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Different Cognitive Correlates of Early Learning of Spelling of Different Target Types in Korean Hangul among First Language Children and Adult Foreign Language Learners

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Title: Different Cognitive Correlates of Early Learning of Spelling of Different Target Types in Korean Hangul among First Language Children and Adult Foreign Language Learners
Language: English
Authors: Cho, Jeung-Ryeul, McBride, Catherine
Source: Journal of Learning Disabilities. Mar-Apr 2022 55(2):138-153.
Availability: SAGE Publications and Hammill Institute on Disabilities. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks, CA 91320. Tel: 800-818-7243; Tel: 805-499-9774; Fax: 800-583-2665; e-mail: journals@sagepub.com; Web site: http://sagepub.com
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 16
Publication Date: 2022
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Early Childhood Education
Elementary Education
Kindergarten
Primary Education
Descriptors: Spelling, Korean, Alphabets, Native Language, Second Language Learning, Young Children, College Students, Foreign Countries, Syllables, Phonemic Awareness, Short Term Memory, Vocabulary, Cognitive Processes, Difficulty Level, Kindergarten, Accuracy, Morphology (Languages)
Geographic Terms: South Korea, Hong Kong
DOI: 10.1177/0022219420978231
ISSN: 0022-2194
Abstract: This study examined whether different cognitive correlates are associated with spelling of different target types, such as phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables, of Korean Hangul among 94 five-year-old first language (L1) Korean children and 41 foreign language (FL) learners who are Hong Kong Chinese college students. Korean children performed tasks of spelling, along with measures of syllable and phoneme coda awareness, phonological and orthographic working memory, morphological awareness, vocabulary, and orthographic knowledge. Among Korean 5-year-old children, coda awareness and orthographic working memory explained unique variance in spelling of phonologically consistent syllables, whereas syllable and coda awareness, orthographic working memory, orthographic knowledge, and vocabulary all explained unique variance in spelling of inconsistent syllables. When Chinese college students were tested on spelling of Korean Hangul as a foreign language, along with a battery of tasks in Korean similar to those administered to the L1 children, only orthographic working memory significantly explained spelling of consistent syllables, whereas only vocabulary knowledge explained spelling of inconsistent syllables. In both groups, spelling accuracy was lower in phonologically inconsistent than in consistent Hangul syllables. These findings suggest that different cognitive demands are involved in early spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables in Korean Hangul among L1 and FL learners.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2022
Accession Number: EJ1327122
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0155214368;led01mar.22;2022Feb15.06:00;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0155214368-1">Different Cognitive Correlates of Early Learning of Spelling of Different Target Types in Korean Hangul Among First Language Children and Adult Foreign Language Learners </title> <p>This study examined whether different cognitive correlates are associated with spelling of different target types, such as phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables, of Korean Hangul among 94 five-year-old first language (L1) Korean children and 41 foreign language (FL) learners who are Hong Kong Chinese college students. Korean children performed tasks of spelling, along with measures of syllable and phoneme coda awareness, phonological and orthographic working memory, morphological awareness, vocabulary, and orthographic knowledge. Among Korean 5-year-old children, coda awareness and orthographic working memory explained unique variance in spelling of phonologically consistent syllables, whereas syllable and coda awareness, orthographic working memory, orthographic knowledge, and vocabulary all explained unique variance in spelling of inconsistent syllables. When Chinese college students were tested on spelling of Korean Hangul as a foreign language, along with a battery of tasks in Korean similar to those administered to the L1 children, only orthographic working memory significantly explained spelling of consistent syllables, whereas only vocabulary knowledge explained spelling of inconsistent syllables. In both groups, spelling accuracy was lower in phonologically inconsistent than in consistent Hangul syllables. These findings suggest that different cognitive demands are involved in early spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables in Korean Hangul among L1 and FL learners.</p> <p>Keywords: Hangul spelling; different target types; vocabulary; orthographic working memory</p> <p>This study examined early spelling in Korean Hangul, a relatively shallow alphabetic orthography. Orthographic depth varies across writing systems, for example, from opaque English and Danish to transparent Italian and German; it also varies within a writing system, for example, regular and irregular words in English ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref1">43</reflink>]; please see [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref2">58</reflink>], for a review). Children and beginning second language (L2) and foreign language (FL) learners of a new language/orthography pick up consistent patterns between phonemes and graphemes; they are sensitive to phonological and orthographic contextual information to learn inconsistent mappings ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref3">22</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref4">36</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref5">51</reflink>]). In addition, early spellers might take advantage of phonological and alphabetic strategies such as applying phoneme–grapheme conversion rules to spell phonologically consistent words, whereas they rely on lexical and orthographic knowledge to spell exception words and phonologically inconsistent phonemes, according to dual-route theories ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref6">15</reflink>], for a review; [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref7">49</reflink>]). Although different processing strategies have been tested in word recognition in diverse languages, few studies have considered the use of different cognitive demands and strategies in spelling of different target types (for an exception, see, for example, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref8">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>Hangul is also considered as an alphasyllabary in which each Hangul syllable is written in a square block of Gulja, like a Chinese character ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref9">46</reflink>]). The Korean syllable is salient as a basic unit of spoken and visual word processing (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref10">31</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref11">45</reflink>]). Because Korean spellings are morphophonemic, in that orthographic forms are kept intact in the case of conflict with phonology, some Korean syllables within multisyllable words and phrases undergo phonological transformations that result in inconsistency between phonemes and graphemes, whereas some syllables are phonologically transparent ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref12">14</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref13">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref14">28</reflink>]). In the present study, we examined whether different cognitive correlates are associated with spelling of different target types, such as phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables, among Korean kindergarten children learning spelling as a first language (L1) and among Chinese college students who learn Korean as an FL.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-2">L1 and FL Spelling of Phonologically Consistent and Inconsistent Targets</hd> <p>A line of studies on spelling has focused on error analyses of spelling at different target types to investigate how unskilled spellers develop their spelling, including alphabetic or phonological strategies to map sound onto phonologically appropriate letters, and how experienced spellers are sensitive to sound contexts to correctly spell an exception word or a nonword ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref15">50</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref16">51</reflink>]). Some researchers consider spelling as statistical learning such that children pick up general patterns of the relations between phonological input and orthographic output ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref17">51</reflink>]). For example, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref18">22</reflink>] compared spelling performances in Danish, an opaque orthography, among children in Grades 4 to 6 at three difficulty levels of orthographic transparency where spelling accuracy can be predicted from the phoneme level, intermediate level, or word level. Danish children utilized information about phonological context at the rime or syllable unit to correctly spell at the intermediate level, and the context-sensitive spelling was related to spelling competence. As expected, in Juul's study, phonologically consistent targets were spelled more accurately than inconsistent targets as in other orthographies, including English and Korean ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref19">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref20">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref21">51</reflink>]).</p> <p>Another line of studies has dealt with cognitive correlates that contribute to children's spelling acquisition in diverse languages, including English, Chinese, and Korean ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref22">3</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref23">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref24">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref25">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref26">39</reflink>]). These studies show that individual differences in skills in phonological awareness, morphological awareness, orthographic awareness, and letter knowledge make contributions to children's abilities to spell. For example, by testing Korean kindergartners, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref27">25</reflink>] demonstrated that orthographic awareness, morphological awareness, and letter knowledge were positively related to spelling of Hangul words after statistically controlling for vocabulary and phonological awareness.</p> <p>There have been a couple of attempts to combine the two previous lines of research, for example, by examining whether different cognitive correlates contribute to spelling of different types of phonologically consistent and inconsistent targets. Dual-route theories assume two possible pathways, namely, lexical and sublexical, to the processing of reading and spelling ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref28">15</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref29">49</reflink>]). In the sublexical path, the phonological code is assembled on the basis of grapheme–phoneme conversion rules. The lexical route activates phonological and orthographic information by retrieving it from memory. Reading and spelling of phonologically regular words tend to depend upon sublexical processing, whereas spelling of exception words depends primarily on lexical processing. However, the idea of dual-route theories has not often been applied directly to learning to spell. [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref30">32</reflink>] examined longitudinal predictors of beginning spelling in Norwegian of words and pseudowords over the first 3 years in school. Norwegian is a transparent orthography (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref31">43</reflink>]). In this study, children were tested with the tasks of phoneme awareness, letter knowledge, rapid automatized naming (RAN), visual–verbal paired-associate learning, and verbal short-term memory. The authors found that all the variables except visual–verbal paired-associate learning were all uniquely related to spelling of both words and pseudowords. However, there was a difference in visual–verbal paired-associate learning, which contributed to a later phase of phonologically consistent pseudoword spelling, but not to word spelling. These findings point to some differences in cognitive predictors of different target types.