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'One of the Worst Statistics in British Sport': A Sociological Perspective on the Over-Representation of Independently (Privately) Educated Athletes in Team GB

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Title: 'One of the Worst Statistics in British Sport': A Sociological Perspective on the Over-Representation of Independently (Privately) Educated Athletes in Team GB
Language: English
Authors: Morton, Adam T. (ORCID 0000-0003-2505-0250)
Source: Sport, Education and Society. 2022 27(4):393-406.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 14
Publication Date: 2022
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Foreign Countries, Athletics, Private Schools, Students, Advantaged, Teachers, Athletic Coaches, Facilities, Disproportionate Representation, Talent Identification, Student Athletes
Geographic Terms: United Kingdom
DOI: 10.1080/13573322.2020.1869537
ISSN: 1357-3322
1470-1243
Abstract: The overrepresentation of independently educated athletes amongst Team GB at the London 2012 Olympics was described as 'One of the worst statistics in British sport'. Whilst the ensuing debate referred to independent schools "en masse," the sector is far from homogenous. Within the UK independent (private) sector, a small subset of schools has educated a significant number of international sportsmen and women. Despite this record of success however, little research exists on young athletes in independent schools. Answering calls to study independent school sport, this paper uses semi-structured interviews with pupils and staff involved in sport in six independent schools in England to explore why some schools consistently produce international athletes. A dual theory framework combining the Eliasian notions of process and figuration, with Bourdieu's concept of distinction is employed to offer a sociological perspective on the sporting success of the schools studied. The findings reveal striking differences in institutional attractiveness, coaching, the sporting potential of the pupil intake, and facilities between the least and the most successful schools studied, where a number of intra and inter school practices contribute to an increasingly professionalised sporting environment. In concluding, a novel and more variegated perspective on the under researched and often difficult to access field of independent school sport is offered. The proposition being that through reconciliation of the notions of distinction and status rivalry, we are better able to understand the repeated success of some independent schools in supporting the development of talented young athletes.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2022
Accession Number: EJ1345304
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0156359510;0uv01may.22;2022Apr19.05:51;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0156359510-1">'One of the worst statistics in British sport': a sociological perspective on the over-representation of independently (privately) educated athletes in Team GB </title> <p>The overrepresentation of independently educated athletes amongst Team GB at the London 2012 Olympics was described as 'One of the worst statistics in British sport'. Whilst the ensuing debate referred to independent schools en masse, the sector is far from homogenous. Within the UK independent (private) sector, a small subset of schools has educated a significant number of international sportsmen and women. Despite this record of success however, little research exists on young athletes in independent schools. Answering calls to study independent school sport, this paper uses semi-structured interviews with pupils and staff involved in sport in six independent schools in England to explore why some schools consistently produce international athletes. A dual theory framework combining the Eliasian notions of process and figuration, with Bourdieu's concept of distinction is employed to offer a sociological perspective on the sporting success of the schools studied. The findings reveal striking differences in institutional attractiveness, coaching, the sporting potential of the pupil intake, and facilities between the least and the most successful schools studied, where a number of intra and inter school practices contribute to an increasingly professionalised sporting environment. In concluding, a novel and more variegated perspective on the under researched and often difficult to access field of independent school sport is offered. The proposition being that through reconciliation of the notions of distinction and status rivalry, we are better able to understand the repeated success of some independent schools in supporting the development of talented young athletes.</p> <p>Keywords: Independent schools; private schools; sport; education; Elias; Bourdieu</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Whilst Great Britain (GB) enjoyed unprecedented success at the 2012 and 2016 Olympic games, alongside the record medal haul lay what was described to as 'one of the worst statistics in British Sport' (Moynihan, quoted in BBC, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref1">5</reflink>]): the over representation of athletes educated in independent schools. More widely known as private schools, in the UK these fee-paying schools are referred to as independent schools due their independence from 'central government and local authorities' (ISC, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref2">34</reflink>]: no page). Whilst approximately seven percent of children in the UK attend independent schools (the figure is 15% for children over the age of 16), at the 2012 and 2016 Olympics respectively, 24% and 28% of Team GB and 36% and 32% of British medal winners were independently educated (Sutton Trust, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref3">57</reflink>]; [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref4">58</reflink>]). Although the ensuing debate referred to independent schools <emph>en masse</emph> – as a homogenous sector – preliminary work for this research revealed a different picture. Of the 762 independently educated international athletes to have represented their country between 2000 and 2013, 427 (56%) came from just 30 (11%) of the 279 independent schools surveyed. More remarkably still, 33% (<reflink idref="bib254" id="ref5">254</reflink>) of these athletes were educated in just 11 schools (figures derived from Tozer, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref6">60</reflink>]). Despite this success, amongst the 'voluminous literature devoted to understanding the development of sporting talent' (Rees et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref7">49</reflink>], p. 2) there exists little to no research on young athletes in independent schools. To date, the debate around sport and social class has been majestically reductive, simultaneously obfuscating complexity and difference within the independent sector whilst ubiquitously damning state school PE. Mangan's ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref8">43</reflink>]/[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref9">43</reflink>], p. 269) assertion that the topic 'has been considered, but only briefly and in very general terms' remains true. With the relatively unexamined UK independent sector described as the 'elephant in the room' (Harvey, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref10">32</reflink>]) of educational research, this paper answers calls (Kenway & Koh, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref11">38</reflink>]; Tozer, [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref12">59</reflink>]) for a focus on independent school sport. Drawing on the voices of pupils and staff involved in sport in six independent schools in England, it aims to explore why some independent schools consistently produce international athletes. Borrowing from Paulle et al. ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref13">46</reflink>]) and Dunning and Hughes ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref14">22</reflink>]), a dual theory framework combining aspects of the work of Elias (figuration and process) and Bourdieu (distinction) is employed to argue that the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes must been seen as the result of an ongoing process in which independent schools use sport as part of their attempts to 'establish their distinctive .</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-3">Some context: part of the 'seven percent problem'</hd> <p>A rising trend amongst British Olympians (see Figure 1), the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes is also seen to varying degrees in cricket and rugby union, although not football or rugby league (Kuper, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref15">40</reflink>]). Beyond sport, a similar correlation between schooling and success exists at leading universities (Sutton Trust, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref16">57</reflink>]) and in various professions, including Members of Cabinet (i.e. of the UK government parliamentary Conservative Party) (39%) and senior judges (65%) (Sutton Trust, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref17">58</reflink>]). More broadly, class continues to influence income, health and life expectancy (Atkinson, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref18">1</reflink>]). Part of what has been dubbed the 'Seven Percent Problem' (Cowley, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref19">18</reflink>]: no page), elite sport is not an isolated example of the advantage and privilege an independent school education (re)produces (Bourdieu & Passeron, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref20">14</reflink>]), nor is it limited to the UK (see for example Kennedy et al. ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref21">37</reflink>]); Kristiansen and Houlihan ([<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref22">39</reflink>]); Desai and Dubey ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref23">20</reflink>]); Ferry and Lund ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref24">29</reflink>])). Even if sporting success – in the form of national, representative selection – is putatively more meritocratic than many other fields, seen in this fuller context there can be little surprise that some independent schools provide a disproportionate percentage of international sportsmen and women.</p> <p>PHOTO (COLOR): Figure 1. Percentage of Team GB privately educated (adapted from Tozer, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref25">60</reflink>]; Sutton Trust 2016)</p> <p>That said, sporting privilege is not exclusive to independent school pupils (Whigham et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref26">66</reflink>]) and the use of schooling, categorised by a state/independent binary, as a proxy for social class is overly simplistic. A BBC ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref27">6</reflink>]) investigation into the educational background of publicly funded Scottish athletes revealing that 'almost nine in 10 went to either fee-paying schools or a state school in a wealthy area'. As Reay ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref28">48</reflink>], p. 46) puts it, independent schools are 'the tip of an iceberg of educational privilege'. Nevertheless, there is a correlation between education and social class (Warde, 2006). With average yearly fees across the six schools studied here of £22680 (day pupils) and £38755 (boarding pupils), we are reminded that, despite 'myriad internal class fractions' (Reay, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref29">48</reflink>], p. 154), it is predominantly the 'upper and upper middle classes' who send their children to private schools' (p. 147).</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-4">A dual theory perspective</hd> <p>Drawing selectively upon the work of both Elias and Bourdieu – two theorists who have 'contributed most significantly to the field' of the sociology of sport (Malcolm, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref30">42</reflink>], p. 42) – a dual theory approach is adopted here as 'a set of thinking tools' (Wacquant, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref31">62</reflink>], p. 50) to explore the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes. Intended to exploit the 'deep-seated conceptual affinities' (Paulle et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref32">46</reflink>], pp. 69–70) shared by Bourdieu and Elias, this perspective offers a 'more fertile' (Paulle et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref33">46</reflink>], pp. 69–70) approach to understanding how social advantage is reproduced in the context of independent school sport.</p> <p>Arguing that they represent 'a sociological realism' (Elias & Dunning, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref34">25</reflink>], p. 199), Elias viewed the notions of process – that 'any given state of affairs can be understood as having arisen from an earlier stage' (Van Krieken, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref35">61</reflink>], p. 14) – and figuration as synonymous with sociology. From this perspective independent school sport ought to be viewed as dynamic and relational, intertwined in a network of interdependent relations (a figuration). This approach has been taken before, most notably by Dunning and Sheard ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref36">23</reflink>]/[<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref37">23</reflink>]) who, in describing the existence of status rivalries between schools, write of sport (and various forms of football in particular) as serving to raise a 'school's standing in the rank hierarchy of public schools' (p.72). Although criticised for an ahistoricity (Connell, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref38">17</reflink>]), Bourdieu acknowledged his 'admiration for and intellectual sympathy with Elias' (Dunning & Hughes, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref39">22</reflink>], pp. 188–9). He also took, albeit far less explicitly, a processual view through a 'sense of history as the longue durée' (Jenkins, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref40">35</reflink>], p. 149). Demonstrating the 'deeply entrenched relation between social class and sport' (Giulianotti, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref41">30</reflink>], p. 166), Bourdieu argues that the familial, inter-generational transmission of cultural tastes is central to the reproduction of privilege (Roberts, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref42">50</reflink>]). Grenfell ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref43">31</reflink>], p. 20) notes that it is 'possible to see something of [Marx] ... in Bourdieu's own work' and, in looking beyond economic determinism, Bourdieu ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref44">13</reflink>], p. 16) stresses the importance of the 'accumulation' or inheritance of capital, 'in all its forms', and cultural capital (in the form of educational qualifications and privileged or legitimised tastes) in particular, in the reproduction of advantage. In an argument he extends to education, Bourdieu ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref45">13</reflink>], p. 16) highlights the folly of believing that the social world is:</p> <p>Without inertia, without accumulation, without heredity ... [that] every moment is perfectly independent of the previous one, every soldier has a marshal's baton in his knapsack, and every prize can be attained ... by everyone.