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Contemporary Hazing Prevention Initiatives and Efforts

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Title: Contemporary Hazing Prevention Initiatives and Efforts
Language: English
Authors: Pietro A. Sasso, Susan Bruce, Lori Hart, Kayle J. Davis
Source: New Directions for Student Services. 2024 (187):71-83.
Availability: Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 13
Publication Date: 2024
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Descriptive
Education Level: Higher Education
Postsecondary Education
Descriptors: Prevention, Hazing, Student Behavior, Higher Education, Norms, Cultural Context, Educational Practices, Negative Reinforcement, Public Health, Change Strategies, Behavior Change
DOI: 10.1002/ss.20528
ISSN: 0164-7970
1536-0695
Abstract: Hazing prevention and education efforts continue to evolve in response to changing student behavior. The organic and anomic nature of hazing is deeply embedded in higher education, permeating across campus reinforced by cultural norms and institutional practices. While numerous approaches attempt to disrupt hazing, public health approaches, particularly those that involve and engage students, offer new promise in facilitating sustained culture change against hazing.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2024
Accession Number: EJ1448830
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0180926379;nds01sep.24;2024Nov19.04:35;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0180926379-1">Contemporary hazing prevention initiatives and efforts </title> <sbt id="AN0180926379-2">INTRODUCTION</sbt> <p>Hazing prevention and education efforts continue to evolve in response to changing student behavior. The organic and anomic nature of hazing is deeply embedded in higher education, permeating across campus reinforced by cultural norms and institutional practices. While numerous approaches attempt to disrupt hazing, public health approaches, particularly those that involve and engage students, offer new promise in facilitating sustained culture change against hazing.</p> <p>Hazing continues to proliferate across student spaces such as student organizations and collegiate athletics, causing both direct and indirect harm to students (Diamond et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref1">17</reflink>]). Approaches to prevent hazing are often stymied by a lack of resources, campus stakeholder support, or student participation (Swan & Allan, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref2">69</reflink>]). However, given the connection between hazing and other public health challenges affecting youth populations, such as alcohol (Marchell et al., [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref3">36</reflink>]; Perez, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref4">51</reflink>]), public health prevention, and response approaches provide promise.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-3">HAZING PREVENTION APPROACHES</hd> <p>Although there are few published studies on the effectiveness of hazing prevention, research in adjacent fields of college student health and well‐being suggests that public health frameworks can be valuable in influencing hazing prevention efforts. A public health approach prioritizes <emph>primary</emph> preventative actions, which aim to prevent the habit from occurring in the first place. Additional measures of prevention, such as intervention (<emph>secondary</emph> prevention) and reaction (<emph>tertiary</emph> prevention), were also crucial. Research conducted in the field of community health has confirmed that to achieve meaningful progress in altering behaviors and cultural norms, it is necessary to focus on primary prevention. However, this would require a shift as campus professionals reported dedicating a greater amount of effort to reacting to occurrences rather than strategizing and executing primary preventative measures (McGlone, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref5">38</reflink>]).</p> <p>Much of the evidence about what works in hazing prevention has been anecdotal or derived from participant perspectives and self‐reports from researchers. However, as the body of hazing prevention work grows, more researchers are employing strategies to measure motivations as well as effective interventions (e.g., Cimino & Thomas, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref6">13</reflink>]; Santacrose et al., [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref7">59</reflink>]). Hazing prevention efforts generally employ one of four lenses.</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> Compliance, which focuses on ensuring all policies and practices are followed and data is routinely collected to measure effectiveness;</item> <p></p> <item> Accountability, which emphasizes the consequences of hazing and the conduct‐related responses designed to address hazing behaviors;</item> <p></p> <item> Student development, with a focus on ethical decision‐making, leadership, and healthy gender performance; and</item> <p></p> <item> Prevention, which includes educational programming designed to create safer behaviors and, thus, safer environments (Veldkamp et al., [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref8">75</reflink>]).</item> </ulist> <p>What follows is a discussion of the prevention strategies that fall within each of these lenses.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-4">Compliance</hd> <p>Hazing is illegal in more than forty states (StopHazing, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref9">68</reflink>].). However, what constitutes hazing and the subsequent penalties vary widely. Colleges, universities, and state and local law enforcement typically only hold the organization responsible for hazing crimes in many instances of hazing which can protect individual students from consequences. Promisingly, legislation enacted in response to well‐known fatalities in states such as Ohio, South Carolina, Virginia, and Pennsylvania has resulted in heightened regulation, supervision, and more severe penalties for individuals found to be in breach of the law. An instance of this is Collin's Law, which was implemented in Ohio in 2021. This legislation broadened the scope of hazing, extended the range of individuals obligated to report hazing incidents, mandated training for personnel and volunteers at educational institutions, and heightened the legal accountability for individuals found guilty of causing severe harm (Wagner & Hendrix, [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref10">76</reflink>]).