</p> <p>Recently, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref32">17</reflink>] examined the relationship between correlates and spelling outcomes of different target types among first- and second-grade Dutch speakers. Dutch is transparent for reading but less so for spelling because grapheme to phoneme mapping is relatively consistent but phoneme to grapheme conversion is more complicated. The authors hypothesized that spelling of phonologically consistent items, relying on phoneme-to-grapheme conversion, might require different skills than phonologically inconsistent items, relying on the application of spelling rules or memorization. When first and second graders were tested with the tasks of phoneme awareness, RAN, visual attention span, and word reading fluency along with spelling of words and nonwords, the authors found that phoneme awareness and RAN were strongly associated with spelling of words, whereas visual attention span was related to spelling of pseudowords. Their results, however, did not tend to show a clear pattern of different cognitive correlates in spelling of consistent and inconsistent targets because words and pseudowords included both phonologically consistent and inconsistent targets. In the current study, we sought to expand the same issue to test spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables in Korean Hangul among L1 Korean children. Note that Korean Hangul is a relatively shallow alphabetic orthography similar to Norwegian and Dutch, which have been examined in previous studies (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref33">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref34">32</reflink>]), although these belong to different language families such as Altaic and Indo–European languages, respectively ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref35">46</reflink>]).</p> <p>The abovementioned studies dealt with L1 spelling. In contrast, only a few studies have compared L1 and L2 or FL spelling to determine whether cognitive correlates related to spelling are similar or different ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref36">9</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref37">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref38">54</reflink>]). In particular, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref39">9</reflink>] tested native English speakers and native Korean speakers who were learning English as an L1 and L2 in first grade in the United States, and found that the same skills, such as speech processing and phonological processing, were important contributors to early reading and spelling skills in English for both groups. In this study ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref40">9</reflink>]), L2 Korean children were immersed in English in school and in everyday life in the United States. In another study involving FL learning of English, in which exposure was limited to the language learning class, English phonological awareness and vocabulary predicted English word reading and spelling longitudinally after 1 year among English-as-a-foreign-language (EFL) Korean fifth graders in Korea ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref41">11</reflink>]). In addition, in an Arabic FL study testing native Hebrew-speaking adolescents, both orthographic and phonological knowledge contributed to real and pseudoword spelling of FL Arabic, suggesting that the results were similar to the acquisition process of L1 Arabic written forms ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref42">42</reflink>]).</p> <p>In addition, German university students learning English as an FL more flexibly applied English recoding strategies such as grapheme–phoneme conversion and rhyme analogy strategy at the same time to read English nonwords as compared with German children who were learning English as an FL ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref43">53</reflink>]). Likewise, adult learners of Chinese as an FL tended to analyze characters into phonological and semantic radicals in learning novel characters, and radical sensitivity strongly contributed to Chinese word reading ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref44">48</reflink>]), suggesting that adult FL learners acquire a writing system in a way similar to L1 Chinese children. These studies demonstrate that the components of underlying L1 and FL reading and spelling are highly comparable, at least at the word level (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref45">18</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref46">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref47">54</reflink>]). However, vocabulary knowledge was found to have more of an impact on FL reading and spelling than on L1 learners due to the restricted FL lexical knowledge and restricted size of the FL lexicon ([<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref48">19</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref49">41</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref50">54</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the current study, we examined whether different cognitive correlates are associated with spelling of consistent and inconsistent syllables in Korean among Hong Kong Chinese college students learning Korean as an FL because L1 children and FL adult learners rely on highly comparable strategies and underlying processes ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref51">48</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref52">53</reflink>]). This is among the first studies to examine literacy skills in Korean as an FL and, in particular, to compare L1 and FL spelling vis-à-vis the use of different cognitive strategies to spell phonologically consistent and inconsistent Hangul syllables.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-3">Spelling of Korean Hangul</hd> <p>Hangul is an alphabet with 19 consonants (ㄱ, ㄲ, ㄴ, ㄷ, ㄸ, ㄹ, ㅁ, ㅂ, ㅃ, ㅅ, ㅆ, ㅇ, ㅈ, ㅉ, ㅊ, ㅋ, ㅌ, ㅍ, ㅎ) and 21 vowels (ㅏ, ㅐ, ㅑ, ㅒ, ㅓ, ㅔ, ㅕ, ㅖ, ㅗ, ㅘ, ㅙ, ㅚ, ㅛ, ㅜ, ㅝ, ㅞ, ㅟ, ㅠ, ㅡ, ㅢ, ㅣ; [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref53">46</reflink>]). Each Hangul letter represents a sound, and grapheme–phoneme connections are consistent. For example, the letters of "ㄱ," "ㄴ," and "ㅏ" make the sounds of /g/, /n/, and /a/, respectively. Hangul letters are grouped in a square syllable block of Gulja, with each Gulja separated and a large space between words (e.g., 나무 /na.mu/ "a tree," 창문/ c<sups>h</sups>aŋ.mun/ "a window"). Letters are arranged in order from top to bottom or from left to right within a Gulja. The first consonant sound in the syllable is always written in the left or top position of a Gulja, the vowel sound is in the middle and/or right positions, and the final consonant is in the bottom position. The syllabic structure of Korean is relatively simple, being mostly of the consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) or open structure.</p> <p>Korean phonology is similar to English, in that, it represents an alphabet, but Korean morphology is similar to Chinese ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref54">35</reflink>]). Indeed, about 50% to 60% of Korean vocabulary words are estimated to be Sino–Korean words where a syllable represents a morpheme as in the Chinese language ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref55">46</reflink>]). Most Sino–Korean and many native Korean words are compounds that are relatively semantically transparent. In addition, derivational and inflectional morphology is rich and productive in the Korean language. Although many Korean words are phonologically transparent and can be read and spelled correctly by using grapheme–phoneme mapping rules, some multisyllable words and phrases are subjected to phonological transformations due to resyllabification, consonantal assimilation, and palatalization. Phonological transformations occur because the Korean orthography has adopted a morphophonemic principle and called for writing letters in a way that maximizes morphophonemic transparency. That is, morphemes are transparent in the Korean orthography, but phonological changes are not reflected in writing. For example, a noun 꽃 /k'ot/ "the flower" + a subject marker 이 /i/ is written using the two morphemes' underlying representations, 꽃이, although its pronunciation is changed to /k'o.c<sups>h</sups>i/ (꼬치 "skewer"). In particular, resyllabification is common in the use of compounding words, subject and object markers, and adjective and verb inflectional suffixes in Korean: When a coda is followed by a vowel, the consonant is moved to the next syllable as its onset. Some Korean phonologically opaque words are difficult to spell because they undergo two or more phonological changes due to coda simplification, resyllabification, and palatalization.</p> <p>Korean children begin learning to read Hangul either in kindergarten or at home, before entering primary school. By age 6, most children have already mastered letter–sound mappings of the Korean alphabet and can read phonologically regular Hangul words quite well; they learn to read irregular words that are subject to phonological transformations from first grade onward ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref56">14</reflink>]). Although handwriting and spelling activities have declined considerably in kindergartens these days, young children still engage in spontaneous writing activities in kindergartens as practice for early spelling. Children's writing activities include drawing lines, copying numbers and Hangul Gulja, writing birthday cards to friends, and writing picture diaries (see [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref57">10</reflink>], for a review).</p> <p>As in other alphabetic orthographies such as Dutch, German, and Norwegian, spelling is more difficult than reading in Korean because the consistency of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondences is lower than vice versa (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref58">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref59">32</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref60">57</reflink>]). In particular, Korean has the constraint that only seven consonant phonemes of 19 can occur in the final position in a syllable. That is, because the sound of <emph>/</emph>t<emph>/</emph> in a coda is orthographically represented by seven different letters (e.g., ㅅ, ㅆ, ㅈ, ㅊ, ㄷ, ㄸ, ㅌ), spellers have to memorize and retrieve the coda "ㅊ" to correctly write 꽃 /k'ot/ "the flower." In addition, Hangul spellers have to be sensitive to the sound transformations, such that each Gulja can be pronounced differently in different sound context. For example, if early spellers hear the two-syllable sound of /k'o.c<sups>h</sups>i/ in a sentence, they have to understand its meaning as "the flower + subject marker" and realize that the sound does not correspond to the spelling. Then, they have to retrieve orthographic forms of Gulja, 꽃 /k'ot/ and 이 /i/, that correspondingly represent "the flower" and "subject marker," sequentially, syllable by syllable, from memory, to correctly spell.</p> <p>Indeed, Korean psycholinguistic studies have reported that the syllable is a basic unit of spoken and written word recognition in Korean ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref61">31</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref62">45</reflink>]). Recently, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref63">31</reflink>] reported that Korean compound words are subdivided into morphemes in spoken word recognition and the morphological decomposition is affected by syllable frequency rather than word frequency. In a somewhat similar vein, English and Dutch spellers tend to be sensitive to the sound context at the syllable level and across a syllable boundary to spell phonologically inconsistent vowels and consonants ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref64">22</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref65">52</reflink>]). Due to the salience of the syllable in the processing of Korean language and orthography, in the current study, spelling was scored at the single syllable level, although most previous Korean studies have scored spelling performances of Hangul at the word level and/or phoneme level ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref66">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref67">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref68">28</reflink>]). Note that spelling performance has sometimes been scored at the single character level in Chinese studies (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref69">37</reflink>]). Furthermore, in the present study, we explore the extent to which cognitive abilities in the areas of phonological awareness, morphological awareness, vocabulary, orthographic awareness, and phonological and orthographic working memory might explain early Korean Hangul spelling differently for phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables among L1 Korean children. In addition, because previous studies have suggested that cognitive components underlying word spelling tend to be comparable for both L1 and FL learners (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref70">9</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref71">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref72">42</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref73">54</reflink>]) and FL adult learners analytically and efficiently apply recoding strategies similar to L1 children ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref74">48</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref75">53</reflink>]), we examined whether different cognitive correlates would contribute to spelling of consistent or inconsistent Hangul syllables in FL Chinese college students as in L1 Korean kindergartners. Both groups were tested with a battery of similar tasks in Korean. Our results could be substantially applied to implementing effective spelling strategies for Korean children with spelling problems; such children have been found to be particularly troubled by low performance in spelling of phonologically inconsistent words (e.g., 27%) as compared with consistent words (63%), with average spellers showing much less of a difference between the two (83% vs. 89%, respectively) in a Korean study ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref76">23</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-4">Cognitive Correlates of Spelling Consistent and Inconsistent Targets</hd> <p>Although initially related to word reading, phonological awareness has also been shown to predict spelling outcomes. Phonological awareness refers to the ability to perceive, store, and manipulate phonological information at the levels of phonemes, syllables, and subsyllabic units ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref77">34</reflink>]). This ability plays an important role in relating graphemes to phonemes and vice versa, such as for understanding the alphabetic principle. Phonological awareness has been reported to play a role in L1 spelling (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref78">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref79">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref80">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref81">39</reflink>]) and FL spelling ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref82">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref83">42</reflink>]). We included phonological awareness at two levels of syllable and phoneme because previous Korean studies reported that Korean children are sensitive to both levels, and phoneme coda awareness is well developed and particularly important for Hangul reading ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref84">14</reflink>]). We expected that phoneme coda awareness might be most related to spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables because Hangul spelling might be based on phoneme-to-grapheme conversion rules. We further anticipated that syllable awareness might be related to spelling of inconsistent syllables because of resyllabification, the common phenomenon of Korean phonological transformations that occurs across syllables.</p> <p>In contrast, we measured semantic knowledge in the tasks of vocabulary and morphological awareness. Although vocabulary is the main source of morphological knowledge and background knowledge ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref85">54</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref86">55</reflink>]), it has been shown to be weakly or moderately related to early L1 reading and spelling ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref87">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref88">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref89">39</reflink>]). Vocabulary has been often used as a control variable, and its unique role in spelling has not been explored sufficiently. However, vocabulary knowledge tends to be especially important for FL reading and spelling ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref90">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref91">41</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref92">54</reflink>]). For example, in testing fifth graders, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref93">11</reflink>] found that FL English vocabulary was uniquely associated with English reading and spelling among EFL Korean students in Korea, although there were no significant associations of L1 Korean vocabulary to L1 Hangul reading or spelling.</p> <p>Morphological awareness is defined as children's conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and the ability to manipulate morphemes ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref94">34</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref95">55</reflink>]). Given that lexical compounding is highly productive for word formations in Sino–Korean and native Korean vocabulary, the present study looked at children's compounding awareness. Morphological knowledge is likely to be particularly important for spelling in languages that tend to preserve morphological features in their writing systems such as English, Chinese, and Korean ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref96">14</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref97">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref98">35</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref99">39</reflink>]). In previous Korean studies, children's morphological awareness was positively related to word spelling in kindergartners ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref100">25</reflink>]) and reading and spelling in elementary school children ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref101">11</reflink>]). In particular, morphological awareness was uniquely linked to irregular word reading but not regular word reading in Korean kindergartners ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref102">14</reflink>]). In a similar vein, we expected that semantic knowledge would facilitate the spelling of inconsistent syllables because adopting a lexical route rather than an alphabetic strategy may be sufficient for spelling multisyllable Hangul words and phrases that undergo phonological transformations.</p> <p>This study additionally included a task of orthographic awareness to test sensitivity to visual and orthographic patterns. Orthographic knowledge is defined as graphic patterns of a written language and frequency of letter sequences and spatial position patterns in words ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref103">4</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref104">34</reflink>]). Children's orthographic awareness was found to be important for their spelling development above and beyond phonological processes in the studies of English, Chinese, and Korean (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref105">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref106">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref107">39</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref108">47</reflink>]). Although previous studies did not separate spelling of different target types, we anticipated that orthographic awareness would be related to spelling of phonologically inconsistent syllables more strongly, because an inconsistent syllable cannot be correctly spelled by applying phoneme–grapheme conversion rules but, rather, only by retrieving orthographic forms from long-term memory.</p> <p>We additionally included phonological and orthographic working memory as cognitive correlates of spelling. We measured phonological working memory via backward digit recall task (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref109">1</reflink>]) and orthographic working memory via delayed copying where children must copy from memory the orthographic pattern after shown for several seconds ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref110">37</reflink>]). Working memory is not only treated as a dynamic mechanism involving simultaneous storage and processing of information over a short period of time but also considered a limited capacity to maintain and manipulate information chunks to handle complex cognitive activities (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref111">2</reflink>]). This limited capacity may be a major constraint in children's spelling performance, in the sense that, children must remember the sounds to be able to convert each phoneme or phoneme sequences to their corresponding letters. As expected, phonological working memory has been found to be related to spelling of both words and nonwords in Dutch ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref112">32</reflink>]). In addition, we expected that orthographic working memory would be significantly related to spelling because delayed copying requires similar processes to those of spelling itself such as temporarily holding an orthographic representation in mind and reproducing it through handwriting. In recent Chinese studies, delayed copying was strongly associated with word writing among Chinese kindergartners and elementary school students ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref113">33</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref114">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref115">56</reflink>]). During delayed copying, children may make use of both the processing of orthographic units and simultaneously the activation of corresponding phonological units (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref116">3</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref117">59</reflink>]). If orthographic working memory taps grapheme–phoneme connections or verbal coding skills, we might expect orthographic working memory to relate to spelling of consistent targets more strongly than to spelling of inconsistent targets.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-5">Purpose of This Study</hd> <p>In sum, in the present study, we tested cognitive correlates in spelling for phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables in the two samples of L1 Korean kindergartners and FL Chinese college students. Our three specific research questions were as follows:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> <bold> Research Question 1 (RQ1): </bold> Does the contribution of cognitive correlates differ in the spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables among Korean children who learn to spell Korean as an L1?</item> </ulist> <p>Korean children age 5 years were tested with the cognitive tasks of phonological awareness of syllables and phoneme coda, orthographic awareness, semantic knowledge of morphological awareness and vocabulary, and phonological and orthographic working memory, along with spelling of multisyllable Hangul words consisting of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables. Children might utilize phoneme–grapheme conversion rules to spell consistent syllables, but they could also retrieve orthographic forms stored in memory as suggested by dual-route theories (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref118">15</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref119">49</reflink>]). Phonological awareness and phonological working memory were expected to contribute to spelling of consistent syllables, whereas semantic knowledge and orthographic awareness were expected to contribute more strongly to inconsistent spelling in addition to phonological awareness. If orthographic working memory taps phonological coding, we might expect that orthographic working memory would contribute more strongly to consistent syllable spelling.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> <bold> Research Question 2 (RQ2): </bold> Does the contribution of cognitive correlates differ in spelling consistent and inconsistent syllables among Chinese college students who learn to spell Korean as an FL?</item> </ulist> <p>Chinese students were tested with the FL Korean tasks of orthographic awareness, vocabulary, and orthographic working memory along with the same type of spelling task. This sample was not tested with phoneme and syllable deletion tasks because these tasks are easy for adults, often resulting in ceiling effects and low variability as shown in upper elementary school students in Korea (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref120">11</reflink>]). Instead, we included the same kind of text reading fluency task that was found to be predicted by phonological awareness and strongly related to word reading fluency (<emph>r</emph>s >.85) among Korean children, ages 5 to 6 years, in one study ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref121">27</reflink>]). In a similar vein, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref122">17</reflink>] reported that phoneme awareness was strongly correlated with spelling in Dutch among L1 first and second graders, but it did not significantly contribute to word spelling after statistically controlling for word reading fluency, suggesting an indirect effect of phoneme awareness to spelling via a full mediation of word reading fluency. We predicted that vocabulary and orthographic awareness would contribute to spelling of inconsistent syllables, whereas orthographic working memory would contribute to spelling of consistent syllables that tap grapheme–phoneme conversion.