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Are Kinesiology Programs Oppressive? A Content Analysis of Canadian University Kinesiology Curricula and Websites

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Title: Are Kinesiology Programs Oppressive? A Content Analysis of Canadian University Kinesiology Curricula and Websites
Language: English
Authors: Erin K. Sullivan (ORCID 0000-0002-1649-4055), Adam E. Ali
Source: Sport, Education and Society. 2024 29(6):712-725.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 14
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: Kinesiology, Higher Education, Program Evaluation, Power Structure, Ethnocentrism, Western Civilization, Racism, Curriculum Design, College Faculty, Web Sites, Diversity (Faculty), Neoliberalism, Position Papers, Institutional Mission, Student Diversity, Disadvantaged, Inclusion, Equal Education, Social Justice, Foreign Countries, Undergraduate Students, Reputation, Institutional Characteristics, Interdisciplinary Approach
Geographic Terms: Canada
DOI: 10.1080/13573322.2023.2206826
ISSN: 1357-3322
1470-1243
Abstract: Institutionalized oppression experienced by marginalized groups is central to post-secondary education and, if left unchallenged, will remain pervasive within academia (Lincoln, Y. S., & Stanley, C. A. (2021). The faces of institutionalized discrimination and systemic oppression in higher education: Uncovering the lived experience of bias and procedural inequity. "Qualitative Inquiry", 10778004211026892). Emerging literature that examines discrimination and oppression in kinesiology has focused on the consequences of privileging Western, Eurocentric knowledge and scholarship. (Andrews, D. L., Silk, M., Francombe, J., & Bush, A. (2013). McKinesiology. "Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies", 35(5), 335-356; Culp, B. (2016). Social justice and the future of higher education kinesiology. "Quest" ("grand Rapids, Mich"), 68(3), 271-283; Douglas, D. D., & Halas, J. M. (2013). The wages of whiteness: Confronting the nature of ivory tower racism and the implications for physical education. "Sport, Education and Society", 18(4), 453-474; Joseph, J., & Kriger, D. (2021). Towards a decolonizing kinesiology ethics model. Quest (grand Rapids, Mich), 73(2), 192-208; Nachman, J., Joseph, J., & Fusco, C. (2021). 'What if what the professor knows is not diverse enough for US?': whiteness in Canadian kinesiology programs. Sport, Education and Society, 1-14). There is, however, limited research that examines how kinesiology curriculum might enable the reproduction of these processes. Thus, this study explores how knowledge is distributed within Canadian university kinesiology curriculum, and how disciplines, faculty members, and students are represented on program websites. We analyzed eight Canadian university kinesiology websites using summative qualitative content analysis (SQCA) and the Five Faces of Oppression (Young, I. M. (1990). "Five Faces of Oppression," justice and the politics of difference. Princeton University Press) framework. Overall, programs reproduce Western, scientific, and positivist approaches as the dominant knowledge, maintain racially homogenous faculty demographics, make rhetorical commitments to EDI, and communicate neoliberalism in mission statements. In doing so, these programs (1) privilege white, heteronormative, lean, and able bodies(2) marginalize the experiences of those who deviate from these identitarian positions, and (3) limit the possibilities for transformation towards inclusive kinesiology in Canada. Recommendations are suggested for how curricula might engage with social justice objectives and challenge oppressive systems.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1434776
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0178943447;0uv01jul.24;2024Aug13.05:08;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0178943447-1">Are kinesiology programs oppressive? a content analysis of Canadian university kinesiology curricula and websites </title> <p>Institutionalized oppression experienced by marginalized groups is central to post-secondary education and, if left unchallenged, will remain pervasive within academia (Lincoln, Y. S., & Stanley, C. A. (2021). The faces of institutionalized discrimination and systemic oppression in higher education: Uncovering the lived experience of bias and procedural inequity. Qualitative Inquiry, 10778004211026892). Emerging literature that examines discrimination and oppression in kinesiology has focused on the consequences of privileging Western, Eurocentric knowledge and scholarship. (Andrews, D. L., Silk, M., Francombe, J., & Bush, A. (2013). McKinesiology. Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies, 35(<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref1">5</reflink>), 335–356; Culp, B. (2016). Social justice and the future of higher education kinesiology. Quest (grand Rapids, Mich), 68(<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref2">3</reflink>), 271–283; Douglas, D. D., & Halas, J. M. (2013). The wages of whiteness: Confronting the nature of ivory tower racism and the implications for physical education. Sport, Education and Society, 18(<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref3">4</reflink>), 453–474; Joseph, J., & Kriger, D. (2021). Towards a decolonizing kinesiology ethics model. Quest (grand Rapids, Mich), 73(<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref4">2</reflink>), 192–208; Nachman, J., Joseph, J., & Fusco, C. (2021). 'What if what the professor knows is not diverse enough for US?': whiteness in Canadian kinesiology programs. Sport, Education and Society, 1-14). There is, however, limited research that examines how kinesiology curriculum might enable the reproduction of these processes. Thus, this study explores how knowledge is distributed within Canadian university kinesiology curriculum, and how disciplines, faculty members, and students are represented on program websites. We analyzed eight Canadian university kinesiology websites using summative qualitative content analysis (SQCA) and the Five Faces of Oppression (Young, I. M. (1990). "Five Faces of Oppression," justice and the politics of difference. Princeton University Press) framework. Overall, programs reproduce Western, scientific, and positivist approaches as the dominant knowledge, maintain racially homogenous faculty demographics, make rhetorical commitments to EDI, and communicate neoliberalism in mission statements. In doing so, these programs (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref5">1</reflink>) privilege white, heteronormative, lean, and able bodies(<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref6">2</reflink>) marginalize the experiences of those who deviate from these identitarian positions, and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref7">3</reflink>) limit the possibilities for transformation towards inclusive kinesiology in Canada. Recommendations are suggested for how curricula might engage with social justice objectives and challenge oppressive systems.</p> <p>Keywords: Kinesiology; fives faces of oppression; curriculum; content analysis; knowledge distribution</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-2">Introduction</hd> <p>In recent years, there has been increasing attention to equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) work in higher education. Canadian research studies in the university context reveal several issues that stem from problematic curricula, including discrimination, harassment, and institutional oppression (Brady, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref8">5</reflink>]; Schaefli et al., [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref9">43</reflink>]). Others have argued that oppression experienced by marginalized groups is a significant consequence of post-secondary education and, if left unchallenged, could become a permanent part of academia (Lincoln & Stanley, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref10">30</reflink>]). Emerging literature that examines discrimination and oppression in kinesiology has focused on the consequences of privileging Western, Eurocentric knowledge and scholarship for its discipline, faculty, and students (Andrews et al., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref11">2</reflink>]; Culp, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref12">11</reflink>]; Douglas & Halas, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref13">12</reflink>]; Joseph & Kriger, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref14">26</reflink>]; Nachman et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref15">35</reflink>]). There is, however, limited research that examines how the kinesiology curricula might contribute to the reproduction of these processes. Thus, the following two research questions guided our study: How are different types of knowledge and disciplinary approaches distributed within Canadian university kinesiology departments curricula and websites? How are disciplines, faculty members, and students represented on kinesiology program websites?