</p> <p>At the heart of Bourdieu's perspective is the relationship between class, lifestyle – 'a system of classified and classifying practices i.e. distinctive signs (tastes)' (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref46">9</reflink>], p. 167) – and education. For Bourdieu, class is not simply a matter of occupation and income, but influences our social relationships (social capital) and suffuses our minds (cultural capital). Considering sport as a cultural practice, and, therefore, the realisation 'of an aesthetic and an ethic' (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref47">8</reflink>], p. 834), Bourdieu ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref48">9</reflink>]) saw it as contributing to the generation of cultural capital in much the same way as musical, literary or culinary taste. As he argues elsewhere, sporting taste (a preference for, and participation in, certain sports) 'doubtless owes part of its 'interest' ... to the gains in distinction which it brings' (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref49">8</reflink>], p. 828). Also involved in this process of reproduction are location, in terms of geographical position and relative proximity to economic, social and cultural need (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref50">10</reflink>]) and habitus. The latter Bourdieu ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref51">8</reflink>], pp. 833–4) refers to as 'the basis from which life-styles are generated'. Given the potential of sport in the accumulation of cultural capital ('congealed and convertible 'social energy" (Wacquant, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref52">63</reflink>], p. 553) in physical, symbolic or social forms), distinction – 'honour in the sense of reputation and prestige' (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref53">11</reflink>], p. 22) – is central to a better of understanding of the reasons for the success of independently educated athletes.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-5">Methodology</hd> <p>The findings presented here were collected through semi-structured interviews, conducted by the author, with staff and pupils across six independent schools located in England. Undertaken as doctoral research (Morton, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref54">44</reflink>]), the interviews were recorded between November 2015 and May 2018. The time frame reflecting a need to add more schools to the original sample. Designed purposively to explore the heterogeneity of the independent sector, the six schools represent a stratified and opportunistic sample in which they were defined typologically as either highly, moderately or less successful (see Figure 2.), according to the number of former pupils to have 'represented their country at full senior international level at any sport' from 2000 to 2013 (Tozer, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref55">60</reflink>]: no page). Schools with 14 or more internationals in this period were defined as 'Highly Successful', whilst those with two or more (but less than 14), and one or fewer internationals were termed 'Moderately' and 'Less' successful schools respectively. Three schools were accessed through personal contacts and three through a gatekeeper who provided an introduction to the respective Headteachers. Consent was subsequently granted to visit these schools and carry out interviews with key personnel including, after Horne et al. ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref56">33</reflink>]), Headteachers, Directors of Sport (DoS), Heads of PE (HoPE) and pupils with experience of elite sport. The schools and participants are identified here under pseudonyms.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 2. Typology of schools according to the number of international athletes along with a summary of key characteristics and participants interviewed</p> <p>Whilst definitions of 'elite' vary (Rees et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref57">49</reflink>]), to identify pupils for group interview Neil and Mellalieu's ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref58">45</reflink>], p. 244) characterisation of elite performers as having 'competed at major national and international Championships' was adapted. Given that many pupils may not have had the opportunity to compete at such events, this was extended to include individuals selected to train or compete for a national age group squad. Furthermore, mindful of the potential constraints of ethical permission and safeguarding, pupils involved were aged 16 or above and interviewed together in focus groups. These criteria, and the subsequent selection of pupils (by the schools), led to the representation of what might be described as traditionally middle-class sports, including hockey, rugby, cricket, tennis, rowing, triathlon and fencing. A total of 40 people (19 staff and 21 pupils) participated in 25 interviews (19 individual staff interviews and six pupil focus groups). This involved a gender split of two female and 17 male staff, and eight girls and 13 boys.</p> <p>A semi-structured interview method was employed to facilitate the collection of relevant data, whilst affording participants 'the opportunity to report on their own thoughts and feelings' (Sparkes & Smith, [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref59">55</reflink>], p. 84). With an average duration of 33 min, all interviews took place in the respective schools, were audio recorded, transcribed using speech recognition software and uploaded to QSR NVivo 10 for data analysis. Each transcript was taken in turn, and relevant sections tagged under a number of emergent themes and subthemes (<emph>parent and child nodes</emph> in NVivo parlance) according to their content. Offering an easily organised, storage and retrieval system, NVivo proved useful in this process of manual coding – chosen to develop a greater "feel' for the data' (Jones, 2015: 282) – by simplifying the process of coding and then recoding as more data was added. The relevant findings are presented here under the headings 'Institutional Attractiveness', 'Coaching', 'Sporting Potential', and 'Facilities'. Although these findings are not necessarily reflective of other schools, there may be what Delmar (2010) calls 'recognisability' and the generalisability of this study is intended to take a naturalistic form (Stake, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref60">56</reflink>]). This is to say that the findings presented here are intended to allow the reader to draw any relevant parallels with their own experience and thus to apply this research to other settings where appropriate. Additionally, school websites were used to provide a sense of context for the voices of the interviewees and information about the schools. Full ethical approval for the study (R15-P098) was granted by Loughborough University Ethical Approvals (Human Participants) sub-committee and, informed by the author's experience of teaching physical education in an independent school for ten years, this research method was intended to be both purposeful and pragmatic. Whilst this insight into the participants and their setting may have proved useful, it also confers a degree of familiarity with the studied environment that makes detachment more difficult. Whether as a result of this approach or not, the access issues described elsewhere (e.g. Horne et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref61">33</reflink>]; Whigham et al, [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref62">66</reflink>]) were not encountered.