</p> <p>The empirical basis for whether raising punishments effectively deters hazing is lacking. However, in a related scenario, strict drunk driving regulations themselves do not appear to decrease the likelihood of impaired driving for those most likely to drink and drive, however, the <emph>perception</emph> of the chance of being arrested and facing other life‐altering repercussions does appear to have a deterring effect for the overall population (Bertelli & Richardson, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref11">4</reflink>]). Similarly, mandatory seat belt laws have been shown to reduce traffic fatalities and injuries (Cohen & Einav, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref12">14</reflink>]; Jones & Ziebarth, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref13">27</reflink>]). Consistent primary enforcement along with implementing fines or penalties are effective strategies to increase seat belt use and decrease fatalities and injuries (Nichols et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref14">46</reflink>]). It has been theorized that more stringent hazing laws with more severe consequences for both organizations and individuals may serve to reduce both hazing frequency and severity because of the perceived impacts (Esquenazi, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref15">18</reflink>]). However, research suggests that behavior changes only when coupled with strategies to increase <emph>perception</emph> of likelihood of receiving consequences (Owen et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref16">47</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-5">Accountability</hd> <p>Consistent with research on violence, studies have demonstrated that zero‐tolerance or "low tolerance" hazing policies have not successfully deterred hazing incidents (Borgwald & Theixos, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref17">5</reflink>]; Parks, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref18">48</reflink>]). In a related example within the K‐12 education system, administrators are reconsidering the concept of zero‐tolerance approaches in response to evidence suggesting these policies have adverse effects on graduation rates, contribute to more disruptive conduct, and decrease the safety of communities and schools (Smith et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref19">66</reflink>]; Teske, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref20">71</reflink>]; Wald & Losen, [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref21">77</reflink>]). Students have, instead, subverted these policies through tactics including cyberbullying, exclusion, shunning, and other forms of non‐physical bullying (Woods & Wolke, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref22">81</reflink>]).</p> <p>Moratoriums, or temporary suspensions of activity, have gained popularity as a preventive measure against hazing (Luczak, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref23">34</reflink>]; Satullo, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref24">63</reflink>]; Solomon, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref25">67</reflink>]). However, empirical evidence does not support their long‐term effectiveness (Topper, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref26">72</reflink>]). One exploratory study found that moratoriums on two campuses led to unintended, sustained disruption of organizational functions and reduced at‐risk behaviors such as alcohol use only during the duration of the moratorium (Esquenazi, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref27">18</reflink>]). These interim or "pause" approaches only address immediate change in organizational behavior, but do not appear to change individual student behavior (Esquenazi, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref28">18</reflink>]; Topper, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref29">72</reflink>]).</p> <p>The incidence of reported hazing frequency in research studies has remained relatively constant since the 1990s, despite attempts to eradicate it (Allan & Madden, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref30">2</reflink>]; Campo et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref31">6</reflink>]; Hoover, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref32">22</reflink>]; Perlow, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref33">52</reflink>]). Many schools prioritize enhancing students' awareness of reporting channels, with the assumption that reporting rates are low due to students' lack of understanding regarding how to report incidents of hazing. Nevertheless, the apprehension of being excluded by one's social circle or retribution from individuals external to the institution (Johnson, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref34">24</reflink>]) can diminish students' inclination to disclose, particularly when they perceive their personal well‐being and security are in jeopardy. This phenomenon has become increasingly prominent among a cohort of high school and college students who are actively searching for a sense of belonging, especially in the aftermath of the pandemic (Peterson, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref35">53</reflink>]). One of the factors that dissuades students from reporting hazing incidents is the concern of facing disciplinary consequences. In a study conducted by Allan and Madden ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref36">2</reflink>]), it was shown that 37% of participants choose not to disclose incidents of hazing. The main reason mentioned for this decision was the fear of causing issues for their organization or to protect organizational prestige.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-6">Student development</hd> <p>Researchers have proposed implementing a customized strategy when collaborating with student groups or teams to pinpoint and modify activities that contribute to hazing (Reese, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref37">56</reflink>]). Several researchers have suggested that engaging in outdoor adventure or other team‐building activities may help to replace hazing practices (Chin & Johnson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref38">10</reflink>]; MacIntosh, [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref39">35</reflink>]; Owen et al., [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref40">47</reflink>]), however, these activities are more effective when there is a supportive campus atmosphere (Rankin et al., [<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref41">55</reflink>]). Team‐building activities such as ropes courses, leadership programs, or other weekend trips that may involve hiking or canoeing (Chin & Johnson, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref42">10</reflink>]) can establish new customs that can be passed down without the adverse effects and physical injury mentioned by Kattner ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref43">28</reflink>]), while also achieving desired group unity among students (Parks & DeLorenzo, [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref44">49</reflink>]).