</p> <p>To address these questions, eight Canadian university kinesiology websites were analyzed using summative qualitative content analysis (SQCA) and the Five Faces of Oppression (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref16">57</reflink>]) framework⁣⁣. Within these websites, the curricula, degree requirements, course offerings, mission and value statements, images, EDI statements, and faculty complement from the 2021–2022 academic year were identified and examined. Overall, our main contention is that Canadian university kinesiology curricula and websites reproduce Western, scientific, and positivist approaches as the dominant regime of knowledge within kinesiology programs, while sociocultural and critical approaches are positioned on the peripheries of these programs. This unequal distribution of knowledge, when combined with racially homogenous faculty demographics, the programs' mostly rhetorical commitments to EDI, and neoliberal ideals communicated through their mission statements, situate the kinesiology field as a site of oppression. In doing so, these programs (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref17">1</reflink>) privilege the experiences of white, heteronormative, able-bodied, and lean students and faculty, (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref18">2</reflink>) marginalize the perspectives, backgrounds, and knowledges of those who deviate from these identarian positions, and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref19">3</reflink>) limit the possibilities for structural transformation towards a more inclusive kinesiology landscape within Canada.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-3">Literature review</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0178943447-4">Competing agendas and cultures within an 'Interdisciplinary' kinesiology field</hd> <p>Modern kinesiology as an academic discipline was founded on principles of physical education and human movement (see Elliott, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref20">15</reflink>]; Sage, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref21">40</reflink>]; Twietmeyer, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref22">54</reflink>]). In Canada, kinesiology programs are situated differently under foundations of applied health sciences, exercise sciences, and, on occasion, physical education, and health studies (Douglas & Halas, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref23">12</reflink>]). The Canadian Council of University Physical Education and Kinesiology Administrators (CCUPEKA), for example, defines kinesiology as an evolving term that describes a multi-disciplinary academic field based on biophysics, sociology, psychology, and neuromotor control (CCUPEKA, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref24">8</reflink>]). CCUPEKA identifies core courses for Canadian kinesiology programs as anatomy, physiology, biomechanics, motor learning, psychology of physical activity, and at least two courses in social science subdisciplines (Elliott, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref25">15</reflink>]; Gill, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref26">18</reflink>]). The literature on core components of kinesiology curricula suggests that academic practitioners establish a foundation to make principles, values, and research consistent across the field (see Chodzko-Zajko, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref27">10</reflink>]; Elliott, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref28">15</reflink>]; Twietmeyer, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref29">54</reflink>]).</p> <p>A defining feature of kinesiology is its proposed interdisciplinary research and teaching, which includes biophysical, behavioral, and sociocultural studies (Chodzko-Zajko, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref30">10</reflink>]). To achieve the intended learning outcomes outlined by the CCUPEKA, scholars have suggested an integrated and interdisciplinary learning approach, which allows students to study two or more distinct academic disciplines (Schary & Cardinal, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref31">45</reflink>]). Gill ([<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref32">18</reflink>]) argues that without a unified focus and integrated learning approach to connect subdisciplines, kinesiology is without an academic core. At the same time, however, these subdisciplines are often considered to have discrete and competing agendas, which result in a lack of cohesion across kinesiology programs (Newell, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref33">36</reflink>]; Schary, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref34">44</reflink>]). Thus, despite intentions for an interdisciplinary approach in the kinesiology curriculum, there has been an emergence of 'two cultures'' that has led to an epistemological hierarchy, which privileges scientific, positivist, and quantitative knowledge over sociological, critical, and interpretive inquiry (Andrews, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref35">1</reflink>], p. 45; McCullagh & Wilson, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref36">31</reflink>]; Twietmeyer, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref37">54</reflink>]).</p> <p>The resulting sub disciplinary specialization and fragmentation of knowledge within the kinesiology curricula have promoted a dominant focus on biophysical advancement and neglect of sociocultural education, which many have argued further weakens the field's interdisciplinary mission (Andrews et al., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref38">2</reflink>]; McCullagh & Wilson, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref39">31</reflink>]; Twietmeyer, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref40">54</reflink>]). This hierarchical structuring of kinesiology disciplines is bolstered by neoliberal forces acting upon both the academy (Brackmann, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref41">4</reflink>]) and public health broadly (Harrison et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref42">21</reflink>]), which position health as an individual pursuit, rather than an outcome of social inequalities. Absent within this literature, however, is an examination of how the 'interdisciplinarity' of kinesiology is applied and realized within Canadian programs' curricular content and objectives. Therefore, this paper adds to the previous literature by interrogating how knowledge production is distributed within Canadian kinesiology programs, and whether a similar prioritization of biophysical sciences occurs within these programs' curricula.