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-6">Findings</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0156359510-7">Institutional attractiveness</hd> <p>Dunning and Sheard ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref63">23</reflink>]) have argued that sport is a symbolic struggle in which success raises 'institutional attractiveness' (Evans & Davies, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref64">28</reflink>], p. 21) and, for the Lyttelton Director of Sport (DoS), there is 'huge competition to get pupils and ... sport sells'. 'These institutions, they are competitive' remarked the Liffield Headmaster and the fiscal imperative driving investment in high performance sport emerged strongly from the findings. At Colbeck, the most successful of the schools studied, the Headmaster acknowledged the need to keep schools full, seeing it as 'a challenge for more and more independent schools'. Likewise, the Lyttelton Headmaster referred to sporting provision as part of the 'pull' which attracts pupils, parents and staff to a school. Echoing Dunning and Sheard's ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref65">23</reflink>], p. 28) point that sporting success for a school is seen 'as a matter of course, as proof of its natural superiority', the Gregham Headmaster described schools as using 'sporting success as a means of saying to the outside world ... we're so good at this, please conclude therefore that the overall education must be good'. However, sport is just one aspect of a school's provision and the Cambourne DoS commented on 'trying to deliver an educational package for students that matches across the board: that our sport's as good as our music, that's as good our drama, that's as good as our academics'. The Northcote Head made a similar point, noting that '[families] come to us because they want the education, they want the sport, and they want the whole person as well'. Whilst the Gregham Headmaster referred to the link between social class, parenting and physical activity (Wheeler & Green, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref66">65</reflink>]):</p> <p>[O]ften parents choose independent schools because they see that that's going to be the best way to continue what they've already started at home ... much of initial sporting impetus actually comes from home ... the mum or dad who's got the child hitting a hockey ball or playing some tennis.</p> <p>The influence of family on children's participation in sport and the development of international athletes (Kay, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref67">36</reflink>]; Shilling, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref68">53</reflink>]) is supported by the data here, with Isla, an England Academy cricketer at Lyttelton providing a pupil perspective when highlighting the importance of maternal support: 'a lot of it also comes from ... my mum because of transport and stuff and, in like the early times, funding things ... now obviously everything gets paid for'. Whilst fee remission, through scholarships and bursaries, are available in all the schools studied, the Colbeck Headmaster's description of such parental support as 'cyclical' is ostensibly a reference to the reproduction of privilege:</p> <p>Until you break that cycle and then provide the resources for other kids then that's going to be a challenge. Many of our children get there because, not just our schools but it's to do with their families I would argue.</p> <p>Elias argued that there is no such thing as a <emph>non</emph>-process sociology (Van Krieken, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref69">61</reflink>]) and the success of some independent schools must be seen as processual, rather than static. Whilst the history of sport in independent schools is covered at length elsewhere (e.g. Dunning & Sheard, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref70">23</reflink>]; Mangan, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref71">43</reflink>]/[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref72">43</reflink>]; Walford, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref73">64</reflink>]/[<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref74">64</reflink>]), the contrast between state schools which do not necessarily have the 'sporting tradition and heritage that most private schools have' (DoS, Lyttelton) and some independent schools is made clear. Bound up in this are the 'implications of historical materialism' (Bairner, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref75">2</reflink>], p. 25), and the Lyttelton Headmaster commented:</p> <p>I think with some schools it's tradition ... if you look at a good school like ___. ___ are very good at rugby, why? Because they have always been good at rugby and it is just what they do. In some cases, it will be informed by what they were able to do a hundred, a hundred and fifty, two hundred years ago.</p> <p>Mangan (2012: 10) describes the popularity of sport in independent schools (in nineteenth Century Britain) as being driven by a 'motivational melange ... made up of a curious confectionary of Platonism, piety and practicality' and today the emphasis on sport goes beyond social control and the forging of character. The school websites identifying a number of common, purported benefits, including the opportunity to participate in a wide range of activities; experience competition; enjoy positive sporting experiences; identify and develop individual sporting potential; improve health and fitness; and develop of wellbeing, confidence, resilience, teamwork and leadership. Practical considerations also play a part, with the Northcote Head noting the need to occupy hundreds of pupils in a boarding school environment. However, the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes is about more than tradition or pragmatism, and the Northcote DoS offered a precis of the factors contributing to the success of young, independently educated athletes:</p> <p>You can you can turn good players into very good players and average players into good players but ... I don't think you can start with a complete beginner and turn them into a leading international performer ... there has to be a level of ability and there has to be an environment and ... level of input.</p> <p>His quote summarises the emergent themes (in order of the relative emphasis placed upon them by the participants) of 'Coaching', 'Sporting Potential', and 'Facilities', and these form the headings under which the remainder of the findings are presented.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-8">Coaching</hd> <p>The importance of quality coaching and the staff responsible for delivering this was a prominent theme, with the Gregham Headmaster's observation reflecting other comments on the topic: 'The facilities get people excited but for me the most important thing ... is the quality of staff ... so much of it relates to the individual people who end up working in these establishments'. He went on to illustrate this through a description of what the Gregham DoS singled out as the 'one sport that's set up here to be elite':</p> <p>It all depends on the individual. The facilities are great, and we've got the reputation, so everyone wants to be part of it but largely people want to be part of it because of ___ [the coach] ... When you're training twice a day, most days ... for them still to believe in him, not get fed up with him, for him to continue to develop them, for him to retain his interest and passion for it, is amazing.