) conducted a study on teachers' perceptions of MNE with 210 teachers at Hong Kong primary school. The findings revealed that Hong Kong teachers' perceptions of MNE are influenced by socio-political factors and pedagogical factors (such as sufficient professional development training and updated teaching material).</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-5">A model of teachers' perceptions of moral and national education</hd> <p>A Model of Teachers' Perceptions of Moral and National Education (hereafter referred to as the Teachers Perception Model) will be utilized to examine the factors affecting teachers' perceptions of MNE, particularly in relation to strengthening national identity. The Teachers Perception Model is adapted from Waugh and Punch ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref42">44</reflink>]), Lee ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref43">21</reflink>]) and Moroz and Waugh ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref44">34</reflink>]). Waugh and Punch ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref45">44</reflink>]) employed a range of predictors to examine teacher receptivity to a system-wide change. Based on the studies of Waugh and Punch ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref46">44</reflink>]) and Lee et al. ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref47">22</reflink>]), the Teachers Perception Model was constructed to examine teachers' receptivity toward curriculum innovation in Mainland China. Moroz and Waugh ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref48">34</reflink>]) used the factors of behavior intentions, attitudes, behavior, and overall feelings, to study junior and senior high school teachers' receptivity to educational changes in Australia. Lee ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref49">21</reflink>]) used the predictors (such as perceived non-monetary cost benefit, attitudes towards the <emph>Guidelines</emph>, behavioral intentions, etc.) to investigate Hong Kong teachers' receptivity towards environmental education curriculum changes. These studies have contributed to developing the Teachers Perception Model for this study.</p> <p>The Teachers Perception Model consists of five factors and the items in each construct are shown in Fig. 1. "Perceived other support for MNE," "perceived values for students," "perceived concerns of MNE," and "comparison with previous system (MCE)" are independent variables, while "perceived support for the implementation of MNE" is the dependent variable. "Perceived other support for MNE" is referred to teachers perceived other school stakeholders' support for MNE (e.g. parental support). "Perceived values for students" is defined as teachers' perceptions of how MNE could nurture students' civic skills and values (e.g. cultivates critical thinking skills). "Perceived concerns of MNE" is referred to teachers perceived concerns of MNE (e.g. political brainwashing). "Comparison with previous system (MCE)" is defined as comparison between MCE with MNE (citizenship education is emphasized in MCE while national education is stressed in MNE, example item in the scale cultivate critical thinking skills). "Perceived support for the implementation of MNE" is referred to teachers perceived their own support for the implementation of MNE (e.g. openly support the implementation of MNE). The Teachers Perception Model is to explain to what extent of the above factors could have influenced teachers' perceptions of MNE in relation to national identity building. The further development of the Teachers Perception Model is articulated below.</p> <p>Graph: Fig. 1 The model of teachers' perceptions of moral and national education. Notesupport perceived other support for MNE, benefits non-monetary cost-benefits, concern perceived concerns of MNE, implemen perceived support of the implementation of MNE, compare comparison with previous system (MCE)</p> <p>The validity of the Teachers Perception Model was tested through utilizing pilot data from a survey of 210 teachers at ten schools; The preliminary findings indicated that 'non-monetary cost-benefits', 'perceived others' support' and 'perceived concerns of MNE' were the significant factors to predict teachers' support for MNE while 'comparison with the previous system' was not a significant predictor (Wong et al. [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref50">53</reflink>]). In order to improve the Teachers Perception Model and to boost the reliability and validity of the construct, new items and scale have been added into the final questionnaire. The revised Model has not been published before.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-6">Research methodology</hd> <p>The same data set was used for this paper as in previously published articles (Wong [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref51">45</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref52">46</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref53">47</reflink>]; Wong et al. [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref54">50</reflink>]; Wong and Lee [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref55">49</reflink>]; Wong et al. [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref56">53</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref57">51</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref58">52</reflink>]) derived from the first author's doctoral thesis. As compared with the authors' previous published articles, this paper highlights factors affecting teachers' receptivity towards MNE.</p> <p>A sequential mixed methods approach which combines quantitative and qualitative data was utilized to provide a more complete picture of teachers' perceptions of MNE. The main purpose of a qualitative research approach in this study was to expand and seek a deeper understanding than is possible with surveys. First, quantitative data was collected through questionnaires, afterwards qualitative data was gathered mainly through interviews. Questionnaires were employed to capture views from the wider backgrounds of teachers, especially teachers who might be silent during the anti-national education movement, yet who have valuable perspectives regarding national education policies. Interviews allow teachers to articulate their perspectives, rather than be largely interpreted by researchers (Cohen et al. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref59">3</reflink>]). In short, quantitative data is limited because of the way it is collected. Thus, adding interviews brings controversial topics, such as MNE alive. Therefore, a mixed methods approach provides a better understanding of what needs to be done to make changes to MNE's policies (Gillham [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref60">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>The data were collected from August 2013 to December 2014. Although, the Guide was discontinued in 2012, and only made reference to the initiation stage of curriculum reform schools adapted elements and concepts of national education into their General Studies, personal growth education, and life education programs, which differed from school to school. Therefore, the findings of this study are relevant for national identity building policies.</p> <p>The research questions are following.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> To what extent of factors in a proposed model could have influenced teachers' receptivity towards MNE?