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-5">Discriminatory and oppressive practices in kinesiology</hd> <p>This analysis is also influenced by literature demonstrating the ways in which westernized and neoliberal epistemologies are centered within kinesiology courses. Past scholars argue that the privileging of these epistemologies may implicitly reinforce colonial structures that subject students and faculty to forms of discrimination and oppression sustained by intersectional structures of oppression (Andrews et al., [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref43">2</reflink>]; Azzarito, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref44">3</reflink>]; Culp, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref45">11</reflink>]; Douglas & Halas, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref46">12</reflink>]; Joseph & Kriger, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref47">26</reflink>], p. 192; Nachman et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref48">35</reflink>]). Within these structures, sport and physical activity can be seen as interventions used to assimilate bodies to ideals of healthism and whiteness (Azzarito, as cited in Joseph & Kriger, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref49">26</reflink>]). As a result, those who do not fall within these ideals are Othered within kinesiology spaces, which excludes students who are not able-bodied, thin or lean, white, and heteronormative from kinesiology cultural practices (Culp, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref50">11</reflink>]; Gauthier et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref51">17</reflink>]). Moreover, classifying marginalized groups in kinesiology as 'underachievers' or 'in deficit' based on ideals of healthism that re-affirms whiteness as the standard toward which these students should aspire (Harrison et al., [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref52">21</reflink>]).</p> <p>Previous work has also shown that while the consequences of racial discrimination in kinesiology are prevalent, they are made invisible through Eurocentric ideologies of meritocracy, individualism, and scientific objectivity that maintain the domination of whiteness within kinesiology departments (Nachman et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref53">35</reflink>]). Additionally, the under-representation of female professors and administrators in health and sport-focused disciplines, like kinesiology, has left women having to negotiate, resist, and challenge stereotypes around gender and sexual orientation (see Chen et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref54">9</reflink>]; Hancock & Greenwell, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref55">19</reflink>]; Harris et al., [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref56">20</reflink>]; Moore & Huberty, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref57">32</reflink>] as cited in Morris et al., [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref58">34</reflink>]). Despite recent efforts to make kinesiology and physical education curricula more inclusive (Fletcher, Lorusso, & Halas, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref59">16</reflink>]), hegemonic constructions of the 'ideal' kinesiology student as lean, athletic, and able-bodied continue to shape and regulate the culture of kinesiology. These critiques of the dominant kinesiology culture help inform our analysis of Canadian kinesiology websites and curricula, where we interrogate whether similar ideals are realized within representations of kinesiology subdisciplines, faculty demographics, and promotional content. In doing so, we also analyze whether outward messaging about interdisciplinarity and EDI objectives align with the curriculum and demographics of the kinesiology community.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-6">Theoretical framework: young's five faces of oppression</hd> <p>This study employs Young's ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref60">57</reflink>]) Five Faces of Oppression framework to guide its analysis of Canadian kinesiology websites. This framework centers oppression as a central category of political discourse to analyze and evaluate social structures and practices (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref61">57</reflink>], p. 174). Young's ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref62">57</reflink>]) framework describes these faces as cultural imperialism, exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness, and violence. First, cultural imperialism is described as the universalization of a dominant group's values and beliefs as representative of all groups' experiences. This process, in turn, renders values and beliefs of marginalized groups as either invisible or in stereotypical representations that emphasize difference and otherness (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref63">57</reflink>], p. 59). Second, exploitation is appropriating one's labor to legitimize a group's inferiority and lower-class distinction and is achieved through a capitalist system that embraces the commercialization of knowledge, innovation, and profit maximization (O'Hagan et al., [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref64">37</reflink>]). The relations formed through such a system perpetuate and expand the dominance, status, and wealth of those given power (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref65">57</reflink>], p. 50). Third, marginalization is marked as the most dangerous form of oppression as it expels an entire grouping of people or resources from society, pending their material deprivation or extermination (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref66">57</reflink>]). Although education systems are often depicted to benefit all, they facilitate the marginalization of students and faculty by dominant groups (Brady, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref67">5</reflink>]). Fourth, powerlessness includes three main characteristics: a lack of authority or power over one's capacities, a lack of control to give orders or challenge systemic relations of power, and a lack of opportunities provided to an individual. Finally,Young ([<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref68">57</reflink>]) states that oppression through violence occurs through direct victimization through physical violence and social practices of xenophobia, homophobia, sexism, and racism that threaten the freedom and dignity of oppressed groups. The oppression of violence goes beyond direct victimization to include the daily knowledge shared by all oppressed or marginalized groups that they may be subject to violation based solely on how they identify.</p> <p>While the five faces of oppression framework has been previously utilized in studies on nursing (Dubrosky, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref69">14</reflink>]), climate justice (Hernández González, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref70">22</reflink>]), and interspecies oppression (Dubeau, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref71">13</reflink>]), our analysis is informed by the application of Young's framework within education (Butler et al., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref72">7</reflink>]; Irving, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref73">24</reflink>]; Shlasko, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref74">48</reflink>]; Sverrisdóttir & Van Hove, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref75">52</reflink>]; Vincent & Thomson, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref76">56</reflink>]). Shlasko ([<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref77">48</reflink>]) established educational activities that could aid social justice practitioners in teaching students about interlocking systems of oppression through the reconfiguration of outdated and harmful pedagogies. Vincent and Thomson ([<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref78">56</reflink>]) 'read' the stories of pregnant schoolgirls through Young's framework and illuminate how the failure of schools to serve these girls in a meaningful way both reproduces and is shaped by historical injustices and inequalities. Sverrisdóttir and Van Hove ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref79">52</reflink>]) used Young's framework to illuminate the ways in which Icelandic students with intellectual disabilities are marginalized within secondary school application processes. Butler et al. ([<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref80">7</reflink>]) concluded that dodgeball is a maladaptive activity that reinforces the marginalization and powerlessness of 'weak' students, while representing those who exercise violence as strong and powerful within physical education classes. And Barrie A. Irving ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref81">24</reflink>]) suggested that career education may be a 'site of oppression and domination' (p. 29) after conducting qualitative interviews with career staff in New Zealand secondary schools.