</p> <p>It is essential for students to actively participate in designing these events, since they play a crucial role in shaping their culture and effectively preventing hazing. Hazing often occurs without the knowledge of administrators, coaches, and advisors, making peers crucial in educating, reducing risk, and substituting activities. To enhance the protection of members and the organization, it is important to educate students about the potential dangers of hazing, including activities that may seem harmless but are actually risky.</p> <p>Several hazing rituals can be categorized as acts of interpersonal violence (Holman, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref45">21</reflink>]; Jones, [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref46">25</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref47">26</reflink>]). The literature on violence prevention offers useful analogies, especially about masculinity. The Conformity to Male Norms Inventory (CMNI) establishes a correlation between attitudes that favor violence and other types of victimization. Individuals who engaged in alcohol misuse and held beliefs endorsing authority over women, promiscuity, homophobia, dominance, risk‐taking, and violence were shown to have a higher likelihood of accepting rape myths and engaging in aggressive behavior, according to studies conducted by Locke and Mahalik ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref48">32</reflink>]) and Jacques‐Tiura et al. ([<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref49">23</reflink>]). Research indicates a connection between males who subscribe to an atmosphere that supports violence (as judged by the CMNI) and their willingness to engage in hazing (McCready, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref50">37</reflink>]). When individuals believe that there is a greater adherence to male norms within a group, there seems to be a modest association with the incidence of hazing (Perlow, [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref51">52</reflink>]). Locke and Mahalik propose educational strategies that focus on redefining traditional male standards as a means of decreasing violence endorsement. These identical methods might be advantageous in minimizing hazing.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-7">Prevention</hd> <p>In the 1990s, education focused more on compliance education and fear‐based approaches with undertones of legal consequences (using keywords such as "jail" and "death") resulting from heavy episodic drinking issues (Sasso, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref52">60</reflink>]). Hazing programming in the 2000s and 2010s focused on educating students on the unintended harm associated with hazing. Relying on the public health literature, organizations committed to hazing prevention and education, such as HazingPrevention.Org, the Gordie Center, and Stop Hazing, created several campaigns associated with hidden harm. These approaches included educational campaigns which focused on awareness such as National Hazing Prevention Week. The week often included one‐time campus speakers or passive educational messaging such as signing a banner or wearing a band‐aid shaped sticker to represent hidden harms. Despite these efforts to reduce the harm associated with hazing, the frequency of reported hazing has remained largely the same since the 1990s.</p> <p>Other prevention efforts have developed individual models for campus prevention programming. Meriweather ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref53">40</reflink>]) proffered a comprehensive, educational strategy to eliminate hazing among fraternal organizations on college campuses that includes pre‐membership and post‐membership instructional measures. The strategies included: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref54">1</reflink>) coordinating orientation events for new students and their parents; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref55">2</reflink>) engaging organization officers at the local, regional, and national levels both before and after joining; (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref56">3</reflink>) scheduling training sessions to certify advisors; (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref57">4</reflink>) implementing advisor‐involved preventative education; (<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref58">5</reflink>) disseminating information about policies and state laws prior to and after the joining process; and (<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref59">6</reflink>) implementing a council and peer education model. Meriweather ([<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref60">40</reflink>]) stressed the concept of fidelity in ensuring trainers possessed a thorough comprehension of reporting procedures and institutional knowledge as well as an understanding of the cultural differences among student organizations, particularly for culturally based fraternities and sororities. To date, there has been no assessment of the model's effectiveness regarding these procedures.