The Meanings Black Male Student-Athletes Ascribe to Their Collegiate Experience through Counterspace Participation
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| Title: | The Meanings Black Male Student-Athletes Ascribe to Their Collegiate Experience through Counterspace Participation |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Samuel R. Hodge (ORCID |
| Source: | Quest. 2025 77(3):425-448. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 24 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Research |
| Education Level: | Higher Education Postsecondary Education |
| Descriptors: | African American Students, Males, Student Athletes, Student Participation, Student Organizations, Student Experience, College Students, Racism, College Athletics, At Risk Students, Mentors, Student Attitudes, Program Effectiveness, Student Empowerment, Social Support Groups, Family Role, Parent Role, Academic Support Services |
| DOI: | 10.1080/00336297.2025.2470241 |
| ISSN: | 0033-6297 1543-2750 |
| Abstract: | The purpose of this study was to explore the meanings Black male student-athletes ascribed to their involvement in the "Redefining Athletic Standards" student organization and to analyze interpretations of both the academic and athletic aspects of their collegiate experience. The research design was a multiple-case study. The participants were nine (9) Black male student-athletes at an NCAA Division I affiliated university. The sampling design was purposeful. The primary data sources were individual, face-to-face interviews and a focus group interview. The data were analyzed using constant comparative analysis. Two major interrelated themes emerged, which were as follows: (a) brotherhood in Redefining Athletic Standards and (b) it takes a village. The themes and implications from the study's breath of findings are discussed. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2025 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1478302 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwEGvRFqt_fK77bPXNoeqBwAAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDHe_XvktHxDMwP7iAwIBEICBm9-f-tmUsAtNzG3PQzmwdmsXKWOuK_EHr_cEqI_fuJRoKzhNiA25mGgkPAs58Ka3nyLakIS0RwiOPEp6Xtmx2bGgAw7_csiOPZfyd6D9wuaTGaDSBBRYsBgIKMeH6_nxEiaKD3L075_xoSZZc_CKuwZu40ECaqUynrt1edBqfDyhnDslNy3eKUDmpwqFImT0l10jCTGocyP3FIRt Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0186838478;qus01jul.25;2025Jul25.06:40;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0186838478-1">The Meanings Black Male Student–Athletes Ascribe to Their Collegiate Experience Through Counterspace Participation </title> <p>The purpose of this study was to explore the meanings Black male student–athletes ascribed to their involvement in the Redefining Athletic Standards student organization and to analyze interpretations of both the academic and athletic aspects of their collegiate experience. The research design was a multiple-case study. The participants were nine (<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref1">9</reflink>) Black male student–athletes at an NCAA Division I affiliated university. The sampling design was purposeful. The primary data sources were individual, face-to-face interviews and a focus group interview. The data were analyzed using constant comparative analysis. Two major interrelated themes emerged, which were as follows: (a) brotherhood in Redefining Athletic Standards and (b) it takes a village. The themes and implications from the study's breath of findings are discussed.</p> <p>Keywords: Athletic identity; racial consciousness; racism</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-2">Introduction</hd> <p>Through the 2023–2024 academic year, there were approximately 5,26,000 student–athletes participating in intercollegiate sports under the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA; NCAA, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref2">64</reflink>]). Of that total, 25,660 were Black male students-athletes within athletic programs at colleges and universities with NCAA Division I affiliation (NCAA, [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref3">64</reflink>]). These student–athletes, particularly those who participate in basketball and football, are often the focus of race-centered discourse concerning student–athletes at-risk of academic failure (Blackman, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref4">7</reflink>]; Council et al., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref5">23</reflink>]; Hodge, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref6">37</reflink>]). In response, some universities have developed initiatives to enhance the college experience and post-graduation trajectories for such student–athletes. The <emph>Redefining Athletic Standards</emph> (R.A.S.) initiative – now an official university student organization – is an exemplar of such an effort to tackle the challenges student–athletes face throughout the duration of their collegiate experience. Though, open to all student–athletes, the Black male student–athlete is the targeted group as past research has shown they are less likely to graduate than their collegian peers (Gaston Gayles et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref7">33</reflink>]). However, there has been a substantial ascending trend in graduation rates for Black male student–athletes at NCAA affiliated Division I universities over the past 20 years (NCAA, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref8">63</reflink>]).