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-7">Methods</hd> <p>Eight highly ranked undergraduate kinesiology programs in Canada were selected through official university ranking systems, which were chosen based on review's quality, rankings' reliability, and widespread use among university ranking literature (see QS Rankings, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref82">39</reflink>]; Shanghai Ranking, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref83">47</reflink>]; Student Matrix, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref84">38</reflink>]). The Shanghai Ranking uses indicators measuring quality of education, quality of faculty, research output, and per capita performance when considering university programs, while the Student Matrix accounts for students' perspectives and opinions. Finally, QS Rankings evaluates university programs according to the following six metrics: academic reputation, employer reputation, faculty/student ratio, citations per faculty, international faculty ratio, and international student ratio (QS Rankings, [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref85">39</reflink>]). The public websites of each kinesiology program were analyzed to identify and evaluate the following: curriculum, degree requirements, course offerings, mission statements, staged and candid images, and equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) statements from the 2021–2022 academic year. University websites were chosen for analysis because they act as an important recruitment site for prospective students, and because they emphasize and symbolize each educational institution's mission, purposes, and goals (Saichaie & Morphew, [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref86">41</reflink>]).</p> <p>Data collection occurred over a two-month period (February–March 2022), which we began by reviewing all eight kinesiology programs' course offerings and degree requirements made available on program websites. To understand what is being taught, how the university distributes knowledge, and which forms of knowledge each program deems important, course offerings and degree requirements were categorized into subdisciplines. One university categorized its courses by discipline on their website, while all others were categorized based on keywords created by the principal investigator into the biophysical (keywords: biology, physiology, biomechanics, and exercise), behavioral (keywords: psychology, mental health, and behavioral development), sociocultural (keywords: sociology, culture, equity, and diversity), interdisciplinary, and 'other' disciplines.</p> <p>To understand the perceived faculty demographics and examine who is responsible for establishing and teaching kinesiology curriculum, faculty photos, names, and biographies were collected. If the faculty member did not provide a description of their identity in their professional biography provided on their program's website, the principal investigator analyzed faculty images and categorized faculty members as appearing to be white or racialized, and as man, woman, or gender non-conforming. If images of faculty were not available on program websites, alternate websites that included a professional profile of the faculty member were used. When faculty members appeared to be racially ambiguous, the principal investigator followed methodologies of Nachman et al. ([<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref87">35</reflink>]) and Douglas & Halas, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref88">12</reflink>] and categorized them as racialized. While we distinguish faculty members as white or racialized, we recognize that white faculty are also raced in ways that have afforded them cultural benefits, social capital, and which have privileged their experiences as the norm. Indeed, and as we will show, a disproportionately low number of non-white faculty members must navigate a racially homogenous field.</p> <p>Faculty members were categorized as 'man', 'woman', or 'gender non-conforming' based on the use of pronouns included in biographies. If uncertain of gender identity, the principal investigator relied on physical gender norms, like clothing, hairstyle, and makeup, to determine perceived gender. Each faculty member was then categorized by their research interests, including biophysical, behavioral, and sociocultural. Faculty were also organized by their ranking in seniority, ranging from sessional lecturers to deans. Categories were then cross-referenced to examine whether specific identities were more likely to teach a certain sub discipline or hold a certain title. In addition, messaging presented on websites in the form of mission statements, promotional and candid images, and equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) statements were collected and categorized.</p> <p>After data collection was completed, the website content was imported to NVivo and separated into files related to categories of interest (e.g. values and messaging, faculty demographics, and knowledge distribution). The summative content analysis process began by identifying and quantifying key words to then interpret and understand their contextual meaning in the text (Hsieh & Shannon, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref89">23</reflink>]). Summary pages were constructed for each program, consisting of an overview of quantified faculty demographics, courses offerings, and occurrence of keywords. Open coding was done by highlighting recurring words and phrases, then patterns were connected, refined, and put into more significant categories and themes. Patterns and themes were then reviewed to develop interpretations of underlying meaning within the context of university websites.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-8">Summative qualitative content analysis (SQCA)</hd> <p>This research project employed SQCA (Kapustka et al., [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref90">27</reflink>]; Kortegast et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref91">28</reflink>]) to examine curriculum, faculty demographics, and media images within the eight selected Canadian university kinesiology websites. Research using SQCA has gained popularity in health and sociology literature as it allows researchers to analyze data in a systematic and flexible fashion (Kortegast et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref92">28</reflink>]; Santiago et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref93">42</reflink>]; Selvi, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref94">46</reflink>], p. 440; Sortwell et al., [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref95">50</reflink>]). There are numerous forms of content analyses, but all examine characteristics of language and communication with a specific focus on finding contextual meanings of words, phrases, and text (Hsieh & Shannon, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref96">23</reflink>]; Kortegast et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref97">28</reflink>]). In SQCA, interpretation of content discovers the underlying meaning of words and can allow one to draw on social and cultural trends that reveal larger systems of discourse and their meaning (Hsieh & Shannon, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref98">23</reflink>], p. 1284; Kortegast et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref99">28</reflink>]; Krippendorff, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref100">29</reflink>]).