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Building a Mosque. Reification and Situated Learning at the Core of an Immigrant Community of Practice

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Title: Building a Mosque. Reification and Situated Learning at the Core of an Immigrant Community of Practice
Language: English
Authors: Segarra Arnau, Tomàs (ORCID 0000-0002-4853-156X), Traver Martí, Joan A. (ORCID 0000-0002-5948-1035), Lozano Estivalis, María (ORCID 0000-0001-5806-737X)
Source: Ethnography and Education. 2023 18(3):249-263.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 15
Publication Date: 2023
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Situated Learning, Immigrants, Communities of Practice, Islam, Churches, Foreign Countries, Immigration, Social Change, Ethnography, Financial Support, Construction (Process), Building Conversion, Citizen Participation
Geographic Terms: Spain, Morocco
DOI: 10.1080/17457823.2023.2232069
ISSN: 1745-7823
1745-7831
Abstract: This paper presents partial results of a broader investigation and focuses on describing a process of reification that took place at the heart of an immigrant community in Sant Mateu (Castelló, Spain), and that crystallised through the construction and management of a mosque. The theoretical framework draws on social learning theories, with a particular focus on situated learning and communities of practice. Regarding the method, the study follows an ethnographic, qualitative approach. We present the fieldwork procedures (participatory observation, interviews and focus groups) and analytical procedures (content analysis) followed in the research. The results recount the process this immigrant community followed to build the mosque, and the meanings for the community of the process followed and its culmination. Finally, the discussion and conclusions characterise this immigrant community as a community of practice where situated learning processes arise.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2023
Accession Number: EJ1399375
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0172310022;[15uw]01jul.23;2023Sep26.06:20;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0172310022-1">Building a mosque. Reification and situated learning at the core of an immigrant community of practice </title> <p>This paper presents partial results of a broader investigation and focuses on describing a process of reification that took place at the heart of an immigrant community in Sant Mateu (Castelló, Spain), and that crystallised through the construction and management of a mosque. The theoretical framework draws on social learning theories, with a particular focus on situated learning and communities of practice. Regarding the method, the study follows an ethnographic, qualitative approach. We present the fieldwork procedures (participatory observation, interviews and focus groups) and analytical procedures (content analysis) followed in the research. The results recount the process this immigrant community followed to build the mosque, and the meanings for the community of the process followed and its culmination. Finally, the discussion and conclusions characterise this immigrant community as a community of practice where situated learning processes arise.</p> <p>Keywords: Situated learning; community of practice; participation; reification; migratory movements</p> <hd id="AN0172310022-2">Introduction: situated learning and immigration</hd> <p>Global migrations are one of the phenomena most closely associated with the today's globalised context. In Spain, immigration from countries on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, especially from neighbouring Morocco, was intense during the first decade of this century. This movement brought with it community models based on non-institutionalised associations which, according to Lacomba ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref1">15</reflink>]), are not so common in the Western world. This is the case of Sant Mateu, where all the associations are institutionalised.</p> <p>In the case of this research, the results indicate that this was originally a transitory migratory phenomenon, since the intention of those setting out on this journey was to eventually return to their place of origin. However, they often settled permanently in their destination countries. There are several reasons for this, notably the failure to meet their economic expectations, the worsening situation of the job market in their country of origin, and the second generation's staunch resistance to the idea of returning (Llorent-Bedmar and Terrón-Caro [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref2">19</reflink>]). According to Fernández-Enguita and Terrén ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref3">12</reflink>]), people in this situation end up formally becoming citizens of the host country, and living the life of a cultural minority.</p> <p>Against this background, we carried out a study in the heart of a small group of people of Moroccan origin settled in the town of Sant Mateu (Castellón, Spain).[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref4">1</reflink>] The objectives of this study were to discover the processes by which this community constructs learning; to identify the spaces in which opportunities for their integration, are generated; and to define the identity transformations of the community.</p> <p>In this paper we present partial results in which we show how the construction and management of this group's mosque generated a community of practice related to this process, and learning in terms of socio-community participation and citizenship. We will refer to this community as CoPM. According to Olivier Roy ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref5">34</reflink>]), the mosque is a space of learning and socialisation that accumulates functionalities in its passage through the West. In it, Moroccan people interact with other members of the community through a series of diverse processes, encounters and activities. For Jordi Moreras ([<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref6">22</reflink>]), along with religious literacy and the expression of worship, the mosque becomes a social meeting place where functions that in western societies are typical of other institutions are assumed: teaching Arabic, a sharing space for the collective, solidarity actions, etc.</p> <p>In the case of Morocco, the society the migrants left behind is undergoing a profound transformation, largely due to reform of the civil code (Cobano-Delgado [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref7">8</reflink>]; Llorent-Bedmar and Cobano-Delgado [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref8">18</reflink>]). But for those who decide to emigrate, the transformations run much deeper and frequently have a profound effect on their cultural identity. Thus, full incorporation in the new society (Fernández-Enguita and Terrén [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref9">12</reflink>]) is essential if they are to manage their identity tensions, which are more pronounced among those from more authoritarian, traditional or theocratic realities.