</item> <p></p> <item> How do teachers perceive key stakeholders' support MNE?</item> <p></p> <item> What are concerns and challenges faced by teachers in implementing MNE?</item> </ulist> <p>This study followed normal ethical protocols for educational research. The participants were notified that their organization and personal identities would not be identified in reports and publications of this study. They were asked to sign the informed consent form, including a specific consent to audio-record the interviews. The interviews proceeded after confirming their understanding of the aims and nature of the interview and their willingness to be involved. The interview questions cover: what are your feelings/attitudes toward MNE? How do you perceive the support of key school stakeholders on MNE? How do you perceive the influence of media on MNE?</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-7">Participants</hd> <p>The study was carried out in 131 primary schools with a total of 1089 teachers. Of the 1089 responses, 44 incomplete cases were excluded from the analysis. With regard to the demographic background of the teachers, of these 1045 teachers, 281 were male, 746 were female and 18 did not indicate their gender. 815 (78%) respondents were 30 years old or above. Regarding the palce where respondents receive their education, 11 and 20 participants had completed their post-secondary education respectively in Mainland China and Taiwan; 940 teachers indicated that they had completed their post-secondary education in Hong Kong. 910 teachers were born in Hong Kong while 125 teachers were born in Mainland China and 11 participants were born in other places. With regard to the demographic characteristics of the schools, 94% were aided schools, while government and direct-subsidized schools represented 4 and 2%, respectively. 57 schools did not have religious affiliation. There were 40 Christian schools, 26 Catholic schools and 8 other religious schools (including Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism).</p> <p>The qualitative approach employed purposeful sampling. The first author used two requirements (a history for a school and the probability that teachers had or had not taken part in in-service CE training courses) to select 29 teachers at 12 schools for the interviews. There were six schools without religious affiliation, three Christian schools, two Buddhist schools and one Catholic school. One teacher preferred Mandarin for conducting the interview; the other teachers preferred Cantonese for conducting the interview. The interview style was conversational, and the interviewing parties tried to discuss the relevant points posed by each case. Each interview was audio-recorded and lasted approximately 40 min.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-8">Data analysis</hd> <p>Before testing the Teachers Perception Model, several steps were used to ensure the rigor and quality of the quantitative data analysis. First, SPSS 21 was used to perform EFA and CFA; 50% of the data was randomized for EFA, and the other 50% for CFA to examine unidimensionality of the five scales: "perceived other support for MNE," "perceived non-monetary cost benefits," "perceived concerns of MNE," "comparison with the previous system," and "perceived support of the implementation of MNE." The findings indicated that each construct comprised one factor.</p> <p>Next, Mplus 7.1 was employed to assess the Teachers Perception Model. The findings revealed that the Teachers Perception Model had a moderate fit in general (χ<sups>2</sups> = 1753, <emph>p</emph> < 0.05, df = 367, TLI = 0.97, CFI = 0.97, RMSEA = 0.09, 90% CI of 0.083–0.091). It was comprised of five factors: "perceived other support for MNE," "perceived non-monetary cost benefits," "perceived concerns of MNE," and "comparison with the previous system" as independent variables, and "perceived support of the implementation of MNE" as the dependent variable.</p> <p>Different school stakeholders' perceptions towards MNE were based on thematic analysis and types of compliant, cynical and critical teachers was employed application of the Zhao et al. ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref61">57</reflink>]). The analysis of the qualitative data was employed the following procedures to fit the distinctive situation of this study. Three major analytic procedures were employed in this study: research data summarization and categorization, aggregation of coded categories through trends of topics, evaluation and construct of a deeper system structure (Miles and Huberman [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref62">32</reflink>]). The interviews were first transcribed into Chinese language. Inter-rater reliability was employed to develop coding. Second, research assistants and the first author read the interview transcription with reference to the research questions and conceptual framework. Third, they highlighted the appropriate answers to questions posed during the interviews. Fourth they made sense of meanings of school stakeholders' perceptions towards MNE and types of compliant, cynical and critical teachers by comparing across data set and identified common themes and/or patterns; they compared themes and reach agreement on coding. Coding framework was developed after comparing each transcription for cross-validation of data (Fok [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref63">10</reflink>]; Gibbs [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref64">13</reflink>]; Mills and Gay [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref65">33</reflink>]; See Table 1). Fifth, to preserve anonymity and the privacy of participants, pseudonyms (letters and numbers) have been used.</p> <p>Table 1 The refined coding system of Teacher's Perceptions of MCNE</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left"><p>Themes</p></th><th align="left"><p>Categories</p></th><th align="left"><p>Sub-categories</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left" rowspan="3"><p>Perceived other support for MNE</p></td><td align="left"><p>Parental support for MNE</p></td><td align="left"><p>Against the launch of MNE afraid MNE could create "political brainwashing" supported students for participated in anti-national education movement did not trust the school and teachers</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Principals' support for MNE</p></td><td align="left"><p>Had firm stance regarding MCNE's polices supported MNE redraw MNE when the 2012 Guide of MNE</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Teachers' support for MNE</p></td><td align="left"><p>Three groups of teachers: Cynical, Complaint, critical felt relieved when the <italic>2012 Guide of MNE</italic> was shelved participated in the anti-NE protests did not against MNE</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left" rowspan="2"><p>Perceived concerns of MNE</p></td><td align="left"><p>Overlapping with other subjects</p></td><td align="left"><p>Not concern with overlapping Students need different subjects in order to grasp the same concepts</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>MNE creating a "political brainwashing" effect on students</p></td><td align="left"><p>More concern about MNE create "political brainwashing" during national education, Concern workloads instead of "political brainwashing" after one year</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Influences of the media on MNE</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left"><p>Teachers felt powerless to deal with media. Media not only influenced teachers' perceptions of MNE, but also affected their curriculum choice</p></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0149880686-9">Findings of quantitative data</hd> <p>The findings of this study were based on teachers' perceptions, using a self-report instrument (with follow-up interviews). SPSS 21 was also employed to conduct frequencies analysis to provide descriptive statistics of the data. The teachers were asked to what extent they perceived that the school stakeholders supported the promotion of MNE in their schools. In the results (see Table 2), the teachers perceived that parents and teachers were least likely to support the promotion of MNE, with mean scores of 2.6 (SD 0.55) and 2.67 (SD 0.6), respectively, while the EDB and principals were most likely to support the promotion of MNE with a mean score of 3.17 (SD 0.54) (with 4 as the maximum value).