</p> <p>The participation of Black male students in intercollegiate athletics has been a topic of great interest among scholars since the late 1960s. Harry Edwards' ([<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref9">28</reflink>]) book <emph>The Revolt of the Black Athlete</emph> served as a testament to the academic and athletic experiences of Black athletes during the burgeoning 1960s Civil Rights era and the Black Power Movement. Researchers have since focused on a bevy of topics that generally explore student academic achievement and athletic experiences at institutions of higher education across the United States. While a major thread in published works is the visibility of Black male students in revenue producing sports (e.g., football and basketball) most often on predominantly white college and university campuses, scholars have also explored various topics from issues of athletic identity to the mentoring of Black male student–athletes and how academic support staff and athletic departments shape such relationships (Comeaux &amp; Harrison, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref10">19</reflink>]; Council et al., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref11">23</reflink>]; Kelly &amp; Dixon, [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref12">53</reflink>]). Likewise, Carter-Francique and colleagues have explored support mechanisms (or lack thereof) for Black female collegiate student–athletes at predominantly white institutions of higher education (A. R. Carter-Francique, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref13">12</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref14">13</reflink>]; Carter-Francique, Dortch, et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref15">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>In fact, Carter-Francique and colleagues have empirically and consistently shown the importance of social support regarding Black college athletes at predominantly white universities (A. R. Carter-Francique, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref16">12</reflink>]; A. Carter-Francique et al., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref17">11</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref18">10</reflink>]). In an exploratory study, for example, A. R. Carter-Francique ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref19">12</reflink>]) examined the experiences of Black female collegiate athletes (<emph>n</emph> = 4) who participated in a culturally relevant co-curricular leadership program – the Challenging Athletes' Minds for Personal Success/Life Skills Program (CHAMPS/Life Skills Program) – at a predominantly white NCAA-affiliated Division I university. In brief, Carter-Francique found that "race and racism were at the fore" of the Black women's experiences at a predominantly white university. On the other hand, the CHAMPS/Life Skills Program's "safe space environment provided a venue to vocalize their feelings about racism, sexism, and other marginalized experiences in addition to their own personal development without apprehension, allowing them to forge a community" (p. 101). Likewise, A. Carter-Francique et al. ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref20">11</reflink>]) also used an exploratory method and found that Black college athletes (women, <emph>n</emph> = 7; men, <emph>n</emph> = 2) verified the importance of social support from a range of sources such as student–athlete academic support staff, athletic teams, academic faculty and staff, family, and friends (A. Carter-Francique et al., [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref21">11</reflink>]).</p> <p>In all, the extant research base reveals Black male student–athletes have both positive and negative experiences on majority White college and university campuses (Howe, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref22">45</reflink>]; Howe &amp; Johnston-Guerrero, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref23">47</reflink>]). On the one hand, Melendez ([<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref24">59</reflink>]) reported Black student–athletes at a majority White college felt isolated, rejected, and unfairly judged by coaches, teammates, classmates, and the campus community; and they developed a mistrust of their peers. On the other hand, Black male student–athletes have also benefitted (to some extent) educationally, as represented by an increase in academic achievement measures (NCAA, [<reflink idref="bib63" id="ref25">63</reflink>]). Ultimately, while Black male athletes at predominantly White institutions of higher education (PW-IHE) experience benefits and detriments, they are uniquely positioned – existing within environments that celebrate and desire their presence as athletes that simultaneously perpetuate anti-Blackness.</p> <p>A pioneering scholar in the study of Black male student–athletes, John N. Singer has situated much of his empirical work in critical race theory (CRT; Singer, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref26">72</reflink>], b; Singer, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref27">75</reflink>]; Singer et al., [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref28">76</reflink>]) and Black critical theory (<emph>BlackCrit</emph>; Foster et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref29">30</reflink>]). In contrast to majoritarian theories and discourses, critical race orientations are analytical frames that challenge "the experiences and perspectives of whites as the normative standard and grounds its conceptual framework in the distinctive experiences and perspectives of people of color" (Singer et al., [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref30">76</reflink>], p. 274). The task of our study was to explore and theorize about how Black male student–athletes deal with the triumphs and tribulations of existing within these environments through the R.A.S. organization. We ground this study on principles substantiated through Black critical theory (BlackCrit) that the collegiate setting (both academic and athletic) is fundamentally anti-Black, necessitating liberatory spaces for Black college athletes to exist without harm.