</p> <p>The theories of situated learning (Carter and Adkins [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref10">6</reflink>]; Lave and Wenger [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref11">17</reflink>]; Niemeyer [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref12">24</reflink>]; Páramo [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref13">27</reflink>]; Sagástegui [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref14">36</reflink>]; Streibel [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref15">42</reflink>], etc.) are grounded in a definition of cognition as a conversation with situations, knowledge as the practical relationship between mind and world, and learning as the cognitive initiation of certain activities that motivate cooperation among people. Based on a theory of social practice, Lave ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref16">16</reflink>]) defined cognition as a complex social phenomenon, suggesting that learning takes place not only inside school but also beyond its walls. Situated learning is integrated into daily life and the cultural context (Páramo [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref17">27</reflink>]). It is, therefore, fundamentally social, often involuntary, and progressive in that those involved participate in it (O'Brien and Battista [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref18">25</reflink>]).</p> <p>For Niemeyer ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref19">24</reflink>]), the concept of situated learning prioritises the social dimension of learning over the individual dimension. People learn by participating in a specific social context, and for this to occur, they must belong to that context, within which participants negotiate the meanings that lead them to learn about their reality (Lave and Wenger [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref20">17</reflink>]); knowledge therefore becomes part of and, at the same time, a product of the activity and the culture of that context (Díaz Barriga [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref21">11</reflink>]).</p> <p>Within this line of theory, Lave and Wenger ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref22">17</reflink>]) proposed the concept of legitimate peripheral participation as a 'framework for bringing together theories of situated activity and theories about the production and reproduction of social order'. Hence, according to Díaz Barriga ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref23">11</reflink>]), learners – those who for one reason or another enter into and form part of a given social context – adopt the culture of the social group to which they are starting to belong by interacting with more experienced members of the group. This derives in the importance of peer learning, of negotiating meanings central to the social group, and of constructing knowledge together.</p> <p>Wenger ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref24">46</reflink>]) further developed the social theory of learning by extending the concept of community of practice that he had previously proposed with Lave (Lave and Wenger [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref25">17</reflink>]). Briefly, a community of practice can be defined as a self-organising system made up of people who share a common practice in a specific area, that persists over time, and where certain knowledge or learning is shared (Mavri, Ioannou, and Loizides [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref26">20</reflink>]; Vásquez [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref27">44</reflink>]). For Pyrko, Dörfler, and Eden ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref28">32</reflink>]), 'the collaborative learning process of "thinking together" [...] is what essentially brings Communities of Practice to life'. According to these authors, people in these communities mutually guide each other through their understanding of the problems that define their shared area of interest and indirectly share tacit knowledge about these problems. Communities of practice tend to arise in informal learning contexts through interaction, communication, participation and access to different contexts (Patton and Parker [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref29">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>Central to Wenger's proposal is the characterisation of learning based on two complementary modes of social participation: active engagement in the practices of the community, and constructing identities based on these practices. In communities of practice, when people need to learn something for their work or community activity, they do not sign up for formal courses. Rather, they create spontaneous learning groups in which, according to Wenger and Snyder ([<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref30">47</reflink>]), learning processes and mutual support among peers are generated, thus establishing identities that become defined by the role they play in the group. Commitment appears as a fundamental issue in defining communities of practice. The production of knowledge can only take place through a social, contextual and situated commitment to the lived world (Smith, Kempster, and Wenger-Trayner [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref31">39</reflink>]).</p> <p>According to Perlo ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref32">29</reflink>]), communities of practice generate meaning in societies through a process of negotiation in which participation and reification interact. Essentially, we create meaning by adopting the cultural references available to us and adapting them to our reality. There can be no negotiation without participation, since we have to engage with and relate to other people, but neither can there be negotiation without reification.</p> <p>Wenger ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref33">46</reflink>]), and also Perlo ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref34">29</reflink>]), define reification as the process by which cultural objects are produced. These objects can be material or symbolic; they project our being in the world, and consolidate participation.</p> <p>Participation and reification are therefore two sides of the same coin. They interact from two dimensions that at the same time generate distinction and complementarity, by constantly striving to maintain a necessary balance that guarantees continuity in the process of creating meanings, and therefore learning. Wenger ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref35">46</reflink>], 62) uses a state's Constitution to illustrate this:</p> <p>The reification of a Constitution is just a form; it is not equivalent to a citizenry. Yet it is empty without the participation of the citizens involved. Conversely, the production of such a reification is crucial to the kind of negotiation that is necessary for them to act as citizens and to bring together the multiple perspectives, interests, and interpretations that participation entails.