</p> <p>Table 2 Correlation coefficient amongst the variables in The Model of Teachers' perceptions of Moral, Civic and National Education (N = 1040)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left" rowspan="2" /><th align="left" colspan="2"><p>Main study</p></th><th align="left" rowspan="2"><p>1</p></th><th align="left" rowspan="2"><p>2</p></th><th align="left" rowspan="2"><p>3</p></th><th align="left" rowspan="2"><p>4</p></th></tr><tr><th align="left"><p>Mean</p></th><th align="left"><p>SD</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>1. Perceived other support for MNE</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Parents</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.64</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.55</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Students</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.71</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.54</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> EDB</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>3.17</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.54</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Teachers</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.67</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.60</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> School management board</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.81</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.56</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Principal and middle management leaders</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.81</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.57</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>2. Perceived non-monetary cost benefits</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td char="." align="char"><p>0.594</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Cultivates Critical thinking skills</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.70</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.57</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Develops national identity</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.87</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.54</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Promotes patriotism</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.73</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.58</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Develops civic rights and responsibility</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.90</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.54</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Promotes students' participation in SL</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.72</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.60</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Fosters positive values</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.90</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.58</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>3. Perceived concerns of MNE</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td char="." align="char"><p>− 0.22</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>− 0.32</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Overlapping</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.84</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.63</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Focusing too heavily on the nation</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.80</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.64</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Using "national education" detached</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.74</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.66</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Political brainwashing</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.70</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.80</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Neglecting global aspect</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.72</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.68</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>4. Perceived support of the implementation of MNE</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td char="." align="char"><p>0.683</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.699</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>− 0.358</p></td><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Openly support the implementation of MNE</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.47</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.68</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Agree with arrangement</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.74</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.63</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Propose the implementation of MNE</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.95</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.50</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Tell colleagues MNE is feasible</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.62</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.64</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Explain the values of MNE</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.77</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.58</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Tell parents the importance of MNE</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.64</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.61</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>5. Comparison with the previous system</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td char="." align="char"><p>0.257</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.401</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>− 0.294</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.382</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Students' communication and collaboration</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.06</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.61</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Desire for participation</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.11</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.62</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Cultivate