</p> <p>Encouraging bystander intervention behavior has been a more commonly evidenced approach toward disrupting hazing (Long, [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref61">33</reflink>]; Santacrose et al., [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref62">59</reflink>]). A preliminary intervention conducted at two high schools yielded first indications that hazing prevention training contributed to the enhancement of participants' capacity to identify hazing, acquire bystander intervention skills, and gain familiarity with school regulations and procedures (Hakkola et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref63">19</reflink>]). Furthermore, in the context of college‐level education, the utilization of video vignettes has demonstrated that participants exhibit a higher degree of agreement with existing hazing definitions (Allan et al., [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref64">1</reflink>]) and that it has a beneficial effect on the willingness of prospective bystanders to intervene (Santacrose et al., [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref65">59</reflink>]). Nevertheless, there is a need for compelling data indicating that increasing awareness about hazing actually leads to a decrease in the intention to engage in hazing activities (Capretto & Keeler, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref66">7</reflink>]). Additionally, where the intervention falls in both the lifecycle of the student and in proximity to an incident may result in differentiated outcomes for bystander intervention at the high school level and immediately following a campus hazing incident (Hakkola et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref67">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>The utilization of preventative training films has been recognized as a viable approach (Santacrose et al., [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref68">59</reflink>]). Research conducted on 395 students from three American universities revealed that students who viewed the movie <emph>We Don't Haze</emph> were more inclined than their counterparts to acquire knowledge about preventing hazing and contribute to the establishment of positive group dynamics (Allan et al., [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref69">1</reflink>]). According to Santacrose et al. ([<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref70">59</reflink>]), students who watched the film <emph>Intervene</emph> which showcased effective ways for student bystanders to intervene in various dangerous situations such as hazing, sexual assault, intimate partner violence, sexual harassment, emotional distress, alcohol emergencies, and bias, were more inclined to intervene in hazing bystander situations, compared to a control group who did not watch the video.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-8">RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PRACTICE</hd> <p>There is a limited range of verified methods in the present research for reducing hazing. Instead, much of the research is correlative or anecdotal. Nevertheless, the current research provides some understanding of the prevention components that may be successful, including learning from and adapting the public health literature to develop a comprehensive prevention and education program (Marchell et al., [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref71">36</reflink>]; Swan & Allan, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref72">69</reflink>]). Langford ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref73">31</reflink>]) proposed a set of comprehensive measures for preventing hazing on college campuses. These proposals encompass: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref74">1</reflink>) identifying and dealing with various factors that contribute to the issue at different levels of influence, such as individual, peer, and group levels; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref75">2</reflink>) conducting an analysis specific to the local context; (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref76">3</reflink>) involvement of prevention, early intervention, and response components; (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref77">4</reflink>) employing multiple, coordinated, and sustained strategies; (<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref78">5</reflink>) effectively coordinating programs, policies, and services; (<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref79">6</reflink>) ensuring each component of the initiative has well‐defined goals and objectives based on data and research; and (<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref80">7</reflink>) finally, forming collaborations or partnerships to support the initiative.</p> <p>DeJong et al. ([<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref81">16</reflink>]) found three components in an analysis of effective interventions: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref82">1</reflink>) changing attitudes and norms; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref83">2</reflink>) reducing short term risk; and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref84">3</reflink>) intervening to prevent long‐term impacts. Efforts towards addressing hazing across campus should include coordination of complementary efforts, rather than singular approaches which are isolated or compete for resources such as student attention. Moreover, any comprehensive hazing prevention effort should incorporate a campus‐wide orientation to avoid the mistake of situating hazing prevention solely in fraternity and sorority life (Allan et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref85">3</reflink>]). That compartmentalization ignores the holistic campus culture and the many ways in which hazing persists on campus, including high rates of student‐athlete hazing (Allan & Madden, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref86">2</reflink>]; Swan & Allan, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref87">69</reflink>]). Hazing prevention should also be grounded in a public health approach and ensure that there is a campus‐wide readiness for change (Marchell et al., [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref88">36</reflink>]; Swan & Allan, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref89">69</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-9">Recommendation one: Reshape group norms through social norming</hd> <p>The use of social norming shows potential as a preventive measure for hazing among athletes (Waldron, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref90">78</reflink>]). While the outcomes remain inconclusive in hazing work, there has been demonstrated efficacy to address other public health challenges such as sexual violence (Diamond et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref91">17</reflink>]; Mennicke et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref92">39</reflink>]) and drug and alcohol misuse (DeJong et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref93">16</reflink>]). Waldron's study employed an effective technique that examined the application of the social norms approach to hazing training. It was identified that pluralistic ignorance and false consensus contribute