</p> <p>At Northcote, Ava provided a pupil perspective on this when she explained, 'We've got one of the best coaches in the country. People just come to ___ [Northcote] because they want ___ [The Director of Hockey] to coach them'. The DoS at Colbeck placed a similar focus on coaching:</p> <p>Is it rocket science that independent school pupils have done so well higher up? No, it's not because they've had that contact time ... that's a big factor that people forget. Then combined with the expertise and the knowledge ... It's pretty straightforward ... you're going to get return.</p> <p>However, despite this emphasis on coaching across the schools, striking differences in provision were reflected in the pupils' perspectives, with those at the more successful schools (Colbeck, Northcote and Cambourne) referring favourably to the similarities between the support available at school and through national age group squads or professional club programmes. George gave his take on this:</p> <p>I think it's because the environment here almost is like a professional environment. I don't really notice much difference whether I'm at ___ [rugby academy] or I'm here really. There's not much difference at all ... So, there isn't a massive step between leaving school and then going into professional rugby, I don't think.</p> <p>This 'deamateurization' (Elias & Dunning, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref76">25</reflink>], p. 206) is a significant change from the amateur ethos espoused by Victorian public schools (Dunning & Sheard, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref77">23</reflink>]), and in the more successful schools the pupils linked their own development to a professional approach to school sport and greater levels of support. At Lyttelton on the other hand, both pupils noted the difference in the support they receive in and out of school:</p> <p>Isla:At school there is only so much they can offer you like, I mean ... a lot of it is just ... Luke:It's a waste of time isn't it.Isla:Yeah, it's just a waste of time compared to like, I don't know, my England Academy thing ... it's not very helpful.Taking a process orientated perspective, the Liffield Headmaster noted that the professionalisation of independent school sport has occurred in parallel with an increasing emphasis on academic performance:</p> <p>Over the last 20 years there have been more experts coming in ... the job of being a classroom teacher has got more demanding ... we still get schoolmasters who'll run C teams or B teams ... but the expertise is a much more professionalised expertise.</p> <p>A further consideration is the standard of opposition and the Colbeck Headmaster described the school's approach to cricket fixtures which, whilst stretching the phrase 'school sport' – 'we play two schools ... we play county academies and universities ... that's what good sport's about, it challenges individuals and you lose, fine' – offers, for the most able cricketers at least, more challenging and distinctive competition than many of their competitor schools can provide. It is one example of the way in which some of the sporting practices of the most successful schools serve both to develop young athletes and as distinctive acts of (sporting) status-exclusivity (Dunning & Sheard, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref78">23</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-9">Sporting potential</hd> <p>In all but one of the schools, the participants acknowledged that the recruitment and intake of talented pupils resulted in a greater concentration of sporting potential in the more successful schools. As the Colbeck Headmaster put it:</p> <p>Do these children just come out of the ether and all of a sudden get developed at school? No, you know they've already been pretty reasonable performers. Have they been stars? Not always, but they've always been pretty good and then you're giving an opportunity to grow and develop and some of them, you know, jump markedly.</p> <p>The Liffield Headmaster acknowledged the effect of this: 'There is the talent element ... they're offering huge scholarships now. ... drawing talent away ... out of state schools ... I'm sure that has some impact on the final statistic'. Moreover, it isn't just state schools these pupils are drawn from but other independent schools, both nationally and internationally. At Cambourne, the Headmaster acknowledged that 'some schools are looking the world over', whilst others commented on German hockey players (Headmaster, Gregham), South African rugby players (Headmaster, Lyttelton) and West Indian cricketers (Josh, Cambourne). Carman's ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref79">16</reflink>], p. 71) description of 'poaching' pupils, 'aggressive recruiters' and 'vicious competitiveness' is supported by the findings:</p> <p>Our biggest worry is that we will lose talent ... because they will be poached by someone else. You know ___ have got lots and lots of money and lots and lots of scholarships and if they see a good rugby player here they can make a move on them. They are not supposed to, but they can, and they will. (Headmaster, Lyttelton)</p> <p>The impact of pupil recruitment goes beyond individual ability; the influence of peers is potentially significant, as the pupils at Northcote described:</p> <p>Amy:If you are surrounded by better players it doesn't just help the team but also helps you develop ... that's one of the reasons why we now have so many young internationals coming ... they want to be surrounded by that kind of environment.Isaac:I came from a state school where I was the only person playing an international level of sport and it was quite tough ... [here] there's four or five of us that are playing boys international hockey ... it makes you a better player.The Northcote Head acknowledged the impact of success on recruitment: 'At the moment our hockey is in particularly good nick ... you get a reputation for it, people come ... you go on being good at hockey'. Again, the experience of the pupils at the less successful schools, where they are amongst the few performing at a national level, is very different. Luke (Lyttelton) described it as 'harder to be motivated' without similarly minded pupils to work with, whilst Catherine (Gregham) noted a similar experience:</p> <p>I think the main difference between those elite sporting schools ... would be the training and the commitment ... I know for a fact that at ___ for example, they would go do court sprints or whatever at lunchtime ... they don't even bat an eyelid ... if they tried to do that here it would be 'oh my god'.</p> <p>In relation to the recruitment of talented young athletes, the Gregham Headmaster referred to 'the growth of bursaries in independent schools' and his Head of PE (HoPE) viewed scholarships and bursaries as a site of competition between schools:</p> <p>It's a financial thing with parents and it depends on how much you can offer and there are some competitors out there in the market. ___ seem to be spending a lot of money on sports scholarships and it's hard to compete ... It's a vicious circle isn't it.</p> <p>Similarly, the DoS at Northcote acknowledged: 'we don't offer 100% scholarships which some schools do. We are not big enough to be able to afford to do that'. In contrast, the Colbeck DoS described giving 'four and a half to five million [pounds] in concessions every year ... for me that is a school saying we invest in talent'. Further evidence of the heterogeneity of the sector was present in the findings relating to sporting facilities.