</p> <p>For example, Santiago et al. ([<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref101">42</reflink>]) used qualitative content analysis to examine kinesiology students' experiences in a service-learning project for children with disabilities. Content analysis examines patterns in texts, like websites, to recognize how types of information are produced and reproduced in a reliable manner (Kortegast et al., [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref102">28</reflink>]; Stemler, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref103">51</reflink>]). In SQCA, data analysis goes beyond explicit representations of curricula to focus on the underlying meanings and embedded structural values to examine how language is used and reproduced through classification processes and establishing themes and patterns (Hsieh & Shannon, [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref104">23</reflink>], pp. 1283–1284; Morphew & Hartley, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref105">33</reflink>]). We utilized SQCA to analyze how Canadian kinesiology curricula may be influenced by hegemonic understandings of the field, and dominant representations of who 'fits' within it.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-9">Results and discussion</hd> <p>The findings of this study demonstrate that Canadian university kinesiology programs privilege Western forms of knowledge distribution, are composed of racially homogenous faculty demographics, and make rhetorical commitments to EDI through their public-facing websites, which marginalize sociocultural approaches to kinesiology and limit the possibilities for structural transformation towards a more inclusive kinesiology landscape within Canada. We demonstrate this by organizing the results into three themes stemming from the SQCA: (a) unequal knowledge distribution within curricula that prioritizes biophysical disciplines over sociocultural and behavioral disciplines, (b) rhetorical commitments to social responsibility and EDI through program messaging, and (c) a lack of racial diversity in faculty member complement, which further decreases amongst senior faculty and administrators. We put these themes into conversation with Young's five faces of oppression framework as well as the relevant literature.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-10">From the 'cell to society'? the prioritization of biophysical knowledge</hd> <p>Each institution made clear that their programs were either multidisciplinary or interdisciplinary, and that their curricula incorporated a range of topics related to the kinesiology field. A common phrase used to describe the focus of these programs was from the 'cell to society,' suggesting students will receive in-depth knowledge on all biophysical, behavioral, and sociocultural topics. Institution 5, for example, cited students having the opportunity to engage with a 'multidisciplinary approach to the study of human movement that includes both the art (e.g. psychology, sociology, history) and science (e.g. physiology, motor learning, and control, biomechanics) of human movement as it relates to exercise science, athletic performance, and promotion of long-term health outcomes.' Institution 8 suggests that by 'understanding the cellular to societal implications of physical activity, nutrition and lifestyle, our research, academic programs, and services aim to optimize health, prevent injury and illness, and extend the years of high-quality life.' This analysis suggests, however, that the stated importance of an interdisciplinary education in kinesiology remains mostly rhetorical, and that in reality the curricula within the program are fragmented and favor biophysical knowledge.</p> <p>The biophysical discipline comprised most degree requirements and course offerings. Across the reviewed kinesiology programs, 55% of all course offerings incorporate biological, physical, or exercise-based learning objectives, while 50% of degree-required courses incorporate biophysical knowledge. Furthermore, 20% of all degree requirements were offered outside the program, and most often included elective courses in chemistry, biology, statistics, and physics. There was also an overrepresentation of biophysical and science-based knowledge in promotional and communications material about each university program. Each program website focused users' attention on text and images of students using high-technology machines and equipment in a biophysical lab, emphasizing the significance of biophysical knowledge to each kinesiology program and the extensive biophysical resources available to students. This was especially apparent within kinesiology programs that offered a 'Bachelor of Science' with a kinesiology or human kinetics focus. These programs had a greater emphasis on biophysical and science-based knowledge in their curriculum, imaging, and information provided on websites.</p> <p>In contrast, sociocultural courses are often not required and instead situated as elective courses or nonessential according to the values set by each institution. Degree-required courses in the behavioral and sociocultural disciplines account for only 6% of all classes. Behavioral courses made up 13% of all courses offered across the eight institutions, whose learning objectives largely focused on psychology, mental health, and behavior development throughout life stages. Sociocultural courses were the least represented in all eight university degree requirements, as four of the eight kinesiology programs did not require any courses in this discipline. As a result, sociocultural studies comprised 9% of courses, with primary learning objectives centered around social issues, diverse needs, and barriers to physical activity. Degree-required courses (10%) were classified as 'other' because they did not fit within the distinct categories of disciplines, or the learning objective depended on the student's interests and career goals. These courses include research-based courses, in-field learning placements, and courses intended for personal skill development. And although each program claimed to value teaching interdisciplinarity, only 7% of all required courses were identified as being courses taught through a combination of biophysical, behavioral, and sociocultural perspectives Figure 1.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 1. Disciplinary Breakdowns of Course Offerings by University.</p> <p>The overrepresentation and prioritization of biophysical knowledge in course offerings and degree requirements demonstrates the ways in which the kinesiology programs analyzed enact a form of epistemological marginalization (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref106">57</reflink>]) by positioning other disciplines, and specifically sociocultural studies, on the margins of kinesiology curricula. Moreover, the greater focus on biophysical knowledge, which defines health through biomedical measurement, dose–response intervention, and individual exercise prescription, aligns with neoliberal logics that connect curricular outcomes to corporatized fitness industries, and rigid, standardized representations of the 'healthy' body (Azzarito, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref107">3</reflink>]). Course content that contextualizes these understandings of health within cultural, social, and historical axes of power remain, conversely, peripheral at best within the programs' curricula. Additionally, while past literature recommends interdisciplinary approaches as an ideal solution to the perceived fragmentation within the field (see Chodzko-Zajko, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref108">10</reflink>]; Newell, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref109">36</reflink>]; Schary, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref110">44</reflink>]; Twietmeyer, [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref111">54</reflink>]), this approach was not realized in the analysis of these programs. The limited, and at times complete absence of diverse epistemological approaches in these programs' curricula, thus, calls into question the assumed interdisciplinary nature of a Canadian kinesiology education.