to the formation of inaccurate beliefs about social norms. Pluralistic ignorance arises when individuals mistakenly see their opinions as being in the minority, although really representing the majority perspective (Miller & McFarland, [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref94">42</reflink>]), and false consensus is a cognitive bias that causes individuals to overestimate the prevalence of shared beliefs and choices among their peers (Pollard et al., [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref95">54</reflink>]). These phenomena can result in group members engaging in an activity due to their mistaken belief that much of the group supports it and that their beliefs are widely held within the group. Although some studies (Marchell et al., [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref96">36</reflink>]; Schutts & Shelley, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref97">64</reflink>]) have produced conflicting results, it is still possible to impact behavior by utilizing positive social norms associated with group beliefs, expectations, and behaviors. This can be achieved by identifying the influences and biases specific within each group.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-10">Recommendation two: Involve campus leaders as influencers</hd> <p>Peers play a tremendous role in influencing decision‐making within organizations, influencing attitudes about and tolerance for hazing, and an organization's adoption and escalation of hazing (Sasso et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref98">61</reflink>]). Students report having broad knowledge of hazing occurring on their campuses (Allan & Madden, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref99">2</reflink>]). However, they seldom intervene or report the behavior to campus professionals. The current anti‐hazing messages delivered by high school or university administrators do not have a major influence on students, as shown by the fact that over 95% of students who were hazed did not report it, despite more than 50% of students receiving anti‐hazing messages (Allan & Madden, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref100">2</reflink>]). Effective communication is crucial in influencing students to make better decisions around hazing (Dalton & Crosby, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref101">15</reflink>]). An effective approach to accomplish this objective is to ensure that prominent peers deliver hazing education and messaging.</p> <p>Frequently, the peers who have the most influence are not the ones who hold positions of authority, such as student government officials, team captains, or fraternity/sorority council leaders (Rivera et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref102">57</reflink>]). Instead, they are typically students who possess significant and unofficial authority, enabling them to exert social influence over groups. These prominent peers are sometimes regarded as boundary spanners since their impact extends across various organizations. By identifying and collaborating with these individuals to convey messages, it is possible to hinder the dissemination of harmful or damaging practices (Zhang et al., [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref103">82</reflink>]) by altering the prevailing norms and attitudes that favor hazing.</p> <p>While student leaders may not often have a significant impact on bridging boundaries due to their affiliation with administrators (Rivera et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref104">57</reflink>]), they play a crucial role in fostering a thriving organizational and campus ecology. Student leaders can serve a crucial role in conveying clear and unwavering messages about the values and standards upheld by the organization or team. Research has demonstrated that exercising moral leadership can help prevent members from engaging in unethical behavior (Umphress & Bingham, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref105">73</reflink>]; Zhang & Xiao, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref106">83</reflink>]). In a business setting, effective communication that clearly defines acceptable and unacceptable behavior, such as through the example set by leaders, reward systems, and informal norms, is linked to a decrease in unethical decision‐making in the workplace (Kish‐Gephart et al., [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref107">29</reflink>]).</p> <p>To achieve successful hazing prevention initiatives, it is crucial to empower student leaders and influential peers to see the advantages of eliminating hazing. Each individual group may be reluctant to modify its hazing tactics until all groups make the adjustment to guarantee that no group is disadvantaged in terms of recruiting new members and maintaining their social standing. It is crucial to initially motivate change by delivering concise and impactful education to leaders, members, and advisors of organizations. This education should focus on recognizing distinct types of hazing and the risks they pose to individuals and organizations. Additionally, it should provide guidance and facilitate discussions on how to substitute hazing activities with equally fulfilling and demanding practices. When coaching students, the aim is to change or reframe activities to transform unpleasant tasks into safer, more appropriate ones (Whitehouse & Lanman, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref108">79</reflink>]; Whitehouse et al., [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref109">80</reflink>]). This will ultimately lead to the same desired results that students are pursuing.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-11">Recommendation three: Address interconnections with alcohol</hd> <p>Many hazing injuries involve alcohol misuse and abuse (Parks & Parisi, [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref110">50</reflink>]; Perez, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref111">51</reflink>]). Alcohol is also central to hazing as a rite of passage and to demonstrate membership fitness (Sasso, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref112">60</reflink>]; Sasso et al., [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref113">62</reflink>]). The intricate nature of the interpersonal and intercontextual linkages associated with alcohol misuse and abuse necessitates intervention across all campus levels. Hazing and alcohol have a commingled relationship especially among university athletic teams (Chin et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref114">9</reflink>]) and fraternities and sororities (Perez, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref115">51</reflink>]). Within university sports teams, it is common for experienced athletes to include alcohol in their rituals as a means of initiating and welcoming new team members (Chin et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref116">9</reflink>]). These interconnections are cultural and organizational across college campuses and have stymied prevention efforts.