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-10">Facilities</hd> <p>Although the participants did not consider the impact of facilities to be as significant as that of coaching and the sporting potential of the pupil intake, they are not only symbolic of the status rivalries between schools but reflective of the differences in provision and success within the schools studied. Highlighting the within the independent sector (let alone across sectors), the Director of Golf at Lyttelton compared his experience of working at the least (Lyttelton) and most (Colbeck) successful schools studied:</p> <p>In terms of the pupils and coaches, facilities, support, budget and success there's a huge difference, in my experience, between Colbeck and Lyttelton. At Colbeck it was like being ... at Manchester United, now [at Lyttelton] it's more like ... [being several divisions lower] at Peterborough United.</p> <p>Moreover, the facilities in the case study schools are in stark contrast to the state sector where some schools must transport their pupils to local sports grounds for PE lessons due to a lack of playing fields (Phillpots & Grix, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref80">47</reflink>]). The difference between 'a sea of well-kept playing fields' (Mangan, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref81">43</reflink>]/[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref82">43</reflink>], p. 99) and Sport England's Protecting Playing Fields strategy (Sport England, n.d.) is stark indeed. The Northcote Head illustrated the advantages of such provision using the example of an elite swimmer:</p> <p>Her boarding house was 200 yards away from the swimming pool. Isn't that wonderful ... swimmers' parents all over the country are getting up at 5 o'clock in the morning to drive them to local pools ... we can do it all on site.</p> <p>To make the most of such facilities requires time and expertise and the Gregham Headmaster described the benefit of 'longer school days, a preparedness to stay into the early evening and ... a boarding school situation where people now understand that you can train before breakfast'. Again, sport was placed into a broader, whole school context, with the Lyttelton Headmaster describing sports facilities as part of 'a broader pattern of schools wanting to have better and better facilities, whether it is state of the art theatres, recording studios or amazing boarding houses. I don't think sport is any different in that respect'. Bairner ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref83">2</reflink>], p. 22) writes that 'the economic realm remains of primary importance', and Hugh, a Cambourne pupil, placed the emphasis on financial means as the fundamental determinant in his synopsis of the sporting provision in some independent schools:</p> <p>You can't ignore the money ... if there's more money in the school then you're going to have better facilities and you are going to attract better coaches and you are going to attract better boys ... that's going to be a major part of why private schools are producing international athletes.</p> <p>In summary, the findings describe the role of sporting success in raising institutional attractiveness, the impact of high-quality coaching and the professionalisation of school sport on an individual's development. Likewise, the sporting potential of the pupil intake and, to a lesser extent, facilities are described as factors contributing to the success of some independent schools. In the following discussion these are considered using a dual theory framework combining the Eliasian notions of process, figuration and Bourdieu's concept of distinction.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-11">Discussion</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0156359510-12">Part of a process</hd> <p>Elias proposes that, 'all relationships – like human games – are processes' ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref84">24</reflink>]:, p. 93) and the overrepresentation of independently educated pupils is a product of a process in which independent school sport continues to be shaped by wider social dynamics (Dunning & Sheard, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref85">23</reflink>]). Through reconciliation of the notions of status rivalry and distinction we can see that, for the best part of two hundred years, sport has played a role in the (ongoing) status rivalries that have defined independent schools. In the process, these schools have sought to distinguish themselves from other schools (both state and independent) through the promise of a distinctive education and the resultant cultural capital such as academic qualifications or, as is the focus here, distinctive sporting experiences. One consequence is that independent school sport is, to differing degrees, becoming increasingly professionalised. Reflecting the 'dominant trend in modern sport' (Dunning & Sheard, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref86">23</reflink>], p. 8), the evident investment in 'sporting systems and structures to identify and develop exceptionally talented athletes' (Rees et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref87">49</reflink>], p. 2) is indicative of the 'value collectively bestowed on practising sports' (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref88">8</reflink>], p. 828). Like any other process, this is 'not in the least incomprehensible ... It is a question of the consequences flowing from the intermeshing of the actions of numerous people' (Elias, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref89">24</reflink>], p. 146). That is to say that independent school sport does not exist in a vacuum and, as with the development of various football codes, the over representation of independently educated athletes is better understood as having arisen over time, 'not simply within particular public schools in isolation, but within the wider social field' (Dunning & Curry, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref90">21</reflink>], p. 43).</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-13">The wider figuration</hd> <p>Talent development research suggests that children develop physical competency at an early age (Rowe, 2015) and with the school a young athlete attends being one aspect of the wider figuration of which they are a part, influences 'outside education'(Smith et al., [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref91">54</reflink>]: no page) including family and sports clubs are evident in the findings. Given the emphasis on the family in the inculcation of habitus, the durable and transmissible nature of habitus and its role in social reproduction is apparent. The tendency of 'pedagogic action' (the work performed by schools, as pedagogic agencies, for example) to reproduce class differences in cultural capital (Bourdieu & Passeron, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref92">14</reflink>]) can be seen in the practice of certain more exclusive sporting activities by the pupils participating here, and the level of support available to help them develop. Whilst it might be expected that schools accentuate the value that they add to pupil performance (sporting or otherwise), the acknowledgement of the impact of pupil recruitment is both striking and compounded by the idea that success can be self-perpetuating. Moreover, in terms of the potential of the pupil intake, sport ought to be seen in the