CTS</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.10</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.66</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Students' learning experiences</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.07</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.62</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Teachers' understanding Chinese history and culture</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.57</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.75</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr><tr><td align="left"><p> Teachers' collaborations and communication</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>2.06</p></td><td char="." align="char"><p>0.61</p></td><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /><td align="left" /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>All correlations were significant at α = 0.05; mean scores based on a 4 point scale, 4 = strongly agree, 3 = agree, 2 = disagree, 1 = strongly disagree <emph>SD</emph> Standard deviation</p> <p>The teachers were asked whether MNE could achieve the following goals: cultivate Critical Thinking Skills (CTS), develop national identity, promote patriotism, develop civic rights and responsibility, promote students' participation in school life, and foster positive values. The results indicated that teachers perceived that MNE would be least successful in cultivating CTS with a mean of 2.7 (SD 0.57), and MNE would be most successful in developing civic rights and responsibility with a mean of 2.9 (SD 0.54) (see Table 2).</p> <p>The teachers were asked to name issues of concern regarding MNE. The greatest concern was that MNE overlaps with other subjects (e.g., Chinese History, General Studies, etc.) with a mean of 2.84 (SD 0.63). The least concern was that MNE could have "political brainwashing" on students with a mean of 2.7 (SD 0.8) (see Table 2).</p> <p>The teachers were asked whether they might take the stated actions to support the implement of MNE. The results indicated they were least likely to openly support the implementation of MNE, with a mean of 2.47 (SD 0.68), and they were most likely to propose the implementation of MNE (to propose their own version of MNE) with a mean of 2.95 (SD 0.5) (see Table 2).</p> <p>When the teachers were asked to compare moral and civic education (the previous system, MCE) and MNE, they were least likely to agree that MNE was better than MCE in fostering students' ability to communicate and collaborate, with a mean of 2.06 (SD 0.61); however, they were most likely to agree that MNE was better than MCE in cultivating teachers' understanding of China's history and culture with a mean of 2.57 (SD 0.75) (see Table 2).</p> <p>Mplus 7.1 was used to conduct SEM to examine the Teachers Perception Model. The results (see Fig. 2) showed that the Teachers Perception Model had a moderate fit in general (χ<sups>2</sups> = 3637, <emph>p</emph> < 0.05, df = 367, TLI = 0.96, CFI = 0.96, RMSEA = 0.09, 90% CI of 0.09–0.095), and the correlation coefficients amongst these variables are shown in Fig. 2 and Table 2. The following four regression paths reached the level of statistical significance: "perceived other support for MNE" (β = 0.41, SE = 0.02, <emph>p</emph> < 0.05), "perceived non-monetary cost benefits" (β = 0.38, SE = 0.03, <emph>p</emph> < 0.05), and "comparison with the previous system" (β = 0.09, SE = 0.03, <emph>p</emph> < 0.05) had a small but positive effect, and "perceived concerns of MNE" (β = − 0.12, SE = 0.02, <emph>p</emph> < 0.05) had a negative effect. The findings indicated that these four items were the significant predictors for teacher receptivity of MNE. In other words, teachers would support for the implement of MNE when they perceived other stakeholders' support of MNE, perceived values for students and less concerns of MNE. These findings are consistent with the results of Lee ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref66">21</reflink>]), Moroz and Waugh ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref67">34</reflink>]) and Lee et al. ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref68">22</reflink>]), which indicated that others' support and non-monetary cost benefits were significant predictors of teachers' receptivity to educational reforms.</p> <p>Graph: Fig. 2 The model of teachers' perceptions moral and national education. Notesupport perceived other support for MNE, benefit non-monetary cost-benefits, concern perceived concerns of MNE, implemen perceived support the implementation of MNE, compare comparison with the previous system (MCE). Only statistical significance regression paths are shown here, and the results were standardized</p> <p>In the pilot study, "comparison with the previous system" did not achieve a statistical significance level. "Perceived concerns about MNE" was the most influential predictor with the highest factor loading, and "perceived other support" was the least influential predictor with the lowest factor loading. In this study, "comparison with the previous system" was a significant predictor of teachers' support for MNE after the modifications. "Perceived other support for MNE" was the most influential factor with the highest factor loading, and "comparison with the previous system" and "perceived concerns of MNE" were the least influential factors with low factor loading. The findings suggest that if teachers were supported by others, they were more likely to support MNE; but they were less likely to support the implementation of MNE when teachers had high concerns about it. More importantly, the more likely teachers were to support the implementation of MNE was when they perceived MNE could nurture students' holistic developments more. These findings were elaborated in the qualitative results.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-10">Findings of qualitative data</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0149880686-11">Perceived other support for MNE</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0149880686-12">Teachers' perceptions of parental support for MNE</hd> <p>The quantitative results revealed that teachers perceived that parents and teachers were least likely to support the promotion of MNE. The qualitative results described teachers' perceptions of parents' actions in opposing MNE. Some parents showed they were against the launch of MNE through protesting at the school gates, inspecting MNE-related teaching materials and challenging school policies regarding MNE. Some of these schools (such as schools 42 and 101) were surrounded by parents and media during the anti-national education movement. For example, teacher 1 at school 42 described how parents surrounded the school's front gate and questioned the principals during the anti-national education movement. School 101 experienced less stress because parents and the media were invited to observe MNE classes. This implied that when parents witnessed and experienced MNE-related classes with their own eyes, their fear of brainwashing was alleviated.The school was surrounded by parents and the media at the beginning of the school year. Parents questioned the school board director, principal, and teachers. Parents were invited to observe the classes. (S42_T1) By contrast, school 87 did not experience attacks from parents and the media. However, teachers at school 87 still felt social and political pressure. Teacher 20 at school 87 stated (paraphrased here) their school had used the same textbooks for General Studies and Chinese for many years, and some parents complained that these textbooks contained "political brainwashing" materials.