</p> <p>College administrators have historically remained frustrated by the interconnections between hazing and alcohol use (McGlone, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref117">38</reflink>]). In response, some higher education professionals have attempted to employ a public health or harm‐reduction model (Swan & Allan, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref118">69</reflink>]). The overall goal of such approaches is to reduce harm or tertiary effects of alcohol, but these approaches still do not address systemic issues related to hazing (Sasso et al., [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref119">62</reflink>]). Approaches include trainings that employ peer norming strategies, peer intervention and bystander education efforts, and policies and practices aimed at reducing access to alcohol, (NIAAA, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref120">45</reflink>]). These approaches are very applicable to hazing prevention work since they push practitioners to examine how the broader ecosystem impacts students' decision‐making process.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-12">Recommendation four: Differentiate gender performativity</hd> <p>College student definitions of hazing have often reflected common gender schemas around socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity. As a result, the subsequent social expectations of masculinity and femininity, particularly in single‐gender organizations, can impact decision‐making about participation in hazing behaviors (Véliz‐Calderon & Allan, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref121">74</reflink>]). Providing students with opportunities to explore gender norms while also discussing topics such as gender schemas in safe and open environments will allow students to make sense of assumptions around hazing that are informed by social expectations of masculinity and femininity. McCready ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref122">37</reflink>]) found that fraternity chapters promoting masculine norm climates that perpetuate misogyny, homophobia, or risk taking are also likely to endorse social dominance hazing rationales. By identifying the chapters that promote these masculine norm climates, practitioners can implement targeted interventions to disrupt attitudes that contribute to unhealthy environments.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-13">Recommendation five: Consider organization status</hd> <p>Cimino ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref123">11</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref124">12</reflink>]) posits that gatekeeping plays a significant role in motivating hazing. Organizational decision making, particularly regarding hazing, is frequently influenced by factors such as prestige, social prospects, and legitimacy, both inside the organization and externally as viewed by outside audiences. For instance, in the context of fraternities and sororities, male and female fraternal societies vie for social standing against other organizations of the same gender. On several college campuses, men's clubs attain prestige by providing a highly demanding initiation procedure, recruiting members who embody traditional masculinity, and associating with exceptionally attractive women. Hazing is employed as a means of controlling who may become a member and ensuring that those who do contribute to the group's status. This status is then used to restrict the capacity of stakeholders, including women's groups, to access their social resources. Women's organizations gain status by embodying extreme femininity, which is highly sought after by extremely masculine males (Sasso et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref125">61</reflink>]). This enables them to interact with the most prestigious men's groups, granting them access to social opportunities and prestige (Sasso, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref126">60</reflink>]; Sasso et al., [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref127">61</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref128">62</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-14">Recommendation six: Professional development</hd> <p>It is important to have unambiguous and uniform communication throughout the whole organizational ecosystem. The effectiveness of preventative measures is undermined when students get conflicting messages on the definition of hazing, the acceptability of hazing activities, and the benefit of hazing from coaches, parents, and administrators (Kowalski & Waldron, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref129">30</reflink>]). There must be clear and consistent messages from all stakeholders in a manner tailored to the individual objectives and interests of the audience (Meyer et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref130">41</reflink>]).</p> <p>Often, college administrators express a sense of discouragement and confusion due to deep‐rooted attitudes and beliefs that sustain the acceptance and tolerance of hazing as a normal aspect of college life (Allan et al., [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref131">3</reflink>]; McGlone, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref132">38</reflink>]). Kowalski and Waldron ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref133">30</reflink>]) examined the role of the coach in athletics hazing and the majority of student‐athletes in the study reported that coaches allowed and tolerated hazing, as long as the coach felt that it was under control. Many coaches reported being skeptical of the effectiveness of anti‐hazing policies and they often ignored the hazing on their teams (Kowalski & Waldron, [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref134">30</reflink>]). Research posits similar hazing cultures in collegiate marching bands (Silveira & Hudson, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref135">65</reflink>]). Coaches and advisors, like other higher education professionals, need to be educated on the harms of hazing and its negative impacts on team performance to be motivated to communicate anti‐hazing messages to student‐athletes, ensuring their silence is not misunderstood as being pro‐hazing. Coaches should actively encourage team bonding through productive and healthy ways to build tradition within the team (Swingle & Salinas, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref136">70</reflink>]).