</p> <p>The consequences of this disproportionate focus of the curricula on biophysical sciences are three-fold. First, students from privileged social groups are not exposed to diverse knowledge and are thus unprepared to reflexively come to understand how they have benefitted from dominant social structures in ways that their classmates have not. Second, those classmates from underprivileged groups are charged with learning course material that upholds oppressive regimes of knowledge that disproportionately harm them and their communities. Finally, students are not given an opportunity to learn different ways of knowing, nor are they exposed to important perspectives that have been historically subjugated or masked by those in power, including Indigenous, Black, and decolonial forms of knowledge. Ultimately, by not requiring students to learn substantive behavioral or sociocultural content to complete their degree, these programs reinforce the idea that humanities-based classes are complementary, rather than necessary, to the proper training of a kinesiology graduate.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-11">EDI commitments? diversity discrepancies in faculty complement and website images</hd> <p>Our analysis demonstrated that institutional commitments to social justice and EDI were often rhetorical, and there was minimal evidence that these commitments were translated into actionable practice. Of the programs analyzed, only Institution 3 published an equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) statement. This institution has also implemented initiatives that spotlight race and Indigeneity, which include adding optional courses on these topics to the curricula; highlighting racialized faculty and students' work; offering educational seminars; and hanging Indigenous Nations' and LGBS + flags in their campus lobby. Institution 3 also provided the most thorough and detailed messaging relating to equity, diversity, and inclusion, established equity-based guidelines that were informed by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action, and instituted a policy of sexual violence. This depth of work was not observed in the other seven institutions. Moreover, our analysis of these programs' faculty demographics and website images of 'ideal' kinesiology students call into question the rhetorical commitments outlined above.</p> <p>A total of 272 faculty members were observed, including lecturers, assistant professors, associate professors, professors, professor emeriti, and the dean or director of each kinesiology program. Of the 272 faculty members observed, 100 appeared to be women, 171 appeared to be men, and one faculty member self-identified as non-binary. The majority of kinesiology faculty members are white men and racial diversity decreases level of seniority rises in the programs. The highest-ranking person for all eight programs, identified as dean, director, or provost, appeared to be white; of that group, three appeared to be women, and five appeared to be men. Most professors who appeared to be white men specialized in biophysical disciplines, while professors who appeared as white women were the most represented group in behavioral fields.</p> <p>At least 20 members appeared to be racialized, though this number may vary due to a lack of images and racial ambiguity. Figure 2 illustrates a more race and gender diverse faculty complement in lower ranking professor status, as 59% of assistant professors appear to be women 21% of whom appear to be racialized. In contrast, 78% of professor emeriti appeared to be men, and 93% were white. Non-binary (0.4%) and racialized men (4.4%) were the lowest-represented demographic groups, though these results do not suggest that there are not more professors who personally or privately identify as non-binary, and thus should not be read as conclusive. Racialized men and racialized women professors tended to specialize in sociocultural disciplines. As observed in Figure 2, the racial and gender identity of faculty categorized by discipline in kinesiology varied significantly by the university.</p> <p>Graph: Figure 2. Percentages Based on Professor Ranking.</p> <p>The data also illustrated how the 'kinesiology student experience' was represented through promotional images that include racially diverse students, such as those of students interacting in small groups within the classroom. More candid photos that appear on websites, however, illustrate a noticeable lack of diversity among faculty and students. Promotional images were identified as professional photos and included headshots and posed photoshoots in classrooms, outdoor environments, and research labs. Candid images include images uploaded to websites or social media accounts that were often taken at student-run events or research conferences. Of the seventeen candid images identified, most portray predominately white individuals at student-run events, research conferences and around campus. For example, Institution 6 provided promotional images that depicted racially and gender diverse students working together in a biophysical lab. However, in the candid images uploaded to the same website, the students shown were white, heteronormative, lean, and able-bodied. Moreover, there is also a noteworthy lack of representation amongst students and faculty members with visible physical disabilities on each program's website.</p> <p>The link between exploitation and the reproduction of oppression (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref112">57</reflink>]) is illustrated through <bold>t</bold>he marginalization of those within the kinesiology community who do not fit within hegemonic representations of its 'ideal' members (white, able-bodied, cis-heteronormative, lean), and occurs in two ways. First, through the actual lack of representation of professors from equity-deserving groups that fall outside this ideal, including racialized men, racialized women, and non-binary people who are the least represented among kinesiology faculty. Moreover, the white racial homogeneity amongst program faculty administrators means those 'on the margins' do not have a voice at the highest level of kinesiology leadership. This is a key characteristic of powerlessness (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref113">57</reflink>]) in that faculty members from underrepresented groups have a considerable lack of opportunity to challenge and reshape kinesiology curricula, programs, and direction.</p> <p>At the same time, the reviewed programs made efforts to demonstrate diversity amongst the student body through staged promotional images on their websites, which might suggest to prospective students that their program is inclusive and welcoming. The discrepancy between these staged images and 'candid' pictures appearing on the website, however, does little to unsettle hegemonic constructions of kinesiology students as white, non-disabled, heteronormative, and thin. This discrepancy also implies EDI recruitment as a branding exercise where kinesiology programs perform a symbolic commitment of social responsibility, while the structural inequities preventing students from underserved communities from enrollment into post-secondary spaces remain unchanged. It also tokenizes the racialized students used in these images as 'symbols of diversity' within kinesiology who are mobilized to help position their programs as inclusive and necessarily committed to EDI outcomes. In doing so, such practices risk exploiting the labor of the few students from marginalized groups who are enrolled in their programs in ways that reproduce institutional structures of oppression that benefit the program, rather than underserved students (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref114">57</reflink>]).</p> <p>Similarly, and as observed in the results, racialized professors tend to mostly teach within the sociocultural discipline, which means they are often tasked with teaching content that is undervalued by the program. This requires racialized faculty members to not only teaching material that may be largely unfamiliar to students, but also to advocate for the importance of sociocultural issues and concepts that their own departments deem to be less valuable or complementary knowledge. Through these exploitative practices, unequal relationships of power within Canadian undergraduate university kinesiology programs are maintained through the appropriation of racialized labor performed by faculty and students.