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-13">Teachers' perceptions of principals' support for MNE</hd> <p>The quantitative findings indicated that participants ranked principals as the second most likely group to support the promotion of MNE. These results were elaborated through the qualitative results. Teachers 14 and 8 stated that some principals insisted on implementing school-based MNE, even though their schools faced public challenges. The view of these principals is reflected in the following teacher's comment.The reasons the principals at this school insisted on implementing school-based MNE, even during the anti-national education movement, were the following. First, students would know nothing about China and Chinese culture if MNE was not implemented. Second, students needed to have knowledge of China with regard to the continual and sustainable development of China. Third, the benefits of learning about the strengths and weaknesses of China were to increase students' pride in their cultural heritages and to broaden their horizon of the world. (S101_T14) Regarding the implementation of MNE, several teachers perceived the principal's support for teachers in a positive light. This principal's support given to teachers regarding implementation of MNE was critical because principals could explain to various school stakeholders (such as parents) about the schools' MNE policies to alleviate their concerns. In short, at the school level, the support of principals was critical to the implementation of MNE because principals could create supportive school cultures.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-14">Teachers' perceptions of teachers' support for MNE</hd> <p>The qualitative findings expanded on the quantitative results by explaining teachers' reasons for supporting or not supporting MNE. According to Zhao et al. ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref69">57</reflink>]), the participants in this study could be classified into three groups (cynical, compliant and critical). Compliant teachers were loyal to the government, supported government policies, and cooperated fully with the government. Cynical teachers were wary of the government and critical teachers believed citizens' united efforts might potentially influence the government. The support for MNE varied among the three groups. The cynical group of teachers did not support MNE for the following reasons: MNE added a lot of workload and created a lot of problems for teachers and the schools. Teacher 6 at school 145 articulated (paraphrased here) that assessment was needed for an independent subject such as MNE. Teachers were opposed on how to assess MNE due to values assessments such as patriotism being subjective. Although the school civic mission does influence teachers' support for MNE as suggested by Teacher 1 and 6, assessment issues, social and political factors played significant roles in teachers' receptivity to MNE.The Anti-National Education movement created a lot of trouble for the school and teachers. They were not happy about that because the school was surrounded by parents and the media. They spent the summer preparing school-based MNE. However, a series of anti-national education protests happened and the school-based MNE was shelved. (S42_T1) The compliant group of teachers indicated that they were not against the Guide and people in Hong Kong needed to have knowledge of China because Hong Kong is part of China. Teachers only asked for freedom in teaching the Guide, instead of opposing MNE. Curriculum autonomy was an important factor in the implementation of MNE.Teachers were not against MNE. They only asked for freedom on how to use the Guide. Fortunately, freedom of speech was granted to teachers in this school. (S19_T27)</p> <p>The critical group of teachers participated in the anti-national education movement and provided a counter-narrative regarding why teachers should oppose MNE.When MNE became an independent subject, assessment would be required. Assessment could be used as a political instrument to socialize students into the government's political agenda. (S30_13) Teacher 25 was an example of a critical teacher. His/her understanding of citizenship education was expanded after attending professional development training. He/she could support Moral and Civic Education (MCE) rather than MNE because the name "MNE" did not align with international trends.After attending school-based citizenship education, I could not support MNE because MNE could cause citizens to exclude other nations. MCE was using common terms while using "national education" not only detached from international trends, but also ignored the relationships between nations and the world. (S2_T25) In summary, compliant teachers indicated that they supported MNE because Hong Kong has reunited with China and MNE represented the desires of the government. Cynical teachers opposed MNE and perceived that MNE created both disturbance and additional work for schools and teachers. The views of cynical teachers were consistent with critical teachers who also perceived the government as untrustworthy and unresponsive to the needs of teachers. However, unlike cynical teachers, critical teachers believed citizens' united efforts might potentially influence the educational policies, and these teachers participated in the anti-national education demonstration along with other citizens (see Table 3). This implied that school was a contextual factor only to some degree, as disagreements existed even within individual schools. In addition to contextual factors, personal factors played a vital role in teachers' support for MNE.</p> <p>Table 3 The summary of compliant, cynical and critical Teacher</p> <p> <ephtml> <table frame="hsides" rules="groups"><thead><tr><th align="left" /><th align="left"><p>Attitudes</p></th><th align="left"><p>Action towards MCNE policies</p></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td align="left"><p>Compliant teacher</p></td><td align="left"><p>Loyal to the government</p></td><td align="left"><p>Fully cooperated with the government; supported government policies</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Cynical teacher</p></td><td align="left"><p>Wary of the government</p></td><td align="left"><p>Did not support MNE</p></td></tr><tr><td align="left"><p>Critical teachers</p></td><td align="left"><p>Perceived the government as corrupt and untrustworthy</p></td><td align="left"><p>Participated in the anti-national education movement</p></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0149880686-15">Perceived concerns of MNE</hd> <p>The qualitative results revealed that though MNE overlapped with other subjects that was not the concern of teachers because students might need different subjects and approaches in order to grasp the same concepts. Teacher 2 narrated the processes of how teachers reacted to the Guide during the consultation periods. Most teachers supported MNE and agreed to implement MNE at the beginning of the consultation. Later, some teachers came out against MNE, and then more and more teachers opposed it. Most importantly, teachers were against MNE because of the additional workload rather than the fear of creating "political brainwashing" effects on students. The findings of the main study were consistent with the comments of Teacher 2. Teachers were least concerned with MNE creating a form of "political brainwashing."