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> <bold> Research Question 3 (RQ3): </bold> Is spelling of consistent syllables more accurate than inconsistent syllables in both samples?</item> </ulist> <p>As in other studies that included either the shallow orthographies of Korean and Dutch or the opaque orthographies of Danish and English, we hypothesized that consistent syllables would be spelled correctly more often than inconsistent syllables ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref123">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref124">22</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref125">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref126">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref127">51</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-6">Method</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0155214368-7">Testing of Korean Children</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0155214368-8">Participants</hd> <p>The participants included 94 Korean kindergartners, 45 girls and 49 boys, whose average age was 68.17 months (<emph>SD</emph> = 3.47 months). The children were all recruited from two kindergartens in a medium-sized South Korean city. Most of the children had a middle socioeconomic status (SES) background. Many children from middle-income families in Korea attend kindergarten, whereas children from working mothers and low-income families attend welfare and child care facilities called Children's House ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref128">10</reflink>]). The children were all native Korean speakers.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-9">Measures</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0155214368-10">Hangul word spelling</hd> <p>A Korean spelling subtest of the Korean Test of Literacy Diagnosis (K-TOLD) was administered in this study ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref129">12</reflink>]). The subtest has 35 items in total arranged in order of difficulty, and it is designed for children ages 5 to 11. Because the items in the middle and last positions were very difficult for 5-year-olds, the first 15 words were selected from the subtest. The experimenter verbally stated each word twice and asked the child to write the correct spelling on a paper with a pen. The child received a point if he or she wrote down one syllable in the word correctly. We separated items depending on phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables. There were 18 consistent syllables and 22 inconsistent ones. The numbers of consonant-vowel (CV) and CVC syllables were seven and 11, respectively, for consistent syllables, and seven and 15, respectively, for inconsistent syllables. The mean syllable frequency was 43,203 (range = 657–172,126) for consistent syllables and 69,059 (range = 91–314,869) for inconsistent syllables according to the corpus of Korean adults and children ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref130">24</reflink>]). Cronbach's alpha was.93 for consistent syllables and.89 for inconsistent syllables.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-11">Syllable awareness</hd> <p>A Korean syllable awareness subtest of the K-TOLD was administered ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref131">12</reflink>]). Children were verbally asked to delete one syllable from each item. For example, <emph>ja dong cha</emph> (자동차) without <emph>cha</emph> (차) would be <emph>ja dong</emph> (자동). This task included six three-syllable words, six three-syllable nonwords, and six four-syllable nonwords. The correct answers were given 1 point for each item. This test ended if a child failed on five consecutive items. The maximum score was 18. Cronbach's alpha was.90.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-12">Phoneme coda awareness</hd> <p>A Korean phoneme coda awareness subtest of the K-TOLD was administered ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref132">12</reflink>]). The children were given 18 items of nine one-syllable CVC real words and nine CVC nonwords; for each, they were asked to delete the final phoneme. For example, saying <emph>dog</emph> (독) without the final sound would be <emph>do</emph> (도). This test ended if a child failed five items in a row. Cronbach's alpha was.95.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-13">Morphological awareness</hd> <p>This task used a researcher-developed measure. The morphological construction test was administered to test children's morphological structure awareness (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref133">14</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref134">35</reflink>]). In this task, 25 scenarios were presented verbally in two- or three-sentence stories. Children were required to construct new compound words for the presented objects or concepts based on previously acquired morphemes in the scenarios. An example is as follows: When a refrigerator keeps <emph>Kimchi</emph> (김치) in it, we call it <emph>Kimchi refrigerator</emph> (김치냉장고). If a refrigerator keeps a <emph>flower</emph> (꽃) in it, what do we call it? The answer is <emph>flower refrigerator</emph> (꽃냉장고). The maximum score was 25. This test ended when children scored a zero on five consecutive trials. Cronbach's alpha was.85.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-14">Vocabulary</hd> <p>We created a 20-item expressive vocabulary test in which children were asked to verbally explain objects or concepts. Each answer was scored from 0 to 3 according to our scoring scheme. Children received zero if they did not answer or were wrong, 1 point was given if they formed a compound word using the target word, 2 points were given when making an appropriate sentence with the target word, and 3 points were allotted for the correct definition. The test ended when children scored a zero on five consecutive trials. Cronbach's alpha was.67.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-15">Orthographic awareness</hd> <p>A Korean left–right reversal subtest of the K-TOLD was administered ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref135">12</reflink>]). The children were asked to select all of the correctly oriented stimuli (e.g., 93, ㅆ, 큐) from 80 items on this task. The items included numbers, the Korean alphabet, and simple Korean syllables. Half of these items were inverted from left to right (e.g.,</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>,</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>,</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>). Cronbach's alpha was.81.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-16">Phonological working memory</hd> <p>This task was a researcher-developed measure. Children were tested on a backward digit recall task. The child was verbally presented with an increasing number of digits (from two to nine) and was asked to recall the digits in the reverse order. There were 24 test items. The number of correct items was scored for each child. This test ended after three consecutive incorrect responses. Cronbach's alpha was.72.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-17">Orthographic working memory</hd> <p>This task used a researcher-developed measure. Children were tested using a delayed copying task consisting of 10 Korean Gulja that were not familiar to kindergartners (e.g., 츄, 왑, 섦, 칣, 꿸). Each visual Gulja was displayed for 3 s and then removed from view; children were then asked to write down the whole Gulja from memory. Scores were given according to the accuracy of each letter included in each Gulja: 1 point was given when a basic consonant, a horizontal vowel (e.g., ㅗ, ㅜ, ㅛ) in the middle position, or a vertical vowel letter in the right position (e.g., ㅏ, ㅣ, ㅔ) was correctly written, and zero points were assigned when a letter was not written correctly. The total possible score for this task was 39. Two graduate students scored all the items to determine the percentage of agreement between the two scorers as indicated by a Pearson's correlation. The obtained interrater reliability was.99.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-18">Procedure</hd> <p>Before the testing, parents gave informed consent for supervised testing. Testing was conducted at the children's kindergarten from June to July 2019. Four graduate students in developmental psychology were rigorously trained to administer two or three tasks each from the administered battery. They administered only these assigned tasks throughout the study to maximize high task fidelity. Another research assistant helped coordinate the children's testing by moving them to and from testing. She also checked all the answer sheets after daily tests to make sure that there were no mistakes or missing data across test records. All tasks were performed individually. Children were tested for 2 days, and the tests took about 60 min in total.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-19">Testing of Chinese College Students</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0155214368-20">Participants</hd> <p>The participants were 41 Chinese college students studying at a university in Hong Kong; their average age was 20.39 years (<emph>SD</emph> = 1.18 years) and the age range was 18 to 23 years. Their L1 was Cantonese Chinese for 39 students and Mandarin Chinese for two students. Their average years of Korean study was 3.90 years (<emph>SD</emph> = 0.735 years) and the year range was 3 to 5 years.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-21">Measures</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0155214368-22">Hangul word spelling</hd> <p>Because Chinese college students were found to perform better in Hangul spelling than did the L1 Korean children from a pilot study, we selected the first 20 items from the same spelling subtest of the K-TOLD administered to the L1 Korean children ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref136">12</reflink>]). There were 22 consistent syllables and 32 inconsistent ones. The procedures for testing and scoring were the same as those used in testing the L1 Korean children. The numbers of CV and CVC syllables were seven and 15, respectively, for consistent syllables, and 10 and 22, respectively, for the inconsistent syllables. The mean syllable frequency was 37,365 (range = 657–172,126) for the consistent syllables and 72,381 (range = 91–314,869) for the inconsistent syllables according to the corpus of Korean adults and children ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref137">24</reflink>]). Cronbach's alpha was.48 for the consistent syllables and.89 for the inconsistent syllables.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-23">Vocabulary</hd> <p>To measure receptive vocabulary knowledge, students were presented with 112 vocabulary items of increasing difficulty from the Korean Picture Vocabulary Test ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref138">29</reflink>]). Each word was presented with four black and white illustrations. Each student was asked to select the picture that best represented the meaning of a stimulus word. Cronbach's alpha was.90.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-24">Orthographic awareness</hd> <p>A Korean lexical decision subtest of the K-TOLD was administered ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref139">12</reflink>]). The students were asked to choose all the correctly spelled words out of 80 items. Half of the items were one- or two-syllable words (e.g., 솥/sot/"the pot,"호텔/ho.tel/"hotel") and the other half of the items were one- or two-syllable nonwords (e.g., 슁 /ʃiŋ/,인몸/in.mom/). Each nonword was created by changing one or two letters from a real word. Cronbach's alpha was.60.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-25">Orthographic working memory</hd> <p>This task used a researcher-developed measure. The delayed copying task consisted of 10 Korean words that were not familiar to Chinese students (e.g., 뻘쭉, 훑네, 삯꾼, 콩튀듯, 칡넝쿨). In the task, each visual word was displayed for 3 s and then removed from view; students were then asked to write down the whole word from memory. Scoring was exactly the same as that used in the children's study. The total possible score for this task was 81. The interrater reliability between two scorers was.98.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-26">Reading fluency</hd> <p>To assess reading fluency, we used a passage from a subtest of text reading fluency of the Korean Test of Language and Literacy Skills (K-TOLLS) ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref140">26</reflink>]). Students were presented with a passage consisting of 25 sentences. Students were asked to read the sentences aloud as quickly and accurately as possible for 40 s. The timed reading task contains both consistent words and inconsistent words. The total score was the number of syllables read correctly for 40 s. The total number of syllables possible was 794.