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-3">Literature review</hd> <p>Black male student–athletes are more than those identities; however, their collegiate experiences are often influenced by the stereotypes associated with their Blackness, athleticism, and intelligence. For example, related to their Blackness, it is well documented that this population experiences racism (Howe, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref31">45</reflink>]). The racism Black male student–athletes experience comes from multiple levels and stakeholders within the institution, such as their peers (other students), coaches, athletic staff, and faculty members (Howe, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref32">45</reflink>]; Jolly &amp; Chepyator-Thomson, [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref33">51</reflink>]). Existing scholarship highlights how anti-Black racism intersects with perceptions related to their student and athlete identities to influence their experiences. An assumption exists that Black males are only accepted into PW-IHEs because of their athletic prowess as opposed to their intellectual capabilities (Bimper, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref34">3</reflink>]; Edwards, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref35">28</reflink>]; Smith et al., [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref36">77</reflink>]). Thus, other students often interact with Black male college athletes by celebrating what they do for the institution from an athletic standpoint while also maintaining an attitude that this population does not deserve to be in the same classrooms as other students who were admitted on <emph>merit</emph> alone (Smith et al., [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref37">77</reflink>]). This attitude is also prevalent among some faculty members, who become apathetic when it comes to supporting Black student–athletes (Comeaux, [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref38">18</reflink>]; Fuller, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref39">32</reflink>]). These negative experiences have been found to lead to lower self-perceptions of worth, scholastic competence, and intellectual abilities for Black student–athletes (Strehlow et al., [<reflink idref="bib80" id="ref40">80</reflink>]).</p> <p>A power imbalance also exists between Black male student–athletes and the predominantly White coaching staffs. College (head) coaches, who are overwhelmingly White, have autonomy over their programs, including the offering of scholarships, discipline, and playing time for athletes (Staurowsky, [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref41">79</reflink>]; Weems &amp; Kluch, [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref42">82</reflink>]). Thus, Black male student–athletes are often forced to deal with the manifestations of racism from their coaches as pushing back or calling out injustices could lead to a loss of scholarship, disparate discipline, and revocation of playing time (Howe, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref43">46</reflink>]; Singer, [<reflink idref="bib74" id="ref44">74</reflink>]; Weems &amp; Kluch, [<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref45">82</reflink>]). The impact of these consequences could influence the ability of Black male student–athletes to matriculate educationally and potentially damage their chances of ascending to the professional ranks in their respective sports.</p> <p>Despite the negative environments in which Black male student–athletes are situated, they have continued to make the most of their situations and, many times, thrive. In some cases, Black male student–athletes have strategically navigated these racially hostile environments to maximize their holistic development (Cooper, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref46">21</reflink>]; Herman, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref47">36</reflink>]). In doing so, scholars have highlighted the benefits of empowering Black male student–athletes at PW-IHEs. One way to empower these athletes is by allowing space for them to build community with one another. One example is through Cooper's ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref48">20</reflink>]) discussion of the Excellence Beyond Athletics (EBA) approach, which was manifested in the Collective Uplift program. Collective Uplift is a Black student-athlete-centered organization (i.e., a culturally relevant holistic development support program) that provides a safe space for Black athletes on campus to decompress while also focusing on educational, personal, and professional development. Collective Uplift is not only centered on Black student–athletes; to be more precise, the organization is co-created by the students themselves (Cooper et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref49">22</reflink>]), which promotes a level of authenticity and ownership that drives engagement. Empirically, Collective Uplift has shown Black men's involvement results in a wealth of "personal and professional benefits both during and after college" (p. 21). That is to say, the Collective Uplift program has been shown to play an integral role in the positive development and experiences of Black