</p> <p>Similar gaps between rhetoric and action were observed in the programs' approach to broader calls to Indigenize and/or decolonize the academy. Six of the eight institutions include a territorial land acknowledgement on their websites; these are not, for the most part, coupled with substantive inclusion of Indigenous content within their program's curricula. This omission helps strengthen Eurocentric educational frameworks by excluding Indigenous epistemologies and settler-colonial histories from kinesiology coursework. Our results suggests that the omission of Indigenous epistemologies is not limited to specific courses but persists within the systemic construction of entire kinesiology curricula. This omission is compounded by a lack of Indigenous faculty members within these programs who have the lived experience and academic expertise to help students unlearn Westernized frameworks. This exclusion of Indigenous and alternative forms of knowledge production that might challenge hegemonic knowledge regimes in kinesiology remains a form of violence (Bunch, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref115">6</reflink>]) that leaves those on the margins vulnerable to prejudiced and stereotypical representations.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-12">Program mission statements and individual responsibility for a 'healthy self'</hd> <p>The messaging of kinesiology programs' mission statements centers on narratives of innovation and individual responsibility for forging a path towards a productive and healthy self and future. The language used in these statements focuses on health, productivity, and how physical activity is vital in making responsible, driven students and citizens. Every university lists individual and societal health and well-being achieved through sport and physical activity as a benefit of being enrolled in their program and part of the kinesiology discipline. Institution 1, for example, states that 'through excellence in research, teaching, and practice, we educate and graduate a diverse student body who become productive contributors and leaders in their fields.' The mission statement of Institution 8 highlights that acquiring kinesiology knowledge through their program can 'optimize health, prevent injury and illness, and extend the years of high-quality life.' Similarly, Institution 3's kinesiology program states, '[The program] has fostered a thriving scholarly environment and citizenship that is committed to improving the lives of Canadians.' Similarly, it is the mission of Institution 2's kinesiology program to 'encourage a diverse, holistic, and active lifestyle in support of developing healthy individuals, groups, and societies.' The way many kinesiology programs describe the impact of their program suggests to students that their involvement in the program will provide them with the knowledge that will aid in upholding their civic duty and benefit the whole of society.</p> <p>These findings demonstrate how the mission statements of these programs guide a form of cultural imperialism (Young, [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref116">57</reflink>]) by institutionalizing neoliberal ideas of health and physical activity that reproduce the white, lean, able-bodied, and heteronormative kinesiology experience as hegemonic. This aligns with previous literature that demonstrates how sport, physical activity, and ideas of health were derived from aspirations to achieve human perfection and physical, mental, and moral excellence through training and disciplining the body (Silva & Howe, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref117">49</reflink>]). The results of this study show how each kinesiology program has focused on neoliberal ideas of health, as kinesiology students should promote the idea that maximizing one's health is a personal responsibility when it comes to being a productive and 'good' citizen. Each university program, for example, emphasized the importance of being physically active at the individual level to promote community and societal excellence, which promotes health as a measure of individual worth and value. Building off of the findings of Joseph and Kriger ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref118">26</reflink>]), our study demonstrates how kinesiology programs mission statements position bodies to white, Eurocentric ideals of health and reproduce the structural relations of power that cause detrimental harm to the well-being of 'people who identify as Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC); Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Two-Spirit and other marginalized genders/sexualities (LGBS+), neurodivergent and disabled, and women' (p. 193).</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-13">Conclusion</hd> <p>The overall purpose of this study was to examine the public websites of eight of Canada's most highly ranked kinesiology programs to analyze curricula, degree requirements, course offerings, mission and value statements, EDI statements, and faculty complement. The study results suggest that there remains a significant gap between the stated commitment to interdisciplinarity and EDI objectives by Canadian university kinesiology programs and the evidence of those commitments, as analyzed through their websites and curriculum. Our analysis specifically demonstrated the privileging of scientific and positivist approaches, diversity discrepancies in website images, racial homogeneity in faculty demographics, and the neoliberal focus of program missions. As such, while the reviewed programs demonstrate both symbolic and some actionable efforts towards diversity and inclusion objectives, they also may be helping facilitate the exploitation of underserved groups, such as students and faculty who are racialized, members of the LGBS + community, and those who have different levels of ability, by masking their experiences and perspectives within their institutional practices. Based on the findings of this study, we provide three recommendations to resist and transcend the reproduction of oppression and discrimination in kinesiology.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-14">Recommendations</hd> <p>First, university kinesiology programs must implement anti-oppressive practices in curriculum and university operations to dismantle the education systems that emphasize and privilege 'Eurocentric knowledge, ideals, and scholarship' (Johnson & Ali, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref119">25</reflink>], p. 205). To challenge the impact of cultural imperialism in kinesiology programs, institutions must move beyond the metaphoric rhetoric of 'decolonization' (Tuck & Yang, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref120">53</reflink>]) towards actuality, by prioritizing the decision-making and authority of marginalized groups. Further, faculty members should be aware of the privileging of certain knowledges over others, and how their chosen research and pedagogies may contribute to disciplinary bias and the maintenance of Eurocentric dominance in the field. In addition, Canadian university kinesiology programs should focus on producing courses and research that considers how forms oppression and discrimination like racism, sexism and ableism have impacted 'health, bodies, and sport' (Nachman et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref121">35</reflink>]).</p> <p>Second, to disrupt the racial and gender hierarchies in faculty and administrative titles, Canadian university kinesiology programs should amend hiring practices to increase diversity in demographics, scholarship, values, and research agendas. Anti-oppressive hiring practices should consider who is represented on hiring committees and the demographic trends of who is applying for specific jobs. Hiring committees should also search for and choose candidates that hold the 'knowledge of critical, theoretical, and pedagogical strategies' needed to challenge structures that reproduce oppression and discrimination in kinesiology settings (Nachman et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref122">35</reflink>]). Once hired, universities should continue to disrupt hierarchies by creating a culture where marginalized faculty are given equitable access to resources, opportunities, and institutional space to be successful in university settings (Vadeboncoeur et al., [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref123">55</reflink>], p. 37).