</p> <p>Our research work focuses on showing a scenario where these theoretical concepts are manifested, based on the objectives outlined above. This paper provides evidence in the academic discussion on the potential of situated learning for understanding the phenomenon of migration.</p> <hd id="AN0172310022-3">Method</hd> <p>We present an ethnographic study (Angrosino [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref36">1</reflink>]; Atkinson and Delamont [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref37">3</reflink>]; Delamont and Atkinson [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref38">9</reflink>]; Hammersley and Atkinson [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref39">14</reflink>]; Rockwell [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref40">33</reflink>]) with a narrative biographical approach (Bolívar, Domingo, and Fernández [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref41">5</reflink>]; Moriña [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref42">23</reflink>]). According to Olmo and Osuna ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref43">26</reflink>]), ethnography is a research methodology suitable for situations where researchers need to understand and put themselves in the position of the people they are studying. Ethnographic research also tends to be intrinsic as it pursues the understanding of a specific case (Stake [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref44">40</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0172310022-4">Fieldwork procedures</hd> <p>Like other types of qualitative research, ethnographic research, according to Atkinson and Delamont ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref45">3</reflink>]), focuses on analysing action, order and social organisation. This study has contemplated the characteristics that Angrosino ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref46">1</reflink>]) attributes to ethnographic research, based on the field method. It has been a personalised research, maintaining daily contact with the CoPM, in the sphere of everyday life. It has also been a multifactorial research thanks to the use of different qualitative data collection techniques (a field diary based on the participant observation, interviews and discussion groups). It required an extensive timeframe, of approximately one year between the first and the last entry. It was based on inductive logic, starting from general patterns based on the accumulation of descriptive details. It has involved dialogic work with feedback of the research results and commentary with the CoPM. Finally, it has been a comprehensive process with the intention of getting as close as possible to the CoPM.</p> <p>Following Poveda's approach ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref47">30</reflink>]), the research went through the following phases:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Development of the first work plan, including literature review on the state of the art, formulation of objectives and research questions.</item> <p></p> <item> Fieldwork involving the collection of information using the tools defined for this purpose.</item> <p></p> <item> Analysis of the data that emerged in the fieldwork phase and triangulation of the information until the saturation principle was met.</item> <p></p> <item> Drafting the ethnographic report and returning it to the Moroccan community.</item> </ulist> <p>Understood as an attitude towards research or as Angrosino ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref48">1</reflink>]) states, a behavioural context, the role we adopted as ethnographers was that of the participant. Therefore, following Velasco and Díaz de Rada ([<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref49">45</reflink>]), our positioning was the result of the tension that arises between proximity and distance, empathy and estrangement, the questionnaire and the intimate conversation, seeking at all times an egalitarian character and mutual trust in our relations with the CoPM in order to obtain information that was not forced.</p> <p>Following Angrosino's ([<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref50">1</reflink>]) approach and, as a result, of the participant observation, we obtained the field notes. These field notes were organised around the following aspects: the description of the physical spaces in which the observation took place; the data and description of the participants and their behaviour; the interaction with the CoPM; the chronology of the events; and, finally, the record of conversations, which was, in our case, of particular importance.</p> <p>The field entries were an important part of the research process and as invitations to reflect on the situation of the CoPM. The research team had already been in contact with this group in a previous socio-community project. Once this project was completed, the researchers decided to continue their relationship based on an ethnographic approach. We have collected participant observation in a field diary (FD in our coding), in various places in the locality, but especially in the mosque and in the private homes of some of the members of the CoPM.</p> <p>Biographical narrative tools aim to uncover phenomena from the point of view of the individual (González and Padilla-Carmona [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref51">13</reflink>]). The growing number of conversations held with various members of the CoPM and their historical significance in relation to its future led us to explore this perspective. We conducted two in-depth interviews with individuals who were protagonists of the practices developed in the CoPM. The first informant was Omar (interviews at his home coded as IO1 and IO2). The second was the main informant, Mustafa (interviews at the mosque coded as IM1, IM2, IM3, IM4, IM5, IM6 and IM7). He serves as the president of the local Muslim association, and as an accidental imam as well. Although he was not part of the original group of Moroccan people in Sant Mateu, his commitment to the CoPM progressively placed him at the centre of the practice. We also conducted two focus groups in the mosque with other members of the CoPM (DG1 and DG2) together with desk research (DR).</p> <hd id="AN0172310022-5">Analytical procedures</hd> <p>The information is analysed through a three-stage process to codify and categorise the data. It is important to highlight the iteration process in this research. Each stage of analysis was connected to the planning of the next entry in the field, as well as the return of results to the CoPM.