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-27">Procedure</hd> <p>Before the testing, students gave informed consent for it. Testing was conducted at a lab in the university from February to May 2019 by a Chinese research assistant who was at a very high level of Korean speaking and writing proficiency. All tasks were performed individually, and it took about 40 min. The grading was done by trained Korean graduate students.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-28">Data Analysis</hd> <p>Descriptive statistics were analyzed to reveal means, standard deviations and the normal distribution of each variable in each sample. In addition, we conducted bivariate correlation analyses to examine the associations among the included variables in each sample. Multiple regression analyses were then conducted to address the first research question regarding whether the contribution of cognitive correlates differs in the spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables among L1 Korean children and the second research question among FL Chinese college students. To examine the third research question, we conducted a paired-samples <emph>t</emph> test between the spelling accuracy of consistent and inconsistent syllables in each sample.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-29">Results</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0155214368-30">Testing of Korean Children</hd> <p>The means, standard deviations, skewness and kurtosis indicators, and reliability coefficients of all measures are reported in Table 1. All measures were normally distributed with good variability, showing that the absolute values of kurtosis and skewness were less than 1.5, except for the spelling of inconsistent syllables (skewness = 1.55, kurtosis = 2.93) and syllable awareness (skewness = 1.93, kurtosis = 4.07). All measures had reliabilities of.70 or greater, except for the children's vocabulary task (α =.67). The mean percentage of correct spelling performance was higher in consistent syllables (42.2%) than in inconsistent syllables (15.0%), <emph>t</emph>(<reflink idref="bib93" id="ref141">93</reflink>) = 14.66, <emph>p</emph> <.001.</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 1. Means and SD s for All Tasks Measured Among 5-Year-Old Children.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><colgroup><col align="left" /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /></colgroup><thead><tr><th align="left">Variable</th><th align="center">Reliability</th><th align="center">Minimum</th><th align="center">Maximum</th><th align="center"><italic>M</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>SD</italic></th><th align="center">Skewness</th><th align="center">Kurtosis</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Age (months)</td><td align="center">—</td><td>62</td><td>73</td><td>68.17</td><td>3.47</td><td>−0.11</td><td>−1.32</td></tr><tr><td>Spelling of consistent syllables<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (18)</td><td>.93</td><td>0</td><td>17</td><td>7.60</td><td>5.27</td><td>0.07</td><td>1.22</td></tr><tr><td>Spelling of inconsistent syllables<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (22)</td><td>.89</td><td>0</td><td>20</td><td>3.29</td><td>3.83</td><td>1.55</td><td>2.93</td></tr><tr><td>Syllable awareness<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (18)</td><td>.90</td><td>0</td><td>18</td><td>3.70</td><td>3.87</td><td>1.93</td><td>4.07</td></tr><tr><td>Phoneme coda awareness<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (18)</td><td>.95</td><td>0</td><td>18</td><td>3.54</td><td>5.76</td><td>1.42</td><td>0.46</td></tr><tr><td>Phonological working memory<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (24)</td><td>.72</td><td>0</td><td>7</td><td>2.67</td><td>1.76</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.43</td></tr><tr><td>Morphological awareness<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (25)</td><td>.85</td><td>0</td><td>17</td><td>7.85</td><td>3.82</td><td>0.04</td><td>0.40</td></tr><tr><td>Vocabulary<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (60)</td><td>.67</td><td>0</td><td>37</td><td>18.15</td><td>6.29</td><td>0.30</td><td>1.38</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic working memory<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">b</xref> (39)</td><td>.99</td><td>11</td><td>39</td><td>25.00</td><td>7.00</td><td>0.09</td><td>0.67</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic awareness<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn2">a</xref> (80)</td><td>.81</td><td>29</td><td>76</td><td>52.56</td><td>11.26</td><td>0.22</td><td>0.86</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 <emph>Note. N</emph> = 94. The maximum number is indicated in parentheses.</p> <p>2 Cronbach's alpha reliability. <sups>b</sups>Interrater reliability.</p> <p>Table 2 shows bivariate correlations among the included variables. Spelling of consistent and inconsistent syllables was significantly associated with children's syllable awareness (.47 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.52, <emph>p</emph>s <.001), coda awareness (.51 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.52, <emph>p</emph>s <.001), phonological working memory (.30 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.41, <emph>p</emph>s <.001), morphological awareness (.36 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.38, <emph>p</emph>s <.001), vocabulary knowledge (.30 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.37,.01 < <emph>p</emph>s <.001), orthographic working memory (.56 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.66, <emph>p</emph>s <.001), and orthographic awareness (.35 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.38, <emph>p</emph>s <.001).</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 2. Intercorrelations for Study Variables in 5-Year Old Children.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><colgroup><col align="left" /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /></colgroup><thead><tr><th align="left">Variable</th><th align="center">Spelling of consistent syllables</th><th align="center">Spelling of inconsistent syllables</th><th align="center">Syllable awareness</th><th align="center">Phoneme coda awareness</th><th align="center">Phonological working memory</th><th align="center">Morphological awareness</th><th align="center">Vocabulary</th><th align="center">Orthographic working memory</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Spelling of consistent syllables</td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Spelling of inconsistent syllables</td><td>.81<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Syllable awareness</td><td>.47<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.52<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Phoneme coda awareness</td><td>.51<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.52<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.44<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Phonological working memory</td><td>.41<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.30<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.43<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.36<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Morphological awareness</td><td>.38<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td><td>.36<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td><td>.57<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td><td>.46<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td><td>.48<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Vocabulary</td><td>.30<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td><td>.37<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.35<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.22<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">*</xref></td><td>.18</td><td>.42<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /></tr><tr><td>Orthographic working memory</td><td>.66<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.56<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.39<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.34<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.32<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.25<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">*</xref></td><td>.20</td><td align="center">—</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic awareness</td><td>.35<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.38<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">***</xref></td><td>.29<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td><td>.16</td><td>.14</td><td>.11</td><td>.08</td><td>.27<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn4">**</xref></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>3 <emph>Note</emph>. <emph>N</emph> = 94.</item> <item>4 <emph>p</emph> <.05. **<emph>p</emph> <.01. ***<emph>p</emph> <.001.</item> </ulist> <p>Before conducting regression analyses, we confirmed that our data did not have serious multicollinearity problems given that the correlations between independent variables were in the range of.11 to.57 in our data from the kindergarten data. One common rule of thumb is to consider multicollinearity as a serious problem when the correlation coefficient between two independent variables is greater than.8 ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref142">20</reflink>]). A multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine whether these cognitive skills were uniquely associated with spelling of consistent syllables. Results are shown in Table 3. The final beta weights in this equation indicate that coda awareness (β =.23, <emph>p</emph> <.01) and orthographic working memory (β =.45, <emph>p</emph> <.001) explained unique variance in spelling of consistent syllables. The predictor variables explained 59% of the total variance in this dependent measure.</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 3. Standardized Beta Weights for Regression Equation With Spelling of Phonologically Consistent and Inconsistent Syllables as the Dependent Measures for 5-Year-Old Children.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><colgroup><col align="left" /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /></colgroup><thead><tr><th align="center" rowspan="2">Variable</th><th align="center" colspan="3">Spelling of consistent syllables</th><th align="center" colspan="3">Spelling of inconsistent syllables</th></tr><tr><th align="center"><italic>B</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>t</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>p</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>B</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>t</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>p</italic></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Age</td><td>.10</td><td>1.47</td><td>.144</td><td>.04</td><td>0.62</td><td>.534</td></tr><tr><td>Syllable awareness</td><td>.07</td><td>0.74</td><td>.462</td><td>.20</td><td>2.01</td><td>.048</td></tr><tr><td>Phoneme coda awareness</td><td>.23</td><td>2.80</td><td>.006</td><td>.28</td><td>3.22</td><td>.002</td></tr><tr><td>Phonological working memory</td><td>.11</td><td>1.32</td><td>.192</td><td>−.02</td><td>−0.20</td><td>.844</td></tr><tr><td>Morphological awareness</td><td>.01</td><td>0.09</td><td>.926</td><td>−.06</td><td>−0.59</td><td>.554</td></tr><tr><td>Vocabulary</td><td>.08</td><td>1.00</td><td>.321</td><td>.18</td><td>2.13</td><td>.036</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic working memory</td><td>.45</td><td>5.62</td><td><.001</td><td>.32</td><td>3.75</td><td><.001</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic knowledge</td><td>.13</td><td>1.84</td><td>.070</td><td>.19</td><td>2.40</td><td>.019</td></tr><tr><td>Total <italic>R</italic>2</td><td>.59</td><td align="center">—</td><td align="center">—</td><td>.55</td><td align="center">—</td><td align="center">—</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>5 <emph>Note</emph>. <emph>N</emph> = 94.</p> <p>A multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine whether cognitive skills were uniquely associated with spelling of inconsistent syllables. Results are shown in Table 3. The final beta weights in this equation indicate that syllable awareness (β =.20, <emph>p</emph> <.05), coda awareness (β =.28, <emph>p</emph> <.01), vocabulary (β =.18, <emph>p</emph> <.05), orthographic working memory (β =.32, <emph>p</emph> <.001), and orthographic awareness (β =.19, <emph>p</emph> <.05) all explained unique variance in spelling of inconsistent syllables. The predictor variables explained 55% of the total variance in this dependent measure.