context of the recruitment of talented pupils more generally. With places in top schools and the most able pupils both highly sought after, one can see how a culture Ball ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref93">4</reflink>], p. 6) terms an 'economy of student worth' might be fashioned in which pupils become 'a means to an end – a thing, valued for their value added or stigmatised by their costliness'. In monetary terms, the findings recognise this as investment in sporting potential through fee remission (scholarships or bursaries) and support for talented pupils. Much as 'highly selective intakes' (Kenway & Koh, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref94">38</reflink>], pp. 2–3) are associated with academic success, the recruitment of pupils with sporting talent evidently contributes to the sporting success of some independent schools. Ball's ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref95">3</reflink>], p. 151) assertion that 'the most effective long-term strategy for improving GCSE performance is to change the student intake', might therefore be extended to school sport. Just as 'GCSE attainment percentages and local league table positions do not in any simple sense represent the outcomes of 'good' teaching and 'effective' learning' (ibid), in some independent schools sporting success may be as much about the recruitment of talented pupils as it is about talent development practices. Although it is difficult to quantify the impact of coaching (in or out of schools), the emphasis on the sporting potential of the pupil intake suggests not only that some of the groundwork has already been done before these pupils join their respective schools, but that sports clubs continue to play a significant role in their development. In all six schools, pupils received additional external coaching and higher-level competition through club, academy or national age group provision. However, the more successful the school, the smaller the gap between the support pupils describe receiving in and out of school. Indeed, it is the pupils' view that aspects of the provision at Northcote and Colbeck exceed that they receive through national age group squads. In contrast, at Lyttelton and to a lesser extent Gregham, the pupils described gaining little benefit from their involvement in school sport.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-14">Distinction</hd> <p>Bourdieu's view of sport as one cultural practice among many is a theme apparent in the findings. As per the status hypothesis (Curry et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref96">19</reflink>]), sport offers value to schools in their 'desire to separate and distance themselves' (Dunning & Sheard, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref97">23</reflink>], p. 74) from their competitors. Today this is manifest in an emphasis on performance and the level of support offered for talented young athletes. As 'evidence of the distinctive quality or class of opportunities' in independent schools, sport's potential as a form of 'distinctive representation', (Horne et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref98">33</reflink>], p. 873), must be considered as a '<emph>supply</emph> intended to meet a social <emph>demand</emph>' (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref99">12</reflink>], p. 357). As Brown ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref100">15</reflink>], p. 12) argues, this is driven by 'market forces' that 'dominate the broader field of education, with Headteachers and governors looking to give the 'customers' (parents) what they want'. Much as the over representation of independently educated athletes is reflective of wider inequalities, independent school sport, like other forms of cultural practice, is 'predisposed, consciously and deliberately or not, to fulfil a social function of legitimating social differences' (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref101">9</reflink>]: xxx). Sporting success not only serves to help schools 'distinguish themselves' (Light & Kirk, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref102">41</reflink>], p. 85) but offers cultural capital to pupils and the possibility of this being transformed into economic capital in the future. Realising the 'promise' (Paulle et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref103">46</reflink>], p. 87) of combining the sociologies of Elias and Bourdieu, we can begin to see that whilst the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes may be an unintended consequence of pursuing distinction through sport, it is nevertheless an (almost) inevitable outcome of this process.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-15">Conclusion</hd> <p>Evans and Bairner ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref104">27</reflink>], p. 141) argue that 'class still matters' and, whilst recognising the significant but incomplete overlap between those with most economic capital and those with most cultural capital (Bourdieu, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref105">7</reflink>]), the findings here are confirmation that social class is at the heart of the relationship between privilege and elite sporting success. And yet, despite how integral class is to the existence of independent schools, this alone offers a reductive and insufficiently nuanced account of independent school sport. In sporting terms, the heterogenous nature of the independent sector is reflected in striking differences in coaching, support, facilities and the recruitment of pupils between the schools studied here. The most successful of which have cultivated an increasingly professionalised sporting environment. Mangan ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref106">43</reflink>]/[<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref107">43</reflink>], p. 128) writes of a burgeoning middle class in the nineteenth century, that 'public schools drew them as filings to a magnet' and it is a metaphor that might be used to describe the attraction of talented pupils to some of the more successful schools studied here. According to the voices of staff and pupils involved in independent school sport, this concentration of sporting potential (drawn from both sectors), in conjunction with practices intended explicitly to support the development of young athletes, offers a 'more practically reliable' (Dunning & Hughes, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref108">22</reflink>], p. 158) explanation of the success of some independent schools. However, in terms of the limitations of this paper, it is important to note the small sample size and the relationship between both author and participants, and the independent sector. As Roderick ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref109">51</reflink>], p. 85) notes, 'qualitative research of this kind is never unbiased, impersonal or value-free'.