</p> <p>The first two stages combine the production of concept maps and open coding, the latter being more particularist than the former. The third stage moves from the concept map to axial coding.</p> <p>Rubin and Rubin ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref52">35</reflink>]) understand coding as the process of classifying raw information into categories; these categories may have been determined prior to the study, or may emerge during the research. Strauss and Corbin ([<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref53">41</reflink>]) refer to open coding as the analytical process by which concepts are identified and developed in terms of their properties and dimensions. These authors argue that text, data and information must be 'opened' to reveal the thoughts, ideas and meanings they contain. In this way the data are broken down into discrete parts, and examined and compared to uncover their similarities and differences, from which categories are then developed.</p> <p>According to Simons ([<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref54">38</reflink>]) , a concept map should be drawn up every time an interview or field entry is completed. Following this approach, all the maps produced during the research can be compared to produce one large holistic map representing different categories. In the present case, the concept map is developed during the definition of the research questions. Therefore, the first concept map is not holistic, but one map is created for each of the questions and sub-questions that guide the research at that moment.</p> <p>In the second concept mapping and open coding stage, however, a holistic map is produced that aims to encompass all the aspects pertaining to the study. The map consists of three chronological levels (historical, procedural and prospective) into which the categories identified up to that point are organised. In this process the data broken down during the two previous open coding phases are re-grouped according to the three core categories corresponding to the three questions defined for the research project (Strauss and Corbin [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref55">41</reflink>]).</p> <p>In this stage of the data analysis, criteria of relevance are also applied, namely, only information that is related to the research topic, that is relevant, and that is recurrent or assertive should be considered (Cisterna [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref56">7</reflink>]). The categories are organised according to the central theme that guides this study: the social construction of the learning process at the heart of this CoPM.</p> <p>Following this author, the validation of the data was carried out by triangulating the information collected in each of the different levels.[<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref57">2</reflink>] This allowed us to know the opinion of each sector of the population in relation to the main topics studied. From there we moved to a second stage of inter-level triangulation by means of setting comparisons amongst the different sections of the CoPM taking part in the study, thus lending greater intersubjectivity to the results. Subsequently, following this author, the triangulation process integrated the different sources of information that we have used: field diary that collects the ethnographic observation, interviews and focus groups. This involves moving to an inter-instrumental perspective. In this way we triangulate the information obtained by the various instruments used in the fieldwork distributed by levels. We use third level conclusions that correspond to the research questions. According to Cisterna ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref58">7</reflink>], 69), this action allows us to know whether the information collected in one of the information sources is coherent or not with the one reported by another source of information. Finally, the triangulation of the results was also performed with the theoretical framework, explained below in the discussion section. This is an essential step in the construction of knowledge that this paper provides.</p> <hd id="AN0172310022-6">Results: constructing a community</hd> <p>The town of Sant Mateu is located in an inland rural area of the province of Castelló (Spain). It has about 2000 inhabitants. Most of the population is employed in agriculture, livestock and tourism. The demographic rate has been negative throughout the twentieth century. This situation was briefly reversed at the beginning of the twenty-first century, when a considerable number of immigrants arrived in the town, mostly from Morocco and Romania.</p> <p>The Moroccan community in Sant Mateu (Castellón, Spain) is made up of about 200 people and accounts for approximately 15% of the town's population. The first people from Morocco settled in Sant Mateu at the beginning of the 1990s. According to the municipal census, this number increased rapidly from 2003 onwards, and then fell gradually following the onset of the global financial crisis [DR]. Their arrival and settling in the town typically followed a similar pattern. The men came first, in search of better standards of living or employment. Most of them initially had no official papers, and lived a clandestine life until they set down social roots and obtained the pertinent documentation. After some time those who had left families behind in Morocco applied for family reunification; others married and brought their wives to live with them. The large majority of the children in the community were born in Spain [FD].</p> <p>Sant Mateu is a bilingual town. Catalan is the mother tongue. Its use is common in social relations. In the case of immigrant communities, adults relate to Spaniards in Spanish for instrumental reasons related to work. Children, on the other hand, generally use Catalan. Consequently, the fieldwork was carried out in Spanish.</p> <p>The fieldwork began on the most important day in the Muslim calendar: the celebration of the Sacrifice or 'Eid al Adha'. Researchers were invited to follow the celebrations at the mosque. There were so many people in the mosque that the floor of the hall was not visible. It was full of shoes of all kinds. The haram was also full of people, kneeling in the direction of Mecca. Everyone was dressed in white robes. Even though there seemed to be no room for anyone else, the arranged-in-rows attendees tried to squeeze in a little more when another person arrived at the haram. There were not only Muslims from Sant Mateu, but also from nearby villages. After the prayer, Mustafa went up to the minbar where he spoke in Arabic. When he finished his sermon, everyone began to greet each other in a very cordial and affectionate manner. Those present asked each other about the state of their health and that of their families, and wished each other well. This part of the celebration went on for a considerable time. It was not only a matter of courtesy but, according to one attendee at the celebration, it symbolised a new beginning in the relationship between these people, who thus strengthened the ties that bound them together [FD].