student–athletes on PW-IHEs (Cooper et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref50">22</reflink>]). While numerous programs exist to support student–athletes, not many are directly focused on Black male student–athletes (Jolly et al., [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref51">52</reflink>]). Additionally, the programs that exist to support Black student–athletes (male or female) appear to be institution-specific although their frameworks can be applicable to Black athlete groups across the United States (Jolly et al., [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref52">52</reflink>]). Due to the minimal number of Black male-specific student–athlete holistic support organizations, the goal of this study was to highlight the importance of like organizations in combatting prevalent anti-Blackness within PW-IHEs.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-4">Theoretical framework</hd> <p>The current study was situated within a BlackCrit framework. BlackCrit is an extension of critical race theory (CRT) that centers Blackness and focuses on issues of anti-Blackness (Dumas &amp; Ross, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref53">27</reflink>]). While CRT is a useful framework that received its due attention with Black college athletes (Bimper, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref54">4</reflink>]; Bimper et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref55">6</reflink>]; Singer, [<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref56">72</reflink>], b; Singer, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref57">75</reflink>]; Singer et al., [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref58">76</reflink>]), manifestations of racism vary for different racialized populations. Thus, specificity is necessary to accurately examine the experiences of Black people (Foster, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref59">29</reflink>]; Howe et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref60">49</reflink>]). As such, Dumas and Ross ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref61">27</reflink>]) described BlackCrit as having three framing ideas: (a) anti-Blackness is endemic in how social life is understood, (b) Blackness exists in tension with the neoliberal multicultural imagination, and (c) the resistance of revisionist history and creation of space for the Black liberatory fantasy. A unique contribution of our study compared to the extant empirical literature on the Black male college athletes is the focus on the Black liberatory fantasy.</p> <p>As Dumas and Ross ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref62">27</reflink>]) argued, anti-Blackness is more than racism against Black people; it also highlights the antagonistic relationship of Blackness and humanity. The endemic nature of anti-Blackness necessitates the examination of everyday practices and policies that reproduce Black suffering (Dumas &amp; Ross, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref63">27</reflink>]). Further, the second framing idea causes scholars to view multiculturalism critically as to not be "complicit with neoliberalism in explaining away the material conditions of Black people as a problem created by Black people who are unwilling or unable to embrace the nation's 'officially anti-racist' multicultural future" (Dumas &amp; Ross, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref64">27</reflink>], p. 430). Last, and most integral to the discussion of findings, is the Black liberatory fantasy. As Foster ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref65">29</reflink>]) explained, "the Black liberatory fantasy actively rejects the domineering and pervasive nature of whiteness and illuminates the unique influences of Blackness in action, thought, and presentation" (p. 8). This is a space to actively combat white-majoritarian narratives while also providing hope for future systemic change (Ross, [<reflink idref="bib69" id="ref66">69</reflink>]).</p> <p>To date, BlackCrit has gained traction within education-based studies. More recently, the framework has been adopted by select sport scholars to examine the experiences of Black college athletes (see Foster, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref67">29</reflink>]; Howe, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref68">46</reflink>]). We found BlackCrit to be a suitable lens in exploring the meanings Black male student–athletes ascribe to their involvement in the R.A.S. student organization and to analyze interpretations of their collegiate experience. The study centered the perspectives of Black male student–athletes who were members of the R.A.S. program at The Ohio State University, an NCAA Division I-affiliated predominantly white university.</p> <p>The purpose of this study was to explore the meanings Black male student–athletes ascribed to their involvement in the R.A.S. program – a mentorship-based student organization – and to analyze interpretations of both the academic and athletic sides of their collegiate experience. This purpose may appear to have multiple central foci; however, based on the context of the organization (discussed later), the experiences of the members within R.A.S (and importance of the organization) were linked to their academic and athletic experiences more broadly. The central research question was as follows: What meanings do Black male collegiate student–athletes ascribe to their involvement in the <emph>Redefining Athletic Standards</emph> student organization?