</p> <p>Beyond the subject matter of elite sport and education, the success of some schools in developing international athletes can be seen more fundamentally as reflective of wider social issues and class-based inequity. Simultaneously drawing upon and adding to the existing tensions within the educational figuration in Britain, the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes is perhaps, to appropriate Evans (2013: 80) – writing of PE in the 1980s – 'merely a simulacrum (a deceptive shadowy likeness), intended to speak of something other than itself ... nicely illustrating all that ... [is] wrong with education and society'. As Dunning and Curry ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref110">21</reflink>], p. 194) remind us, sport cannot 'be distinguished from the 'real foundation' of modern capitalist societies in which people compete within the marketplace ... on terms that are very often unequal'. Echoing Bourdieu's ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref111">13</reflink>], p. 16) argument about heredity and the accumulation of capital, that not 'every prize can be attained ... by everyone', Evans ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref112">26</reflink>], p. 547) writes:</p> <p>[N]urturing the idea that for everyone life is a fair, meritocratic game, featuring equal opportunities to enjoy the 'freedom to' achieve – to be an Olympic athlete, to participate in sport, to be healthy – ... always assumes some considerable 'freedoms from' (poverty, lack of opportunity, resource and so on). Those with appropriate means and motivational resources benefit, those without, legitimately fail.</p> <p>To return to the aim of this paper, through a more nuanced and empirically based explanation of why a specific subset of independent schools consistently produce international athletes, it is evident that Savage's ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref113">52</reflink>], p. 247) contention that we should 'distinguish the most elite private schools from the rest' can be extended to independent school sport. The overrepresentation of independently educated athletes in elite sport is not about the independent sector or class per se, but largely attributable the actions of a small number of schools particularly focused on supporting the development of talented young athletes. Looking forward, given that very few schools repeatedly produce international athletes, the findings here suggest that further research on what we might learn from these schools in terms of talent development might prove fruitful.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-16">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>The author would like to thank the staff and pupils involved in this research, the anonymous reviewers for their input into improving this paper, and his supervisors for their invaluable guidance throughout the research.</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-17">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <hd id="AN0156359510-18">Declaration of interest statement</hd> <p>In accordance with Taylor & Francis policy and my ethical obligation as a researcher, I am reporting that I am employed by an organisation (an independent school in the UK) that may be affected by the research reported in the enclosed paper. 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  Data: 'One of the Worst Statistics in British Sport': A Sociological Perspective on the Over-Representation of Independently (Privately) Educated Athletes in Team GB
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  Data: English
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Morton%2C+Adam+T%2E%22">Morton, Adam T.</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2505-0250">0000-0003-2505-0250</externalLink>)
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Sport%2C+Education+and+Society%22"><i>Sport, Education and Society</i></searchLink>. 2022 27(4):393-406.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
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  Data: 14
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2022
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  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Athletics%22">Athletics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Private+Schools%22">Private Schools</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Students%22">Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Advantaged%22">Advantaged</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Teachers%22">Teachers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Athletic+Coaches%22">Athletic Coaches</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Facilities%22">Facilities</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Disproportionate+Representation%22">Disproportionate Representation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Talent+Identification%22">Talent Identification</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Athletes%22">Student Athletes</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+Kingdom%22">United Kingdom</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/13573322.2020.1869537
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  Label: ISSN
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  Data: 1357-3322<br />1470-1243
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: The overrepresentation of independently educated athletes amongst Team GB at the London 2012 Olympics was described as 'One of the worst statistics in British sport'. Whilst the ensuing debate referred to independent schools "en masse," the sector is far from homogenous. Within the UK independent (private) sector, a small subset of schools has educated a significant number of international sportsmen and women. Despite this record of success however, little research exists on young athletes in independent schools. Answering calls to study independent school sport, this paper uses semi-structured interviews with pupils and staff involved in sport in six independent schools in England to explore why some schools consistently produce international athletes. A dual theory framework combining the Eliasian notions of process and figuration, with Bourdieu's concept of distinction is employed to offer a sociological perspective on the sporting success of the schools studied. The findings reveal striking differences in institutional attractiveness, coaching, the sporting potential of the pupil intake, and facilities between the least and the most successful schools studied, where a number of intra and inter school practices contribute to an increasingly professionalised sporting environment. In concluding, a novel and more variegated perspective on the under researched and often difficult to access field of independent school sport is offered. The proposition being that through reconciliation of the notions of distinction and status rivalry, we are better able to understand the repeated success of some independent schools in supporting the development of talented young athletes.
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  Data: 2022
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  Data: EJ1345304
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      Pagination:
        PageCount: 14
        StartPage: 393
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Athletics
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Private Schools
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Students
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Advantaged
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Teachers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Athletic Coaches
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Facilities
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Disproportionate Representation
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Talent Identification
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      – SubjectFull: Student Athletes
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: United Kingdom
        Type: general
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      – TitleFull: 'One of the Worst Statistics in British Sport': A Sociological Perspective on the Over-Representation of Independently (Privately) Educated Athletes in Team GB
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