</p> <p>Subsequent entries into the field provided information on the process leading to the construction of the mosque.</p> <p>At the end of the 1990s the still small number of Moroccan people living in Sant Mateu mooted the idea of acquiring premises to use as a mosque and began to put money aside for that purpose. This group, the first Moroccan people in Sant Mateu, abandoned the idea shortly thereafter, but in 2005 the project was revisited. During Ramadan of that year, a Moroccan from a neighbouring town proposed refurbishing a storeroom he had rented so anyone who wished could pray there during the month of fasting, rather than in private homes as had been the practice until then. Many Moroccan people helped with the work to convert the premises into a suitable space where they could worship together [GD1].</p> <p>Those who have Islam in their heart, look for any place to practice it. Long ago, when Ramadan came, people went to pray in Benicarló or Vinaroz at night, and also for the feast of the Sacrifice, and for the feast of the end of Ramadan.[<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref59">3</reflink>] [IM4]</p> <p>A man who had a storage room in the ground floor of his house, one day came and said to us: "listen, it's Ramadan and we have to pray. I am offering my store room. We just need some rugs". And that was the beginningwith just a few people. [IO2]</p> <p>During those days, many of the conversations among them revolved around the same subject. They could look for bigger premises in Sant Mateu, the town with the largest Moroccan population in the area, and it could be used as a mosque on a permanent basis. However, the project was once again abandoned, only to be taken up a year later when they rented a garage on the edge of the town for 380 euros a month. It was a very gratifying moment for all the CoPM:</p> <p>When we rented [the garage] it was a moment of happiness. We had a place where we could meet, a place to pray. It was happiness. [DG2]</p> <p>Initially, it was suggested that each person contributed what they could to carry out repairs and to buy rugs and other articles they needed make the place fit for purpose.</p> <p>We bought some rugs and other things so we could pray. We spent Ramadan there. One day we talked about what we had to pay: "listen, we have to pay for the garage rent, rugs, electricity and water". We made a list and every month each person put in five euros. [IO2]</p> <p>In the following years they continued to make improvements to the premises: they installed a bathroom, changed the window frames to protect against the cold in the winter, repaired leaks in the roof and knocked down a partition wall to enlarge the prayer area. Over time, they decided to open a current account to better manage the contributions for the rent [IO2]. This revealed a need to formally constitute an association and put the account in the name of a legal entity in order to prevent any misuse of the funds:</p> <p>We had an account at the bank in the name of four people. One of them had an unpaid fine. So the traffic department or the tax office, I'm not sure, found out where he had an account. I think there was 1,600 euros in the account. They [the authorities] divided it up and took the part that corresponded to him. I tell you that in the association nobody can take anything because it is like a company [...] Now we don't have any problems with the bank thanks to the association. That is why the association has a recognised value with the town council, the government, with the people ....[IM4]</p> <p>To put the money in the bank legally we needed a name, but nobody wanted. So we said: "listen, let's set up a legal association and put everything in the association's name". [IO2]</p> <p>In fact, not one but two associations were founded in 2010: one cultural and the other for religious purposes. According to its statutes, the aims of the second association are to promote the teaching and practice of Islam, to organise talks, lectures, seminars, courses and events that could contribute to the knowledge and diffusion of Islam and its doctrines, to teach Arabic to Moroccan children, to provide courses for the two official languages of the Valencian Community, and to encourage mutual knowledge among all the cultures living in the town [DR].</p> <p>When the associations were founded, a ten euro monthly fee was established to cover expenses. Over time, this system began to fail although everyone was persuaded to contribute something, perhaps just five euros or even one euro a month [IM3]. What concerned the people leading the association was not simply the money, however, but how to integrate all the Moroccan people in Sant Mateu; the economic contribution was a symbolic way of involving them.</p> <p>We set a fee of 10 euros, but people didn't pay it. Then they said "anyone who can't pay ten euros pays five, and if they can't pay five they pay one ... " So in the end, their names would not be taken off there, off the list. Before we didn't have a list, but then we had to see who paid and who didn't. No one could be forced to pay. The mosque is for everyone, for those who pay and for those who don't pay. This is not a restaurant; everyone can come in. [IM3]</p> <p>Two years later, in 2012, when they wanted to negotiate a reduction in the rent for the mosque premises they discovered that the owner intended to increase the rent, due to a slight increase in value added tax. They refused, however. To date they had invested some 30,000 euros in material and labour costs in premises that did not belong to them. One Friday after prayers, when the mosque was very full, Mustafa raised the idea of buying a property. Some thought it was a bad idea. Others had already seen properties that might be suitable for the mosque.</p> <p>We paid the rent. And the rent was going up. And obviously we were spending a lot of money, about 300 euros or so. We had done some alterations and we had spent money. But the landlord always asked for more. And the time came when we asked him to put it down a bit, or keep it the same, but he didn't want to. So the people got a bit angry and of course, that is where the effort came from to buy the mosque. [DG2]</p> <p>I say we bought the mosque for six euros. The landlord of the former mosque asked me for six euros more because VAT was 19% and then it went up to 21%. He said "[...] please, you have to pay the difference". How much? Six euros? I said: "please, come each weekend and I'll buy you a coffee or two and that'll do There is No need to change the contract for six euros". He said no. Okay. We refurbished the place. I tell you the truth, we spent more than 30,000 euros inside there. When we went in it was just a garage. The metal sheet roof was broken. We fixed everything. We put new things in ... 