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-31">Testing of Chinese College Students</hd> <p>The mean values, standard deviations, and reliability coefficients of all measures are reported in Table 4. All measures were normally distributed with good variability, showing that the absolute values of kurtosis and skewness were less than 1. All measures had reliabilities of.70 or greater, except for the spelling of consistent targets (α =.48) and orthographic awareness (α =.60) tasks. The mean percentage of correct spelling performance was higher in consistent syllables (79.6%) than in inconsistent syllables (55.0%), <emph>t</emph>(<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref143">40</reflink>) = 10.93, <emph>p</emph> <.001.</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 4. Mean Values and SD s for All Tasks Measured Among Hong Kong College Students.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><colgroup><col align="left" /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /></colgroup><thead><tr><th align="left">Variable</th><th align="center">Reliability</th><th align="center">Minimum</th><th align="center">Maximum</th><th align="center"><italic>M</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>SD</italic></th><th align="center">Skewness</th><th align="center">Kurtosis</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Spelling of consistent syllables<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn7">a</xref> (22)</td><td>.48</td><td>12</td><td>21</td><td>17.51</td><td>2.20</td><td>0.67</td><td>0.48</td></tr><tr><td>Spelling of inconsistent syllables<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn7">a</xref> (32)</td><td>.89</td><td>4</td><td>30</td><td>17.61</td><td>5.96</td><td>0.28</td><td>0.22</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic working memory<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn7">b</xref> (81)</td><td>.98</td><td>49</td><td>76</td><td>66.54</td><td>6.75</td><td>0.66</td><td>0.07</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic awareness<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn7">a</xref> (80)</td><td>.60</td><td>31</td><td>56</td><td>42.41</td><td>5.79</td><td>0.64</td><td>0.28</td></tr><tr><td>Vocabulary<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn7">a</xref> (112)</td><td>.90</td><td>47</td><td>95</td><td>70.20</td><td>13.22</td><td>0.27</td><td>0.86</td></tr><tr><td>Reading fluency (794)</td><td align="center">—</td><td>62</td><td>160</td><td>106.80</td><td>24.50</td><td>0.20</td><td>0.26</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>6 <emph>Note. N</emph> = 41. The maximum number is indicated in parentheses.</item> <item>7 Cronbach's alpha reliability. <sups>b</sups>Interrater reliability.</item> </ulist> <p>Table 5 shows bivariate correlations among the included variables. Spelling of consistent and inconsistent syllables was significantly associated with vocabulary (.61 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.81, <emph>p</emph>s <.001), orthographic working memory (.64 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.65, <emph>p</emph>s <.001), and orthographic awareness (.36 < <emph>r</emph>s <emph><</emph>.61,.05 < <emph>p</emph>s <.001), and reading fluency (.48 < <emph>r</emph>s <.72,.01 < <emph>p</emph>s <.001).</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 5. Intercorrelations for Study Variables Measured for Hong Kong College Students.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><colgroup><col align="left" /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /></colgroup><thead><tr><th align="left">Variable</th><th align="center">Spelling of consistent syllables</th><th align="center">Spelling of inconsistent syllables</th><th align="center">Delayed copying</th><th align="center">Orthographic awareness</th><th align="center">Vocabulary</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Spelling of consistent syllables</td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Spelling of inconsistent syllables</td><td>.64<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Orthographic working memory</td><td>.64<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.65<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Orthographic awareness</td><td>.36<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">*</xref></td><td>.61<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.47<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">**</xref></td><td align="center">—</td><td /></tr><tr><td>Vocabulary</td><td>.61<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.81<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.70<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.63<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td align="center">—</td></tr><tr><td>Reading fluency</td><td>.48<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">**</xref></td><td>.72<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.63<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.51<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td><td>.74<xref ref-type="table-fn" rid="tfn9">***</xref></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>8 <emph>Note</emph>. <emph>N</emph> = 41.</item> <item>9 <emph>p</emph><.05. **<emph>p</emph><.01. ***<emph>p</emph><.001.</item> </ulist> <p>Before conducting these regression analyses, we confirmed that our data had no serious multicollinearity problems because the correlations between independent variables were not greater than.8; the correlations among all variables ranged from.47 to.74 (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref144">20</reflink>]). A multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine whether cognitive skills were uniquely associated with spelling of consistent syllables. Results are shown in Table 6. The final beta weights of this equation show that orthographic working memory (β =.41, <emph>p</emph> <.05) explained unique variance in spelling of consistent syllables. The predictor variables explained 47% of the total variance of the dependent measure. A multiple regression analysis was also conducted to determine whether cognitive skills were uniquely associated with spelling of inconsistent syllables. Results are shown in Table 6. The final betas in this equation indicate that vocabulary (β =.62, <emph>p</emph> <.001) explained unique variance in spelling of inconsistent syllables. The predictor variables explained 70% of the total variance of the dependent measure.</p> <p>Graph</p> <p>Table 6. Standardized Beta Weights for Regression Equation With Spelling of Phonologically Consistent and Inconsistent Syllables as the Dependent Measures for Hong Kong College Students.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><colgroup><col align="left" /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /><col align="char" char="." /></colgroup><thead><tr><th align="left" rowspan="2">Variable</th><th align="center" colspan="3">Spelling of consistent syllables</th><th align="center" colspan="3">Spelling of inconsistent syllables</th></tr><tr><th align="center"><italic>B</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>t</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>p</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>B</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>t</italic></th><th align="center"><italic>p</italic></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="7">Without reading</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic working memory</td><td>.41</td><td>2.44</td><td>.020</td><td>.15</td><td>1.15</td><td>.259</td></tr><tr><td>Vocabulary</td><td>.37</td><td>1.95</td><td>.059</td><td>.62</td><td>4.26</td><td><.001</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic awareness</td><td>−.07</td><td>−0.45</td><td>.657</td><td>.15</td><td>1.30</td><td>.202</td></tr><tr><td>Total <italic>R</italic>2</td><td>.47</td><td align="center">—</td><td>−</td><td>.70</td><td align="center">—</td><td align="center">—</td></tr><tr><td colspan="7">With reading</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic working memory</td><td>.42</td><td>2.39</td><td>.022</td><td>.10</td><td>0.78</td><td>.438</td></tr><tr><td>Vocabulary</td><td>.40</td><td>1.80</td><td>.080</td><td>.50</td><td>3.12</td><td>.004</td></tr><tr><td>Orthographic awareness</td><td>−.07</td><td>−0.42</td><td>.674</td><td>.14</td><td>1.20</td><td>.237</td></tr><tr><td>Reading fluency</td><td>−.04</td><td>−0.22</td><td>.827</td><td>.21</td><td>1.55</td><td>.131</td></tr><tr><td>Total <italic>R</italic>2</td><td>.47</td><td align="center">—</td><td align="center">—</td><td>.72</td><td align="center">—</td><td align="center">—</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>10 <emph>Note</emph>. <emph>N</emph> = 41.</p> <p>A multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine whether cognitive skills were uniquely associated with spelling of consistent syllables after statistically controlling for reading fluency. Results are shown in Table 6. The final beta weights as indicated in this equation show that orthographic working memory (β =.42, <emph>p</emph> <.05) explained unique variance in spelling of consistent syllables. The predictor variables explained 47% of the total variance in the dependent measure. A multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine whether cognitive skills were uniquely associated with spelling of inconsistent syllables. Results are shown in Table 6. In this equation, the final beta weight for vocabulary (β =.50, <emph>p</emph> <.01) was uniquely associated with spelling of inconsistent syllables. The predictor variables explained 72% of the total variance of the dependent measure.</p> <hd id="AN0155214368-32">Discussion</hd> <p>The focus of this study was an exploration of different cognitive factors that might explain early spelling processes of phonologically consistent and inconsistent Hangul syllables among the two samples of L1 Korean kindergartners and FL Chinese college students. L1 Korean children were tested with the tasks of spelling, syllable and phoneme coda awareness, phonological and orthographic working memory, morphological awareness, vocabulary, and orthographic knowledge. Among the strongest predictors of spelling phonologically consistent syllables in Korean children were phoneme coda awareness and orthographic working memory, whereas the most prominent correlates of spelling inconsistent syllables were vocabulary, orthographic awareness, and syllable awareness in addition to coda awareness and orthographic working memory. When FL Hong Kong Chinese college students were tested with a similar battery of tasks in Korean as those presented to the L1 Korean children, including spelling, orthographic working memory, orthographic awareness, and vocabulary in addition to reading fluency, only orthographic working memory significantly explained spelling consistent syllables, whereas only vocabulary knowledge explained spelling inconsistent syllables. In both groups, spelling accuracy was lower in phonologically inconsistent syllables than in consistent syllables. These findings are discussed below.</p> <p>In the L1 Korean children, vocabulary knowledge uniquely contributed to spelling of inconsistent Hangul syllables but not consistent syllables. Ours is among the first studies to demonstrate the unique contribution of vocabulary to spelling of inconsistent targets in L1 spellers. This is interesting because the role of vocabulary has been weak or moderate and often used as a statistical control in L1 reading and spelling development studies (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref145">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref146">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref147">39</reflink>]). Indeed, vocabulary knowledge encompasses many aspects of word meaning, pronunciation, spelling, morphology, syntax, and background knowledge ([<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref148">54</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref149">55</reflink>]). When unskilled spellers write phonologically inconsistent Hangul words, they might take advantage of lexical knowledge (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref150">15</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref151">49</reflink>]). In a similar vein, orthographic awareness uniquely explains spelling of inconsistent syllables in the Korean children's sample. That might be because phonologically inconsistent syllables cannot be correctly spelled by applying phoneme–grapheme conversion rules but by retrieving orthographic forms from long-term memory. Perhaps related to this idea, children with surface dyslexia show deficits in reading irregular words and orthographic knowledge ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref152">8</reflink>]). Our results suggest that early spellers have to access the mental lexicon and retrieve orthographic forms of each corresponding syllable or morpheme sequentially from memory to spell phonologically inconsistent syllables as suggested by dual-route theories (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref153">15</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref154">49</reflink>]). Additional semantic and orthographic knowledge may be essential for spelling inconsistent targets.