</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-5">Method</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0186838478-6">Researchers' positionalities</hd> <p>The lead author is a professor at The Ohio State University, a NCAA Division I affiliated predominantly white university. His positionality is shaped as an established African American (Black, cis man) scholar-educator, mentor, leader, and pedagogist. The lead author has mentored a host of Black male collegiate student–athletes and many others over the past 30 years. His research intersects on issues associated with diversity, disability, race, and racism, and justice in education and sport. He and coauthors have published multiple peer-reviewed journal articles, books, and edited book chapters regarding Black male collegiate student–athletes (Hodge, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref69">38</reflink>]; Hodge &amp; Bennett, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref70">40</reflink>]; Hodge et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref71">42</reflink>]; Hodge et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref72">41</reflink>]; Howe, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref73">44</reflink>]; Howe &amp; Johnston-Guerrero, [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref74">48</reflink>]; Sinclair &amp; Bennett, [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref75">71</reflink>]).</p> <p>The second author is an assistant professor at The Ohio State University, which is a NCAA Division I affiliated predominantly white institution. His lived experiences are shaped by his salient social identities – most significantly identifying as Black. He has experience working in college athletics and has spent his academic career focusing on issues concerning Black male college athletes and racially minoritized individuals within sport organizations. Undeniably, his lived experiences and racial identity provided an opportunity to connect with study participants and build rapport. These connections created a welcoming environment for the participants to freely discuss their experiences.</p> <p>The third author is an assistant professor at The Ohio State University, which is a NCAA Division III affiliated predominantly white university. His positionality is shaped by his experiences as a Black male who is married to a woman of African American and Puerto Rican ancestry, with whom they have two Black male sons. He received academic and athletic scholarships to attend a HBCU[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref76">1</reflink>] where he was a student–athlete who lettered in football. Over the last 20 years, he has worked with college athletes at the Division I, II, and III levels. His research interests are twentieth-century American history, and contemporary college athletics.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-7">Research design</hd> <p>Epistemologically situated in a qualitative orientation (Denzin &amp; Lincoln, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref77">26</reflink>]; Schwandt, [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref78">70</reflink>]), the research design was multiple-case study using an interviewing approach (Bogdan &amp; Biklen, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref79">9</reflink>]). In general, qualitative research designs provide the basis for understanding of a phenomenon with completeness (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref80">67</reflink>]). Common to qualitative inquiry, we used interviews that involved (a) individual, face-to-face interviews and (b) focus group verbal exchanges with the participants (Bogdan &amp; Biklen, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref81">9</reflink>]). Interviewing was an excellent medium for the participants to reflect on and speak about the academic and athletic sides of their collegiate experiences as Black male student–athletes at a majority white NCAA Division I affiliated university (Howe, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref82">43</reflink>]). To paraphrase Gay ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref83">34</reflink>], p. 223), interview studies have a unique purpose, that is, to acquire data not obtainable in any other way. There are certain things which simply cannot be observed, including (but not limited to) past events (e.g., a student–athlete's past collegiate experiences on and off the sport landscape), events which occur outside of the researcher's sphere of observation (e.g., a student–athlete recall and reflection on past events) and mental processes such as the meanings Black male student–athletes ascribed to their involvement in the R.A.S. program and their interpretations of both the academic and athletic sides of their collegiate experiences. We used interviews that involved both individual face-to-face and focus group approaches of verbal exchanges with the participants.