30,000 euros not counting labour costs, because the people worked for nothing. [IM3]</p> <p>The building they were discussing was a barn in the old part of the town. It was proposed that anybody who wanted to, or was able to, could buy a symbolic square metre of the premises for the price of 150 euros. On the same day 11,000 euros was raised. Some people pledged to buy one square metre, but others said they would buy two or even three.</p> <p>With this sum of 11,000 euros pledged by the CoPM, the money the association had in the bank account, and a loan of 8,000 euros from two Islamic associations in the province, the decision was taken to buy the premises. Despite this, they still needed a considerable amount to convert what was still a barn into a mosque:</p> <p>We had to pay 50,000 for 300 metres: 150 euros a metre. I said "Who's going to buy a metre? They answered: "me, three metres; me, two metres; me, one metre; me, half a metre ... 75 euros" [...] We raised 11,000 euros that day, plus 8,000 that we got from the associations, 19,000. We bought it for 18,000, because religious associations don't have to pay VAT. Do you know what it was before? a barn. And we thanks to the mayor and the architect and the town council and the neighbours, because they all helped very much. [IM3]</p> <p>Much of funding needed to start the building work was raised on trips away from the area. Some CoPM members travelled to France and Belgium and asked for donations in shops, mosques and butchers, explaining they were from a community that was building a mosque. Other members travelled to Andalusia, Madrid, Catalonia and other places in Spain. Sometimes their fundraising efforts did not even cover their travel expenses, but in other places they collected significant amounts. If one member had to travel somewhere for some reason, usually for administrative purposes, he might be accompanied by other members who would fundraise while he was dealing with his affairs in the corresponding government department. Eventually, the mosque became a reality.</p> <p>We raised the money with the help of many people, many Muslims from outside [DG2]. We had to ask for help from other mosques and other people who wanted to give something. We always help amongst ourselves and ask other Muslim organisations abroad. [DG2]</p> <p>Here in the town they asked, "How are you buying it? How are you raising the money?" The money came out of the people's pockets. We went as far as France, Belgium ... For example, I travelled to France. I, with two other people, spent a week in France and we went round the butchers, the shops, the mosques and we brought back money to buy the place. Each person gave one euro, three euros ... We went to Andalusia, to Malaga, to Almería, to El Ejido, to Barcelona, to Madrid ... Sometimes we travelled and we did not cover our expenses. [IM3]</p> <p>This mosque is located in the west extreme of Sant Mateu, still within the old part of the town. It is a single-storey building. The façade is made of masonry and is unadorned, with only one window and the entrance door. All members of the CoPM have a key, although the door is usually open during daylight hours. Once inside, we find the entrance hallway, which serves as a vestibule. There are lockers for leaving shoes on the left-hand. There is a notice board with information of interest to the CoPM on the right-hand. Further back, a door on the left-hand gives access to a small space where worshippers can perform their ablutions. On the right-hand, another door leads to the prayer room. Unlike the other rooms, the floor here is covered with russet-coloured carped decorated with traditional Muslim geometric motifs. The furniture is limited to a portable wooden minbar. There are also some school desks and chairs used for conducting Arabic lessons [FD].</p> <p>Today, the mosque is not only a place of worship, but also a shared space where the CoPM organises, socialises and strives to establish a cohesive group.</p> <p>On Saturdays they often eat together at the mosque. It is where any conflicts that arise between them are mediated. It is also where they meet to watch the Moroccan football team on television, although they are always respectful of their religious surroundings: they do not raise their voices, nor is any coarse or offensive language heard. Sometimes celebrations are held in the mosque, particularly those associated with rites of passage. At one time it was also used as a classroom for teaching the children Arabic, but these classes now take place in purpose-built premises belonging to the town council.</p> <p>We also hold parties here when a baby is born. Because our houses are too small to invite people, we do it here. The imam tells us that on such and such a day there will be a party because somebody has had a baby. So we prepare the food, and we all eat together. Everybody comes here. Even those who don't pray come too. When there's food, they come! [Laughter]. That is why the door is open to everybody, not just those who come to pray. [DG1]</p> <p>But it is also a space for learning about citizen participation, integration into the host society and good relations with neighbours:</p> <p>We learn a lot of things here. We haven't laid rugs and opened the doors to make it look nice. It's a place to learn. Here we learn how to treat our neighbours, not just Muslims, but everyone. We have to respect our neighbours and we have to integrate. We learn that here. [DG1]</p> <p>The last entry into the field took place in the context of another important event, both religiously and socially: a wedding. Only the men celebrated the event in the mosque, while for the women's celebration the town council provided an alternative venue. On this occasion, Mustafa did not act as an improvised imam. The CoPM called a real one. The celebration began with a talk by the imam, which lasted for more than two hours. In this talk, the imam discussed moral issues and rules to follow in marriage. After this, there was a formal dialogue with the imam, focusing on resolving doubts about the correct way to pray and the rituals linked to the prayer. Once this part of the celebration was over, a meal was served on large trays arranged throughout the haram. The guests sat on the floor around these trays, eating with their hands from the same plate. After the meal, the imam resumed the talk until the end of the celebration [FD].</p> <p>Finally, building the mosque was a process to produce a cultural object of great value to the CoPM. In this process of reification, two fundamental components appeared: the commitment of the CoPM, and the leadership of Mustafa, who served as president of the associations and also improvised as the mosque's imam. Much of what the CoPM learned during the process was related to the commitment to active citizen participation:</p> <p>Everyone has to help, if they have time, because it is everyone's responsibility. Whoever knows something has to teach it to people. That's what it means to be in an association. It's not a factory to make money, It is an association. We are all members and we all work for free. [DG2]</p> <p>In terms of leadership, and in line with Ávalos ([<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref60">4</reflink>]), Mustafa performed two types of leadership that tend to develop in a well-functioning community of practice. First, his leadership was distributed or endogenous, that is, the type of leadership that emerges or develops at the heart of the community of practice. 