</p> <p>Another relatively new finding of the present study was that orthographic working memory uniquely explained spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables in the L1 Korean children. Orthographic working memory was measured via delayed copying in which children were asked to write down from memory a Hangul Gulja or word that was previously shown to them for just a few seconds (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref155">33</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref156">37</reflink>]). Delayed copying has been recognized as a major measure of visual orthographic working memory, which is described as the capacity to temporarily store and retrieve visual orthographic representation ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref157">16</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref158">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref159">56</reflink>]). Our result supports previous Chinese studies in that delayed copying was strongly linked to Chinese spelling among Chinese children ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref160">33</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref161">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref162">56</reflink>]). [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref163">40</reflink>] reported that children utilized visual chunking strategies during delayed copying of Chinese characters. When children engage in processing of orthographic units or visual chunking, they tend to simultaneously activate the corresponding phonological units (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref164">3</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref165">59</reflink>]). Our results showing that orthographic working memory uniquely and strongly contributed to spelling of both consistent and inconsistent syllables in L1 Korean children suggest that orthographic working memory might tap grapheme–phoneme connections or verbal coding skills. Likewise, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref166">17</reflink>] reported that their measure of visual attention span contributed to spelling of both consistent and inconsistent targets in Dutch, suggesting some activation of grapheme–phoneme connections. In addition, in our Korean children's sample, orthographic awareness was uniquely associated with spelling of inconsistent syllables, whereas orthographic working memory was related to spelling of both consistent and inconsistent syllables. These results suggest that orthographic working memory and orthographic awareness are two different constructs that might tap different processes and have different roles in literacy development (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref167">6</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref168">37</reflink>]).</p> <p>In our Korean children's sample, phoneme coda awareness uniquely explained spelling of both consistent and inconsistent syllables. Phoneme awareness has been found to be essential for understanding the relations of phonemes and graphemes and to play a key role in spelling of alphabetic orthographies (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref169">7</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref170">21</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref171">30</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref172">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref173">34</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref174">39</reflink>]). As found in the present study, in previous work, phoneme awareness contributed to spelling of both phonologically consistent and inconsistent targets in Dutch and Norwegian ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref175">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref176">32</reflink>]). However, syllable awareness uniquely contributed to spelling of inconsistent syllables only in our Korean children's sample. Perhaps syllable awareness is related to understanding of resyllabification and other Korean phonological transformation phenomena that occur across syllables. Our results support the idea that Korean children are sensitive to levels of both the syllable and phoneme in learning an alphasyllabary Hangul (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref177">38</reflink>]). Furthermore, our results extend these findings to demonstrate that young children utilize syllable and phoneme awareness skills as different resources to correctly spell phonologically consistent and inconsistent targets.</p> <p>In the current study, morphological awareness in the form of lexical compounding in Korean was not found to be a unique contributor to Hangul spelling in Korean children, although this knowledge was found to be helpful for irregular word reading in Korean kindergartners ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref178">14</reflink>]). This nonsignificant result might be attributable to the fact that lexical compounding awareness might not be centrally related to the spelling process in Korean. However, because previous spelling studies in English and Chinese showed significant contributions of morphological awareness to spelling (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref179">39</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref180">47</reflink>]), future studies should include more diverse morphological tasks to investigate the Hangul spelling process. Likewise, phonological working memory was not found to be a significant correlate of spelling in the Korean children's sample. Although [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref181">32</reflink>] reported that phonological working memory was a unique predictor of spelling of both words and nonwords in Norwegian, our null effect might be related to the fact that we included both phonological and orthographic working memory measures at the same time in the analyses. Spelling might be related to orthographic working memory more strongly than it is to phonological working memory because both involve the processing of orthographic forms (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref182">33</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref183">37</reflink>]).</p> <p>Based on previous findings demonstrating that L1 children and FL adult beginner learners rely on highly similar strategies and underlying processes (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref184">48</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref185">53</reflink>]), the current study examined whether similar cognitive correlates, such as those used by L1 Korean children, could contribute to spelling of consistent or inconsistent Hangul syllables by FL Chinese college students. In our FL Chinese sample, as expected, Korean vocabulary knowledge uniquely explained significant variance in spelling of inconsistent Hangul syllables only after statistically controlling for orthographic awareness, orthographic working memory, and reading fluency, whereas orthographic working memory uniquely explained spelling of phonologically consistent Hangul syllables. Similar to our results, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref186">33</reflink>] reported that FL English vocabulary and orthographic working memory contributed to spelling of English words among Chinese elementary school students although they did not separate spelling of different target types, such as regular and irregular words. Our results suggest that FL Chinese college students took advantage of lexical knowledge in spelling of phonologically inconsistent syllables, but they utilized verbal coding and grapheme-to-phoneme conversion in spelling of consistent syllables. That is, FL Chinese students use sublexical and lexical strategies to spell Hangul consistent and inconsistent syllables, respectively, in a way somewhat similar to the L1 Korean children (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref187">48</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref188">53</reflink>]).</p> <p>However, in our FL Chinese sample, Korean vocabulary was strongly correlated with spelling of consistent Hangul syllables and even more strongly to spelling of inconsistent Hangul syllables, although regression analyses showed that Korean vocabulary explained unique variance of spelling of inconsistent Hangul syllables only. The results tend to support the idea that vocabulary knowledge is especially important for FL reading and spelling due to the restricted lexical knowledge in FL (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref189">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref190">41</reflink>]). On the other hand, strong links of FL vocabulary to FL spelling might be due to the influence of their L1 Chinese literacy skills, which rely heavily on semantic knowledge ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref191">34</reflink>], for a review). Indeed, because the two samples differ in many aspects such as language status (L1 vs. FL), age, experience of the sample, and the different measures administered to each sample, results from the regression equations could have been influenced by one or more above factors. Thus, it may not be possible to directly compare results of the two distinct samples. We take the attitude that some of the cognitive processes across the learning groups are similar, but differences in the groups additionally contribute to somewhat different learning patterns. It is additionally surprising that FL Hong Kong Chinese college students appeared to use different strategies to spell phonologically consistent and inconsistent Hangul syllables.</p> <p>There were several limitations of this study. First, because our study was correlational, future research should examine the extent to which the different predictors might be longitudinally linked to spelling of different target types. Second, the size of the Chinese college students sample was relatively small for the number of variables included in the regression, and the lack of power might possibly have obscured some relations among variables. In addition, the reliabilities for several tasks were somewhat low. Thus, our testing of the Chinese college students could have been improved by including more reliable and diverse measures, such as phonological and morphological processing, and more participants; this might have improved the stability of associations across measures. Further studies may need to explore how L1 and FL cognitive skills are related to FL Hangul reading and spelling among Chinese adult learners of Korean in more depth.</p> <p>Overall, for the L1 Korean children, our findings indicate that spelling of consistent syllables is explained by phoneme coda awareness and orthographic working memory, whereas spelling of inconsistent syllables is better explained by vocabulary, orthographic awareness, and syllable awareness. Similarly, FL Hong Kong Chinese adult learners of Korean showed that orthographic working memory explained spelling of consistent syllables, whereas vocabulary contributed to spelling of inconsistent syllables. Such findings suggest that there may be two separate strategies or approaches to word spelling—a sublexical and a lexical route. The sublexical route contributes to spelling of consistent targets by utilizing phoneme–grapheme conversion rules, whereas the lexical route contributes to spelling of inconsistent targets by retrieving orthographic forms from memory ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref192">15</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref193">49</reflink>]). Our results are in line with previous results found in studies of Korean word recognition in adults and children ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref194">14</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref195">44</reflink>]). Furthermore, similar to L1 Korean children and FL Chinese college students in this study, L1 children and FL adult learners of English were found to develop both phonologically small unit (e.g., phoneme based) and large unit (rime and lexical analogy strategies) recoding strategies in parallel to read English words and nonwords ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref196">5</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref197">53</reflink>]).