</p> <p>These findings were consistent with the current literature. The cross-curricular approach was flexible and diverse enough to suit the complex socio-political conditions of Hong Kong, because it could encourage students to see issues from multiple perspectives (Lee [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref70">24</reflink>]; Fairbrother [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref71">9</reflink>]), it integrated knowledge from different subjects, and students could apply their learning in daily life experiences.</p> <p>In the public debate during consultation periods, the biggest fear of school stakeholders was that MNE could create a form of "political brainwashing" on students. Some teachers contended that Hong Kong teachers would not politically indoctrinate students because various teaching approaches could be used, teachers had the capacity to analyze the challenges and positive developments of China with students, and their own education was far from "blind patriotism." All participants believed that they could not politically indoctrinate their students through MNE.Teaching how to judge right from wrong and inviting students to challenge teachers could avoid indoctrination. Teachers could also provide multiple views to students and encourage students to search for more information before making judgments quickly. Teaching them should not depend on one resource only. However, it was hard, because education is not value free and teachers had their own values and dispositions. (S19_T27) The above comment illustrates that teachers made efforts to maintain their professionalism in teaching MNE by utilizing appropriate pedagogy to avoid the "politically brainwashing" effect on their students.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-16">Teachers' perceptions of the influence of the media on MNE</hd> <p>Expanding on the quantitative findings, teachers were asked how they perceived the influences of the media on MNE in the qualitative interviews. The following illustrates teachers' perceptions of this issue. Teacher 1 was from school 42, which had been surrounded by media. School stakeholders' resentment towards MNE was increased because the media were not objective in their reporting. Consequently, teachers at school 42 needed to spend time explaining the schools' MNE policies to parents. Teachers felt powerless because they did not have the time nor the energy to deal with the media. Conversely, teacher 18 was from school 129, which was not surrounded by media and parents during the anti-national education movement. However, Teacher 18 also held a negative attitude toward the media.The media did not really understand what the Guide was about. However, the media made a big deal out of small things and caused disruption for teachers. Consequently, teachers needed to spend time explaining to parents regarding the school's MNE's policies. The time could be better spent on lesson preparation, grading papers, or interacting with students. (S42_T1). Teachers pointed out that the media not only influenced teachers' perceptions of MNE, but also affected their curriculum choice. Because of media influences, some teachers had negative attitudes toward MNE, and they were happy when the government discontinued it.The media had a great impact on school stakeholders' perceptions. Most teachers did not read the Guide. If they had, they would have found that the Guide was comprehensive. However, because of the power of the media, even with the emphasis on critical thinking skills, the media set and sent out a negative agenda. Consequently, teachers said the Guide was bad. (S87_T20) The above illustrates that some teachers lacked critical assessment of the media which created a negative attitude towards MNE. Teachers' media literacy could enhances teachers' awareness to educational reform (such as MNE).</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-17">Discussion</hd> <p>In the Teachers Perception Model, "perceived other support for MNE" was the most influential predictor for teachers' support of MNE. Teachers perceived that parents were influential school stakeholders in opposing the launch of MNE. Parents not only protested in the streets, but also surrounded school gates, inspected MNE-related textbooks and challenged school policies regarding MNE because they were afraid MNE could "politically brainwash" their children. These actions from parents have seldom occurred in response to previous educational reforms in Hong Kong. Parents opposed the introduction of MNE, which created social pressure on teachers. Social pressure from parents was more powerful than other forms of pressure, such as from the government. Resulting from parents' and other school stakeholders' participation, the Guide was discontinued and schools withdrew MNE. The anti-national education movement opposed born-again strategies in the form of "Chinese indoctrination", which increased teachers' awareness of different school stakeholders'attitudes on their curriculum choices.</p> <p>Principals' support of teachers regarding the implementation of MNE was vital, especially for teachers who faced social pressure during the anti-national education demonstration. Principals explained to various school stakeholders about the schools' policies regarding MNE to alleviate stakeholders' concerns. These findings were consistent with the current literature. School leadership is a vital element for the success of individual schools (Fullan [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref72">11</reflink>]). It is also paramount to the effective implementation of educational reforms (Fullan [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref73">12</reflink>]). The success of educational and curriculum reforms in Hong Kong (such as MNE) depended on school leaders' support for the general purposes of the reforms (Wong and Cheung [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref74">54</reflink>]). In short, principals played a key role in the implementation of MNE.</p> <p>In the Teachers Perception Model, "perceived concerns of MNE" was the most influential predictor in the pilot study, and was the least influential factor in the main study. The pilot study was conducted during the anti-national education movement. Teachers were mostly concerned that MNE created a form of "political brainwashing" and overlapped with other subjects. However, the main study was conducted a year after the anti-national education movement when the context was slightly different from the pilot study. One of the explanations for this shift was that these issues had been addressed by the Education Bureau and significant changes had been made in the revised Guide as follows: CTS were included in the national domain; values such as democracy, human rights, and justice were added within the national domain (CDC [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref75">5</reflink>], p. 11); teachers were encouraged to discuss controversial issues (such as democracy and human rights in China) with their students. More importantly, the participants believed that teachers in Hong Kong would not "politically indoctrinate" students. These findings suggested that teachers were aware of their unwitting role as 'identity grafters' in the site of a dual hegemonic struggle, and thus resisted imposing "Chinese indoctrination" on their students. However, national identity building could be challenged for teachers in Hong Kong due to "a highly sensitive public with a strong suspicion of any type of NE made their job extremely difficult to accomplish" (Yuen and Mok [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref76">56</reflink>], p. 90). Cultivating national identity was labeled as a sinful action (Wong and Lee [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref77">48</reflink>]) which could create social pressure on teacher and make them unable to perform their roles.