</p> <p>In sum, the multiple case study design was chosen to permit the researchers to compare different cases across varying settings (i.e., Black student–athletes competing in different sports) and to analyze multiple bounded systems (i.e., different sport cultures – such as gymnastics versus football programs) utilizing a nonrestrictive methodology (Merriam, [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref84">62</reflink>]; Stake, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref85">78</reflink>]). This is important because the boundaries between a single phenomenon (i.e., a case) and context (e.g., a program, an institution, a sport team) may not be apparent (Yin, [<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref86">84</reflink>]). Moreover, a multiple-case study using an interviewing approach was applicable because the researchers could ask the participant to reflect on previous events, develop relationships between them, and an entirety (e.g., focus group conversational-style discussion) in terms of the researcher's critical epistemological standpoint (Stake, [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref87">78</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-8">Research site</hd> <p>The R.A.S. student organization was initially launched at The Ohio State University as a structured mentorship-based initiative designed to strengthen the collegiate experiences and post-graduation trajectories for Black male student–athletes. R.A.S. was formerly established and known as the PEAK program or <emph>Paths to Educational Attainment and Knowledge</emph> (Author<sups>1</sups> et al., xxxx), and it was initiated by members of the current writing group through an interdisciplinary alliance between The Ohio State University Department of Athletics; student–athlete Support Services Office; African American/Black faculty, graduate students, and administrators/staff at the university; and <emph>The Ohio State University</emph>. The name was changed from <emph>Paths to Educational Attainment and Knowledge</emph> (PEAK) to R.A.S. and became an official student organization at the university. The student organization's 2021–2022 constitution declares,</p> <p>Redefining Athletic Standards is a student organization that supports the Black Male Student-Athlete and strives to give athletes a voice. We want to come together and discuss issues on campus and create events that help us become defined by more than our sports. The organization meets once a month and focuses on new events, social issues, growth, and mental issues. In addition, RAS aims to enhance the knowledge and experiences of The Ohio State University Black male athletes by creating an area where we can come together and speak with no judgement. We also want to create events that make it possible to be more involved in our Black community on campus that correlates with an athlete's schedule. (The Ohio State University - Student Activities, [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref88">65</reflink>], para. 1)</p> <p>The structure and scope of R.A.S. monthly meetings and related activities, followed our motto, which was <emph>situating Black men in front of Black men</emph> to promote dynamic relationships for both the student–athletes and mentors (i.e., current/former student–athletes, faculty, and administrators and staff members) to ultimately increase the qualitative experiences for these men. The student–athletes and mentors attended the monthly meetings, arranged by the university's student–athlete Support Services Office (SASSO) in consultation with R.A.S. members, throughout the academic year. Typically, the meetings covered one or more predetermined topics such as academic versus athletic demands of the student–athlete, impulse control and responsible sexual behaviors, banking and personal finances, fatherhood, and more. In addition to the regularly arranged group meetings, the mentors were asked to show initiative by reaching out to their self-selected mentee(s) on more of an informal basis (e.g., have lunch together occasionally). Further under SASSO, the R.A.S. program included academic advising, tutoring services, open access to technologies (computer lab), intense nurturing, networking, and support for students with special academic needs (Council et al., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref89">23</reflink>]).</p> <p>The R.A.S. program's tenets are grounded in research that indicates student–athlete engagement in educational activities and meaningful relationships with faculty and campus personnel are key factors in academic success (e.g., Charleston et al., [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref90">16</reflink>]; Martin et al., [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref91">57</reflink>]). Further research indicates mentoring is important for academic success and personal/career development of Black male student–athletes (Kelly et al., [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref92">54</reflink>]). This collaborative initiative maximizes the collegiate experience for student–athletes by coordinating human, physical, structural, and fiscal resources to provide high-quality educational and life lesson experiences. Aside from such initiatives, Hodge ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref93">37</reflink>]) asserted the "troubled past and the present-day vestiges of racism and stereotypic beliefs in U.S. intercollegiate sports need further explanation and study" (p. 125). In pursuit of Black male student–athletes' truths, we situated the current study in BlackCrit as theoretical and analytical lenses to analyze data. For more description in using CRT and BlackCrit for research with Black collegiate athletes, consider Singer and colleagues' previous works such as <emph>A Critical Race Analysis of the Hiring Process for Head Coaches in NCAA College Football</emph> (Singer et al., [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref94">76</reflink>]); <emph>Addressing Epistemological Racism in Sport Management Research</emph> ([<reflink idref="bib72" id="ref95">72</reflink>]); <emph>Understanding Racism Through the Eyes of African American Male Student-Athletes</emph> (Singer, [<reflink idref="bib73" id="ref96">73</reflink>]); <emph>A Different World: A BlackCrit Reconceptualization of Historically Black Colleges and Universities Athletics</emph> (Foster et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref97">30</reflink>]) and more (Oshiro et al., [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref98">66</reflink>]; Singer, [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref99">75</reflink>]). These and other works informed our study.