</p> <p>In this study, spelling accuracy was higher in phonologically consistent syllables than in inconsistent syllables in the two samples, which is consistent with other previous studies of spelling in Korean and other alphabetic languages ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref198">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref199">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref200">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref201">51</reflink>]). It is surprising that L1 and FL spellers showed similar patterns of results. Ours is among the first studies to demonstrate different cognitive demands in spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent targets in both samples of L1 and FL. In addition, the current study was a first attempt to score spelling performances at the syllable level, given that spelling performances have often been evaluated at the word level and/or phoneme level in previous studies of Korean and other alphabetic languages ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref202">17</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref203">11</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref204">25</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref205">28</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref206">51</reflink>]). Our findings that different cognitive demands are required to spell phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables suggest that the syllable is likely to be a basic unit for spelling of Hangul, supporting early psycholinguistic and literacy development studies in Korean (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref207">13</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref208">31</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref209">45</reflink>]). Admittedly, these results are preliminary and warrant replication. The Korean children in the present study were young and many of them were not sufficiently developed in spelling skills of phonologically inconsistent targets. However, at the same time, this unique association of vocabulary to beginning spelling of phonologically opaque syllables is an intriguing one to replicate in future research in adults and older children in Korea.</p> <p>Practically, these preliminary findings may be applied to future clinical and educational areas. Our results provide teachers and clinicians with some ideas on effective teaching instructions and interventions for Korean children who might be at risk of spelling problems. Having a particular difficulty in spelling of inconsistent targets (e.g., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref210">23</reflink>]), these children can be helped by explicit instructions and training on lexical strategies and Korean phonological transformations in addition to grapheme–phoneme conversion. Delayed copying, which was used as a proxy for orthographic working memory, may be a good clinical measure for exploring spelling of both consistent and inconsistent Hangul syllables, as reported in recent Chinese studies ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref211">33</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref212">37</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref213">56</reflink>]). In addition, well-known phoneme coda and syllable awareness can improve spelling of Hangul syllables and words by potentially facilitating spellers in learning of alphabetic principles and Korean phonological transformation phenomena. Early L1 and FL spellers of Korean should be encouraged to build their lexical knowledge, especially for children from multicultural families in Korea and FL learners of Korean worldwide.</p> <ref id="AN0155214368-33"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref109" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Alloway T. P., Pickering S. J., Gathercole S. E. (2006). Verbal and visuospatial short-term and working memory in children: Are they separable? Child Development, 77(6), 1698–1716. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00968.x</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref111" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Baddeley A. D. (2000). The episodic buffer: A new component of working memory? 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Developmental Science, 13(4), F8–F14. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7687.2010.00983.x</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0155214368-34"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibtext> The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2020S1A5A2A03044034).</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Jeung-Ryeul Cho and Catherine McBride</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib43" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib58" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref30"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref42"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref49"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref54"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref57"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref60"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref65"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref76"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref77"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref80"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref86"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref108"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref113"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref115"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref117"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref121"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref129"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref130"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref138"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref140"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib93" firstref="ref141"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib20" firstref="ref142"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref143"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref157"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref177"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib44" firstref="ref195"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref207"></nolink>
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PubType: Academic Journal
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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Different Cognitive Correlates of Early Learning of Spelling of Different Target Types in Korean Hangul among First Language Children and Adult Foreign Language Learners
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Cho%2C+Jeung-Ryeul%22">Cho, Jeung-Ryeul</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22McBride%2C+Catherine%22">McBride, Catherine</searchLink>
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Learning+Disabilities%22"><i>Journal of Learning Disabilities</i></searchLink>. Mar-Apr 2022 55(2):138-153.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: SAGE Publications and Hammill Institute on Disabilities. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks, CA 91320. Tel: 800-818-7243; Tel: 805-499-9774; Fax: 800-583-2665; e-mail: journals@sagepub.com; Web site: http://sagepub.com
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 16
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2022
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Audience
  Label: Education Level
  Group: Audnce
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Early+Childhood+Education%22">Early Childhood Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Elementary+Education%22">Elementary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Kindergarten%22">Kindergarten</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Primary+Education%22">Primary Education</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Spelling%22">Spelling</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Korean%22">Korean</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Alphabets%22">Alphabets</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Native+Language%22">Native Language</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Second+Language+Learning%22">Second Language Learning</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Young+Children%22">Young Children</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Students%22">College Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Syllables%22">Syllables</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Phonemic+Awareness%22">Phonemic Awareness</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Short+Term+Memory%22">Short Term Memory</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Vocabulary%22">Vocabulary</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cognitive+Processes%22">Cognitive Processes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Difficulty+Level%22">Difficulty Level</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Kindergarten%22">Kindergarten</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Accuracy%22">Accuracy</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Morphology+%28Languages%29%22">Morphology (Languages)</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22South+Korea%22">South Korea</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Hong+Kong%22">Hong Kong</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1177/0022219420978231
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 0022-2194
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: This study examined whether different cognitive correlates are associated with spelling of different target types, such as phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables, of Korean Hangul among 94 five-year-old first language (L1) Korean children and 41 foreign language (FL) learners who are Hong Kong Chinese college students. Korean children performed tasks of spelling, along with measures of syllable and phoneme coda awareness, phonological and orthographic working memory, morphological awareness, vocabulary, and orthographic knowledge. Among Korean 5-year-old children, coda awareness and orthographic working memory explained unique variance in spelling of phonologically consistent syllables, whereas syllable and coda awareness, orthographic working memory, orthographic knowledge, and vocabulary all explained unique variance in spelling of inconsistent syllables. When Chinese college students were tested on spelling of Korean Hangul as a foreign language, along with a battery of tasks in Korean similar to those administered to the L1 children, only orthographic working memory significantly explained spelling of consistent syllables, whereas only vocabulary knowledge explained spelling of inconsistent syllables. In both groups, spelling accuracy was lower in phonologically inconsistent than in consistent Hangul syllables. These findings suggest that different cognitive demands are involved in early spelling of phonologically consistent and inconsistent syllables in Korean Hangul among L1 and FL learners.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2022
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1327122
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1327122
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1177/0022219420978231
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 16
        StartPage: 138
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Spelling
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Korean
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Alphabets
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Native Language
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Second Language Learning
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Young Children
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: College Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Syllables
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Phonemic Awareness
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Short Term Memory
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Vocabulary
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Cognitive Processes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Difficulty Level
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Kindergarten
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Accuracy
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Morphology (Languages)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: South Korea
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Hong Kong
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Different Cognitive Correlates of Early Learning of Spelling of Different Target Types in Korean Hangul among First Language Children and Adult Foreign Language Learners
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
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      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Cho, Jeung-Ryeul
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: McBride, Catherine
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2022
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0022-2194
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 55
            – Type: issue
              Value: 2
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Journal of Learning Disabilities
              Type: main
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