</p> <p>Third, to develop holistic and anti-oppressive erudition, kinesiology programs need to challenge their role in (re)producing oppression and discrimination. If curriculum and operating practices continue to privilege Western, Eurocentric, and neoliberal structures, they risk failing to provide more privileged students with diverse perspectives within the kinesiology field. As many kinesiology students aspire to careers in health, research, and education, anti-oppressive knowledge and training is integral to helping future graduates provide optimal care for folks from diverse communities and backgrounds (Nachman et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref124">35</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-15">Future directions</hd> <p>Future research should investigate the perspectives of students and faculty members involved in each Canadian undergraduate university kinesiology program. Insight from the members involved directly within the institution may bring about new or more in-depth understandings of how oppression and marginalization are reproduced. Further, by collecting participant perspectives, future research may work to understand how marginalized students and faculty are working on challenging the current systems and disrupting relations of power and structural dynamics. In addition, future research could focus on each kinesiology program's operations, including hiring practices, the tenure process, culture, and policy development. This research could provide a better understanding of how oppression and discrimination are reproduced on a meso and macrosystem level.</p> <hd id="AN0178943447-16">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0178943447-17"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref5" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Andrews, D. L. (2008). Kinesiology's inconvenient truth and the physical cultural studies imperative. 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  Data: Are Kinesiology Programs Oppressive? A Content Analysis of Canadian University Kinesiology Curricula and Websites
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Erin+K%2E+Sullivan%22">Erin K. Sullivan</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1649-4055">0000-0002-1649-4055</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Adam+E%2E+Ali%22">Adam E. Ali</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Sport%2C+Education+and+Society%22"><i>Sport, Education and Society</i></searchLink>. 2024 29(6):712-725.
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  Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
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  Data: 14
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Kinesiology%22">Kinesiology</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Program+Evaluation%22">Program Evaluation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Power+Structure%22">Power Structure</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnocentrism%22">Ethnocentrism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Western+Civilization%22">Western Civilization</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Curriculum+Design%22">Curriculum Design</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Faculty%22">College Faculty</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Web+Sites%22">Web Sites</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Diversity+%28Faculty%29%22">Diversity (Faculty)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Neoliberalism%22">Neoliberalism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Position+Papers%22">Position Papers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Institutional+Mission%22">Institutional Mission</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Diversity%22">Student Diversity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Disadvantaged%22">Disadvantaged</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Inclusion%22">Inclusion</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Equal+Education%22">Equal Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Justice%22">Social Justice</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Undergraduate+Students%22">Undergraduate Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Reputation%22">Reputation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Institutional+Characteristics%22">Institutional Characteristics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Interdisciplinary+Approach%22">Interdisciplinary Approach</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Canada%22">Canada</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/13573322.2023.2206826
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  Data: 1357-3322<br />1470-1243
– Name: Abstract
  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: Institutionalized oppression experienced by marginalized groups is central to post-secondary education and, if left unchallenged, will remain pervasive within academia (Lincoln, Y. S., & Stanley, C. A. (2021). The faces of institutionalized discrimination and systemic oppression in higher education: Uncovering the lived experience of bias and procedural inequity. "Qualitative Inquiry", 10778004211026892). Emerging literature that examines discrimination and oppression in kinesiology has focused on the consequences of privileging Western, Eurocentric knowledge and scholarship. (Andrews, D. L., Silk, M., Francombe, J., & Bush, A. (2013). McKinesiology. "Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies", 35(5), 335-356; Culp, B. (2016). Social justice and the future of higher education kinesiology. "Quest" ("grand Rapids, Mich"), 68(3), 271-283; Douglas, D. D., & Halas, J. M. (2013). The wages of whiteness: Confronting the nature of ivory tower racism and the implications for physical education. "Sport, Education and Society", 18(4), 453-474; Joseph, J., & Kriger, D. (2021). Towards a decolonizing kinesiology ethics model. Quest (grand Rapids, Mich), 73(2), 192-208; Nachman, J., Joseph, J., & Fusco, C. (2021). 'What if what the professor knows is not diverse enough for US?': whiteness in Canadian kinesiology programs. Sport, Education and Society, 1-14). There is, however, limited research that examines how kinesiology curriculum might enable the reproduction of these processes. Thus, this study explores how knowledge is distributed within Canadian university kinesiology curriculum, and how disciplines, faculty members, and students are represented on program websites. We analyzed eight Canadian university kinesiology websites using summative qualitative content analysis (SQCA) and the Five Faces of Oppression (Young, I. M. (1990). "Five Faces of Oppression," justice and the politics of difference. Princeton University Press) framework. Overall, programs reproduce Western, scientific, and positivist approaches as the dominant knowledge, maintain racially homogenous faculty demographics, make rhetorical commitments to EDI, and communicate neoliberalism in mission statements. In doing so, these programs (1) privilege white, heteronormative, lean, and able bodies(2) marginalize the experiences of those who deviate from these identitarian positions, and (3) limit the possibilities for transformation towards inclusive kinesiology in Canada. Recommendations are suggested for how curricula might engage with social justice objectives and challenge oppressive systems.
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  Data: 2024
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  Data: EJ1434776
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      – SubjectFull: Program Evaluation
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