</p> <p>Media and socio-political context interplay in influencing teachers' perceptions of MNE. The social pressures that originated from the parents and media created a negative impact on teachers' attitudes toward MNE. The empirical results of this study suggest that socio-political and media factors should be added to the Teachers Perception Model to explain factors affecting teachers' receptivity towards curriculum reform. The media has a powerful impact on curriculum change, and media coverage could either contribute to or hinder national identity building through implicitly and/or explicitly biased evaluations of one's own and other nations (Müller [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref78">37</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-18">Conclusions</hd> <p>The empirical findings of this study expand teachers' perceptions of citizenship education reform based on teacher receptivity to the educational change model which was originally proposed by Waugh and Punch ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref79">44</reflink>]). The results of this study also provide suggestions for the government to rethink their citizenship education policies and explore possibilities for a new level of educational integration which can meet polarized and pluralistic societies in the age of globalization. National identity building in Hong Kong needs to take account of distinctive local values and suit Hong Kong conditions and aspirations rather than imitating the explicit forms of patriotic education that are implemented in the schools of Mainland China (Kennedy and Kuang [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref80">17</reflink>]). A rationalistic nationalism suggests that to be a modern citizen in a global world; "one should be politically active and participative and show commitment to both one's national and the international community and engage in reasoning and critical thinking on public affairs" (Lai and Byram [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref81">19</reflink>], p. 16). Critical patriotic citizens with multiple identities at global, regional, national, and local levels are needed for polarized societies such as Hong Kong (Leung [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref82">28</reflink>]). They could assess the history, culture, values, and traditions of one's country honestly and fairly and consider the nation's vices and virtues in a balanced way (Platt and Laszloffy [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref83">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>On the other hand, scholars and educators caution that people who possess extremely strong nationalism could become ethnocentric, and that may lead to ignorant exclusion or bias towards others who do not belong to their group and nation. "National identity directed towards patriotism and love of country is one thing, but directed towards feelings of national superiority is quite another and something to be avoided" (Kennedy and Kuang [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref84">17</reflink>], p. 110). Likewise, individuals with strong local identity such as localism in Hong Kong might also create a "local-centric" mentality, excluding others who are not from Hong Kong. The problem of competing Hong Kongese and Chinese identities could be reduced through citizenship education to nurture "politically literate, critically thinking and active participating citizens" with multiple identities (Ngai et al. [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref85">38</reflink>], p. 13). Yuen ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref86">55</reflink>]) suggests nurturing national identity through language, art, and history, as is practiced in Japan, Taiwan, the UK, and Australia, to cultivate a sense of belonging. In these countries, national identity is fostered while emphasizing critical thinking, independent judgment, and democratic values. Schools have been one of the modern state's critical vehicles for nation-building, and teachers play an essential role in strengthening students' national identity (Lee and Fouts [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref87">25</reflink>]). However, teachers alone cannot cope with the issues of national identity building and they need to be supported by various agencies and stakeholders to relieve their worries before they can actively engage in the implementation of citizenship education.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-19">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>The source of the paper (A Proposed Model for Teachers' Perceptions of National Identity Building Curriculum in Post-Colonial Hong Kong: Factors and Challenges) is extracted from a PhD thesis (Hong Kong primary teachers' perceptions of moral, civic, and national education in preparing students to become "good citizens": A mixed methods study) written by the first author. The same dataset was not only used in the authors' previously published papers but will be also shared in other papers which may be published in the future. Some of these related publications and submitted publications from the PhD thesis have been listed in the references. The authors would like to thank the editors and reviewers for their constructive and critical comments on refining this paper. The role of the first author is to write and conceptualize the paper while the role of the other authors is to provide feedback on the draft. The authors are responsible for the choice and presentation of views contained in this paper titled "A Proposed Model for Teachers' Perceptions of National and Moral Education: A National Identity Building Curriculum in Post-Colonial Hong Kong" and for opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of UNESCO and The Education University of Hong Kong, and do not commit the respective Organizations.</p> <hd id="AN0149880686-20">Abbreviations</hd> <p></p> <p>• CTS</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Critical Thinking Skills</item> <p></p> </ulist> <p>• EDB</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Education Bureau</item> <p></p> </ulist> <p>• HKSAR</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Hong Kong Special Administrative Region</item> <p></p> </ulist> <p>• MCE</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Moral and Civic Education</item> <p></p> </ulist> <p>• MCNE</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Moral, Civic and National Education</item> <p></p> </ulist> <p>• ME</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Moral Education</item> <p></p> </ulist> <p>• MNE</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Moral and National Education (MNE in this study is referred to the Guidelines of Moral and National Education)</item> <p></p> </ulist> <p>• PRC</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> People's Republic of China</item> <p></p> <item> The Guide</item> <p></p> <item> The Guide of Moral and National Education</item> <p></p> <item> The Model of Teachers' Perceptions</item> <p></p> <item> The Model of Teachers' Perceptions of Moral and National Education</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0149880686-21">Publisher's Note</hd> <p>Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.</p> <ref id="AN0149880686-22"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref28" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Blank T, Schmidt P. 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PubType: Academic Journal