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-9">Participants</hd> <p>The participants were a cohort of nine Black male student–athletes at an NCAA Division I affiliated university. They were (pseudonyms) Arnold, Elijah Mack, Tiger, Malcolm, Jonathan, Curtis, Desmond, Anthony, and London and ranged in age between 18 and 24 years old. These student–athletes participated in a range of sports including football, gymnastics, soccer, and track. Their academic majors varied across disciplines in biology, business, economics, education, communication, consumer and family science, journalism, and systems management.</p> <p>The sampling design was purposeful using criterion sampling. The logic of criterion sampling is to select and investigate all cases that met some predetermined criterion of importance or interest (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref100">67</reflink>]). In this study, self-identified Black males, who (a) participated in the R.A.S. program and (b) were student–athletes at the university under study, were asked to participate in this study. Further, each participant was asked to read, ask questions about the study, and sign (voluntarily) a statement of informed consent, agreed to participate in audio-recorded individual face-to-face interviews and a focus group interview, and agreed to respond to follow – up e-mail correspondences, mainly for member checking and if needed to seek clarifications from his responses during the interviews. The university's institutional review board application was approved prior to initiation of the study.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-10">Data collection</hd> <p>The primary data sources were one-on-one semi-structured and focus group interviews (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref101">67</reflink>]). In addition, whenever warranted, we followed up with e-mail correspondence mainly for member checking (Meho, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref102">58</reflink>]). More specifically, the participants were asked to participate in two audio-recorded individual face-to-face and one focus group interview and respond to follow – up e-mail correspondences mainly for member checking.</p> <p>Even though there are several common strategies (i.e., interviewing, observing, journaling, and more) for collecting data within qualitative studies, interviewing is considered the most common and effective form of data collection (Charmaz, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref103">17</reflink>]; Creswell &amp; Poth, [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref104">24</reflink>]). For the current study, two semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted with each participant individually, plus a focus group interview was conducted. We conducted semi-structured interviews, which allowed for elasticity to probe even deeper contingent on each individual participant's responses.</p> <p>The first interview for each participant was conducted during or at the end of the Autumn semester (e.g., during <emph>Autumn Break Week</emph>) and focused on the participants' non-athletic experiences. Examples of questions within the first interview protocol included "After sports at the collegiate level, what plans do you have for yourself?" and "Since arriving at your institution, in what ways have you felt supported? Not felt supported?" The second interview was scheduled and conducted two- to three-weeks after the initial interview and focused on their athletic experiences and thoughts related to support structures. Example questions within this interview protocol included How interested are your coaches in you having experiences outside of athletics?" and "Describe your feelings about having a university support person who is not associated with the athletic department (and does not report to the athletic department)." Finally, the focus group interview (in the following spring semester) focused on the experiences of participants with a specific focus on R.A.S. Example questions from the focus group protocol included "What role would you like the R.A.S. support group to play for you?" and "Describe the importance of the R.A.S. support group being African Americans. In addition, e-mail correspondence was used mainly for member checking (Meho, [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref105">58</reflink>]). Each participant had completed, or nearly completed, at least one academic year in the R.A.S. program.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-11">Data analysis</hd> <p>Constant comparative data analysis method (Boeije, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref106">8</reflink>]) was used to interpret the data. The basic strategy of this analytical process is to do what its name implied by constantly comparing pieces of data. In this study, each piece of data from the data sets (interview transcripts, and e-mail messages) from each participant was compared by members of the researcher team to identify thematic categories, which were refined into recurring themes (Boeije, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref107">8</reflink>]). That is to say, the participants' data sets (i.e., one-on-one semi-structured, focus group interviews, and e-mail messages) were coded, analyzed thematically, and summarized.