</p> <p>Securing the support and cooperation of these stakeholders in endorsing preventative activities is crucial for fostering healthy campus communities. In addition to the basic requirement of preventing support staff from deliberately undermining hazing prevention messaging, it is crucial to offer training and strategies that establish university personnel as reliable sources of assistance. It is developmentally expected for students to have a desire to challenge authority or engage in risky behavior that goes against established rules (Sasso, [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref137">60</reflink>]); however, in order to eliminate hazing practices, students should view coaches and administrators as knowledgeable and experienced individuals who can help them provide healthier alternatives, rather than as enforcers from whom they need to hide their activities.</p> <hd id="AN0180926379-15">FUTURE DIRECTIONS</hd> <p>The current research provides some understanding of which approaches may be successful in disrupting campus hazing. Langford ([<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref138">31</reflink>]) suggested that hazing prevention should be proactive, sustained, and collaborative. Additionally, effective hazing intervention requires a thorough and ongoing endeavor that targets behavior in community, group, and individual settings concurrently. In order to address the issue of hazing, it is necessary for coaches, advisers, organizational leaders, and influential peers to actively reconsider and replace hazing rituals with alternative traditions that can accomplish the desired results while minimizing harm.</p> <ref id="AN0180926379-16"> <title> REFERENCES </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref54" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Allan, E. J., Joyce, B., & Perlow, E. (2020). Fraternity & sorority hazing: A practitioner's guide to relevant research & recommendations for prevention. 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(2020). Review of the influencing factors of unethical pro‐organizational behavior. Journal of Human Resource and Sustainability Studies, 8 (1), 35 – 47. https://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jhrss.2020.81003</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Pietro A. Sasso; Susan Bruce; Lori Hart and Kayle J. Davis</p> <p>Reported by Author; Author; Author; Author</p> <p></p> <p>Pietro A. Sasso, PhD, is an associate professor of higher education at Delaware State University. He has written and co‐edited eleven books and authored numerous scholarly publications. His research amplifies student voices by interrogating themes within the college experience, student success, and educational equity in co‐curricular spaces. Pietro is a research fellow for the Timothy J. Piazza Center for Fraternity and Sorority Research at Penn State. He is also the recipient of the AFA Dr. Charles Eberly Research Award and was named ACPA Men and Masculinities emerging scholar‐in‐residence and TACUSPA faculty member of the year.</p> <p>Susan Bruce, MEd, is director of the University of Virginia's Gordie Center, which works to end hazing and substance misuse among college and high school students nationwide through evidence‐informed, student‐tested resources. Susie has 30 years of experience in collegiate health promotion, with expertise in the social norms approach, peer education, and curriculum infusion. She directs the APPLE Training Institutes—the leading national strategic training program for substance misuse prevention and health promotion for student‐athletes and athletics departments.</p> <p>Lori Hart, PhD, has worked in higher education for three decades, traveling the country and creating conversations around healthy relationships, brotherhood and sisterhood, and safety. In addition to her speaking, her portfolio includes working on college campuses, Pi Kappa Phi Fraternity, and Holmes Murphy Fraternal Practice focusing on prevention and safety within communities and organizations.</p> <p>Kayle J. Davis, MEd, is a doctoral student at Texas Christian University, specializing in student well‐being through her research and work in campus recreation and wellness promotion. With a focus on peer education, student health outcomes, and substance use education, she is dedicated to fostering a healthier and safer campus environment.</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref1"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib69" firstref="ref2"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib36" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib51" firstref="ref4"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib38" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref6"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib59" firstref="ref7"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib75" firstref="ref8"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib68" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib76" firstref="ref10"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl11" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref12"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl12" bibid="bib27" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl13" bibid="bib46" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl14" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref15"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl15" bibid="bib47" firstref="ref16"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl16" bibid="bib48" firstref="ref18"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl17" bibid="bib66" firstref="ref19"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl18" bibid="bib71" firstref="ref20"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl19" bibid="bib77" firstref="ref21"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl20" bibid="bib81" firstref="ref22"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl21" bibid="bib34" firstref="ref23"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl22" bibid="bib63" firstref="ref24"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl23" bibid="bib67" firstref="ref25"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl24" bibid="bib72" firstref="ref26"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl25" bibid="bib22" firstref="ref32"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl26" bibid="bib52" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl27" bibid="bib24" firstref="ref34"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl28" bibid="bib53" firstref="ref35"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl29" bibid="bib56" firstref="ref37"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl30" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref38"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl31" bibid="bib35" firstref="ref39"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl32" bibid="bib55" firstref="ref41"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl33" bibid="bib28" firstref="ref43"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl34" bibid="bib49" firstref="ref44"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl35" bibid="bib21" firstref="ref45"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl36" bibid="bib25" firstref="ref46"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl37" bibid="bib26" firstref="ref47"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl38" bibid="bib32" firstref="ref48"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl39" bibid="bib23" firstref="ref49"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl40" bibid="bib37" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl41" bibid="bib60" firstref="ref52"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl42" bibid="bib40" firstref="ref53"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl43" bibid="bib33" firstref="ref61"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl44" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref63"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl45" bibid="bib31" firstref="ref73"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl46" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref81"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl47" bibid="bib78" firstref="ref90"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl48" bibid="bib39" firstref="ref92"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl49" bibid="bib42" firstref="ref94"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl50" bibid="bib54" firstref="ref95"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl51" bibid="bib64" firstref="ref97"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl52" bibid="bib61" firstref="ref98"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl53" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref101"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl54" bibid="bib57" firstref="ref102"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl55" bibid="bib82" firstref="ref103"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl56" bibid="bib73" firstref="ref105"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl57" bibid="bib83" firstref="ref106"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl58" bibid="bib29" firstref="ref107"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl59" bibid="bib79" firstref="ref108"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl60" bibid="bib80" firstref="ref109"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl61" bibid="bib50" firstref="ref110"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl62" bibid="bib62" firstref="ref113"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl63" bibid="bib45" firstref="ref120"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl64" bibid="bib74" firstref="ref121"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl65" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref123"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl66" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref124"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl67" bibid="bib30" firstref="ref129"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl68" bibid="bib41" firstref="ref130"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl69" bibid="bib65" firstref="ref135"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl70" bibid="bib70" firstref="ref136"></nolink>
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  Data: Contemporary Hazing Prevention Initiatives and Efforts
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Pietro+A%2E+Sasso%22">Pietro A. Sasso</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Susan+Bruce%22">Susan Bruce</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Lori+Hart%22">Lori Hart</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Kayle+J%2E+Davis%22">Kayle J. Davis</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22New+Directions+for+Student+Services%22"><i>New Directions for Student Services</i></searchLink>. 2024 (187):71-83.
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  Data: Wiley. Available from: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. Tel: 800-835-6770; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: https://www.wiley.com/en-us
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Prevention%22">Prevention</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Hazing%22">Hazing</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Behavior%22">Student Behavior</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Norms%22">Norms</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Context%22">Cultural Context</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Practices%22">Educational Practices</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Negative+Reinforcement%22">Negative Reinforcement</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Public+Health%22">Public Health</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Change+Strategies%22">Change Strategies</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Behavior+Change%22">Behavior Change</searchLink>
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  Data: Hazing prevention and education efforts continue to evolve in response to changing student behavior. The organic and anomic nature of hazing is deeply embedded in higher education, permeating across campus reinforced by cultural norms and institutional practices. While numerous approaches attempt to disrupt hazing, public health approaches, particularly those that involve and engage students, offer new promise in facilitating sustained culture change against hazing.
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