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PreciseRelevancyScore: 0
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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: A Proposed Model for Teachers' Perceptions of National and Moral Education: A National Identity Building Curriculum in Post-Colonial Hong Kong
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Wong%2C+Koon+Lin%22">Wong, Koon Lin</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7927-0358">0000-0002-7927-0358</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Haste%2C+Helen%22">Haste, Helen</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lee%2C+John+Chi-Kin%22">Lee, John Chi-Kin</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Kennedy%2C+Kerry+John%22">Kennedy, Kerry John</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Chan%2C+Jacqueline+Kin-sang%22">Chan, Jacqueline Kin-sang</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Educational+Change%22"><i>Journal of Educational Change</i></searchLink>. May 2021 22(2):221-246.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Springer. Available from: Springer Nature. One New York Plaza, Suite 4600, New York, NY 10004. Tel: 800-777-4643; Tel: 212-460-1500; Fax: 212-460-1700; e-mail: customerservice@springernature.com; Web site: https://link.springer.com/
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 26
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2021
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Moral+Values%22">Moral Values</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Concept%22">Self Concept</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Nationalism%22">Nationalism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teaching+Methods%22">Teaching Methods</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Change%22">Social Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Policy%22">Foreign Policy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Moral+Development%22">Moral Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Values+Education%22">Values Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Attitudes%22">Student Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Conflict%22">Conflict</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Curriculum+Development%22">Curriculum Development</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Comparative+Analysis%22">Comparative Analysis</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Change%22">Educational Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Citizenship+Education%22">Citizenship Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Models%22">Models</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Hong+Kong%22">Hong Kong</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1007/s10833-020-09388-x
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1573-1812
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Since Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty, national identity building became an important part of school education meeting some resistance in Hong Kong society. In 2012, thousands of school stakeholders protested against the introduction of the 2012 Guide of Moral and National Education (MNE). These conflicts have influenced teachers' attitudes towards MNE and curriculum choices. Employing the Model of Teachers' Perceptions of Moral and National Education, this research investigates the factors affecting teachers' perceptions of MNE, as a national identity building curriculum. The findings indicated that "perceived other support for MNE," "perceived non-monetary cost--benefits," "perceived concerns of MNE," and "comparison with the previous system (Moral and Civic education)" were the significant predictors for teachers' receptivity of MNE. The results suggested that if teachers were supported by others, they were more likely to support MNE; and they were less likely to support the implementation of MNE when teachers had serious concerns about it. The results recommended adding media and socio-political factors into the Model of Teachers' Receptivity to curriculum changes. The discussion will employ identity grafting (Lee in Managing Chineseness: Identity and ethnic management in Singapore, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2017) as a point of comparison to identify the theoretical implications of MNE.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2021
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1294323
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1294323
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1007/s10833-020-09388-x
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 26
        StartPage: 221
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Moral Values
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Self Concept
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Nationalism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teaching Methods
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Social Change
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Policy
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Moral Development
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Values Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Student Attitudes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Conflict
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Curriculum Development
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Comparative Analysis
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Educational Change
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Citizenship Education
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Models
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Hong Kong
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: A Proposed Model for Teachers' Perceptions of National and Moral Education: A National Identity Building Curriculum in Post-Colonial Hong Kong
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Wong, Koon Lin
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Haste, Helen
      – PersonEntity:
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            NameFull: Lee, John Chi-Kin
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Kennedy, Kerry John
      – PersonEntity:
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            NameFull: Chan, Jacqueline Kin-sang
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          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 05
              Type: published
              Y: 2021
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-electronic
              Value: 1573-1812
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 22
            – Type: issue
              Value: 2
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Journal of Educational Change
              Type: main
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