'Leading in this way can involve taking on roles to carry out certain specific tasks, the ability to raise discussions, exchanging ways to stimulate critical analysis or acting as an external spokesperson for the community [...]' (Ávalos [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref61">4</reflink>], 247, our translation). This is stated by the CoPM itself:</p> <p>He is the president of our association, and also serves as imam. He is doing us a favour. His position is very difficult and we don't pay him anything. We thank him and that's all. [DG2]</p> <p>Second, he also led exogenously. According to this author, exogenous leadership implies shifting from the community of practice to taking on roles and responsibilities outside it, in the town or beyond. This may involve responsibilities such as mentoring other Moroccan community leaders, or managing social, cultural or religious projects considered to be beneficial for the community, as in the case of building the mosque.</p> <p>Over time, Mustafa has taken a central position in the practices related to the association and the mosque. This involves some learning:</p> <p>Now I speak Spanish, I interact with Spaniards, I learn about associations, before I didn't know anything about the Moroccan people here ... They say that more trips give you more life, and if you don't travel, you won't have much culture. [IM2]</p> <hd id="AN0172310022-7">Conclusions and discussion: a community of practice</hd> <p>We have seen how the process of building the mosque activated in the CopM certain mechanisms from situated learning (participation, reification and the negotiation of meanings). These mechanisms contribute to characterising those involved in the construction of the mosque as a community of practice, according to the premises established by Wenger ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref62">46</reflink>]). On the other hand, as a limitation to this research, the Moroccan community has not yet achieved much visibility. Although this paper is a partial contribution to this end, much remains to be done.</p> <p>In the context of this research, situated learning could not be understood without attending to its two main components: participation and reification. The results of the study show that participation is constructed through action, thought, and the vocalisation of this thought; in other words, discourse. It is worth remembering that, according to Arendt ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref63">2</reflink>]), discourse and action are what make us active citizens.</p> <p>As a place resulting from reification, the mosque is where participation takes place. It is a space of socialisation where the Moroccan people share their personal stories, their journeys, how they came to the peninsular, their adventures and also their misfortunes, the years spent in semi-hiding before obtaining legal status, and so on. These shared stories are vital and are loaded with meaning, in the sense that Dewey ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref64">10</reflink>]) accorded the relationship between experience and learning.</p> <p>The construction of the mosque also arose from the more active, militant stance of participation in cultural life. The Moroccan people constructed learning by committing to their community, based on distributed learning. This commitment, which as mentioned above, is essential to understanding the process of reification, also involved situated learning. They learned to organise themselves in associations which then became their interlocutors in their dealings with the public authorities, following the more institutionalised Western models we referred to in the introduction (Lacomba [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref65">15</reflink>]).</p> <p>But this is not a finished process. As a cultural object, the mosque will continue to take on the meanings the community attributes to it. Its physical construction is finished, however. Many community members were involved in the project to varying degrees of intensity and activity, as we mentioned above. In Mustafa's case, the concept of legitimate peripheral participation (Lave and Wenger [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref66">17</reflink>]) is indispensable for understanding his positioning and learning. His involvement in the CoPM started out as peripheral and gradually became more and more central to the practice. In the case of other members, issues of social and situational engagement appear to be fundamental in defining their participation and knowledge production processes: there were those who attended meetings or 'bought' a small part of the mosque. Others became more engaged, offering their physical labour or travelling round the district or further afield to raise funds for the building work through small donations. This activity involved processes of both participation and learning in which mechanisms of solidarity and cooperation (Pujolàs [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref67">31</reflink>]) emerged from a shared concern: the need for a space to pray (Patton and Parker [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref68">28</reflink>]). Once the building was finished, activity was not as intense since the CoPMhad managed to reify (Perlo [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref69">29</reflink>]); that is, it had been able to materialise its objective.</p> <p>In line with Lave and Wenger's ([<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref70">17</reflink>]) premise that situated learning is the production and reproduction of social order, the construction of the mosque was a milestone for the CoPM, since as well as creating a fundamental cultural object, it allowed the community to reproduce its cultural practices, extending beyond the religious aspect. The mosque has become a space for socialisation, conflict resolution, sharing problems affecting individuals or the community as a whole, and a place for reminiscing, sharing feelings of uprootedness and distance from their homelands, among other aspects.</p> <p>All these issues make the community around the mosque a community of practice. Being a member of the mosque helps to generate synergies in terms of citizen participation in the town (Vásquez [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref71">44</reflink>]). In this vein, commitment and the tangible materialisation of a common objective of all the members of this community, the construction and management of the mosque (Meirinhos and Osorio [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref72">21</reflink>]; Sanz [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref73">37</reflink>]), is essential to its cohesion.</p> <hd id="AN0172310022-8">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0172310022-9"> <title> Notes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref4" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> The degree of anonymity was negotiated with the participants, and with the community as a whole. We used the actual locations and real names of the research participants. 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Items – Name: Title
  Label: Title
  Group: Ti
  Data: Building a Mosque. Reification and Situated Learning at the Core of an Immigrant Community of Practice
– Name: Language
  Label: Language
  Group: Lang
  Data: English
– Name: Author
  Label: Authors
  Group: Au
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Segarra+Arnau%2C+Tomàs%22">Segarra Arnau, Tomàs</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4853-156X">0000-0002-4853-156X</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Traver+Martí%2C+Joan+A%2E%22">Traver Martí, Joan A.</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5948-1035">0000-0002-5948-1035</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lozano+Estivalis%2C+María%22">Lozano Estivalis, María</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5806-737X">0000-0001-5806-737X</externalLink>)
– Name: TitleSource
  Label: Source
  Group: Src
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Ethnography+and+Education%22"><i>Ethnography and Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 18(3):249-263.
– Name: Avail
  Label: Availability
  Group: Avail
  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
– Name: PeerReviewed
  Label: Peer Reviewed
  Group: SrcInfo
  Data: Y
– Name: Pages
  Label: Page Count
  Group: Src
  Data: 15
– Name: DatePubCY
  Label: Publication Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2023
– Name: TypeDocument
  Label: Document Type
  Group: TypDoc
  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
– Name: Subject
  Label: Descriptors
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Situated+Learning%22">Situated Learning</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigrants%22">Immigrants</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Communities+of+Practice%22">Communities of Practice</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Islam%22">Islam</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Churches%22">Churches</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Immigration%22">Immigration</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Change%22">Social Change</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnography%22">Ethnography</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Financial+Support%22">Financial Support</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Construction+%28Process%29%22">Construction (Process)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Building+Conversion%22">Building Conversion</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Citizen+Participation%22">Citizen Participation</searchLink>
– Name: Subject
  Label: Geographic Terms
  Group: Su
  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Spain%22">Spain</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Morocco%22">Morocco</searchLink>
– Name: DOI
  Label: DOI
  Group: ID
  Data: 10.1080/17457823.2023.2232069
– Name: ISSN
  Label: ISSN
  Group: ISSN
  Data: 1745-7823<br />1745-7831
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: This paper presents partial results of a broader investigation and focuses on describing a process of reification that took place at the heart of an immigrant community in Sant Mateu (Castelló, Spain), and that crystallised through the construction and management of a mosque. The theoretical framework draws on social learning theories, with a particular focus on situated learning and communities of practice. Regarding the method, the study follows an ethnographic, qualitative approach. We present the fieldwork procedures (participatory observation, interviews and focus groups) and analytical procedures (content analysis) followed in the research. The results recount the process this immigrant community followed to build the mosque, and the meanings for the community of the process followed and its culmination. Finally, the discussion and conclusions characterise this immigrant community as a community of practice where situated learning processes arise.
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2023
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ1399375
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ1399375
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/17457823.2023.2232069
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 15
        StartPage: 249
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Situated Learning
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Immigrants
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Communities of Practice
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Islam
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Churches
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      – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries
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      – SubjectFull: Immigration
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      – SubjectFull: Social Change
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      – SubjectFull: Ethnography
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Financial Support
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Construction (Process)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Building Conversion
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Citizen Participation
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Spain
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Morocco
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Building a Mosque. Reification and Situated Learning at the Core of an Immigrant Community of Practice
        Type: main
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            NameFull: Segarra Arnau, Tomàs
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            NameFull: Traver Martí, Joan A.
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            NameFull: Lozano Estivalis, María
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              Type: published
              Y: 2023
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              Value: 1745-7823
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              Value: 1745-7831
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              Value: 18
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            – TitleFull: Ethnography and Education
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