</p> <p>In conducting the constant comparative analysis, and specific to the coding process, we used an inductive coding (or open coding) approach, whereby the codes were created or emerged based on the data (Delk et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref108">25</reflink>]). Specifically, following Delk et al. ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref109">25</reflink>]) strategy, we used a line-by-line inductive coding approach whereby we assigned meaning to small pieces of text (e.g., from interview transcripts) such as a specific word, sentence, personal story or example of an event, or phrase for all interview data across participants (van Manen, [<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref110">81</reflink>]). Strategies to ensure interobserver agreement for coding and analysis were followed. For example, each of the research analysts (primary reader) checked the coding and analysis of at least one other research analyst whereby all research analysts' coding and analysis were double-checked, and the authors met via Zoom platform to discuss and reach 100% agreement in solidifying the themes and subthemes which were exposed in the data analysis (Delk et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref111">25</reflink>]). Briefly stated, members of the research team were alternately selected as either a primary reader (analyst) or a secondary analyst to read, code, and analyze the data, respectively, for each participant. For instance, there was a primary analyst and a secondary analyst to read, code, and analyze the data set specific to Arnold. Likewise for Elijah Mack, and this strategy was used for each participant. Moreover, the lead researcher read, coded, and analyzed all the data sets across participants. In all, there were at least three research analysts assigned to read, code, and analyze each participant's data set, respectively. We ultimately grouped the codes into thematic categories, which were refined into recurring themes (Boeije, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref112">8</reflink>]). We then re-read the transcripts, which allowed us to unpack (i.e., explain and elaborate) the major themes with greater richness (Delk et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref113">25</reflink>]).</p> <p>In addition, there were six peer debriefers (members of the larger research team) who alternately reviewed the codes from each participant to avoid potential researcher bias. Further coded data from all sets of transcripts from each participant were compared to identify similarities and differences.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-12">Trustworthiness</hd> <p>Trustworthiness was established through data triangulation, member checking, and peer-debriefing. Triangulation involved the use of multiple data sources, including data from interview transcripts and e-mail messages. The intent was to judge the relative accuracy of the data (Merriam, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref114">61</reflink>]). Further, member checking reduced the impact of subjective bias. We emailed copies of the interview transcripts to the respective participants and asked them to confirm the accuracy of the transcripts (Merriam, [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref115">61</reflink>]). In brief, each participant was asked to review the transcripts of his interview(s) to ensure accuracy of the transcriptions to what he said and what he meant to say during the interviews as a means of member checking. All nine participants confirmed the accuracy of the transcripts via e-mail correspondence. Beyond grammatical edits, no changes were made to the transcripts nor data analysis. Peer debriefing (Patton, [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref116">67</reflink>]), for this study included faculty colleagues with expertise in qualitative research who were asked to determine the degree to which the interpretations of the data were accurate and representative of the participants' statements.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-13">Findings</hd> <p>There were two complex and interrelated themes, which emerged from the data analysis: (a) brotherhood in Redefining Athletic Standards and (b) it takes a village. Table 1 presents the two major themes and accompanying subthemes. These themes are distinct yet simultaneously interrelated. For example, within the first theme, participants discussed their experiences with the R.A.S. organization, and within the second theme, participants highlighted their perceptions of support that are both within and external to the R.A.S. organization. The presentation of findings provides a nuanced view regarding the importance of a Black-centered counterspace as well as potential limitations (sans-pejorative connotation) of such a space, as will be further explicated in the discussion section. These two overarching themes and subthemes are discussed below in narrative form, with quotes from the participants.</p> <p>Table 1. Themes and subthemes.</p> <p> <ephtml> &lt;table&gt;&lt;tbody&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;&lt;graphic href="uqst&amp;#95;a&amp;#95;2470241&amp;#95;ilg0001.gif" content-type="Graph" /&gt;&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/tbody&gt;&lt;/table&gt; </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0186838478-14">Brotherhood in redefining athletic standards</hd> <p>This theme exposes the meaning ascribed by the participants to the <emph>Redefining Athletic Standards</emph> (R.A.S.) student organization as a place and space for Black male student–athletes to express (voice) themselves freely and build a strong sense of brotherhood. Unique here is that these Black male student–athletes could and did experience their authentic selves among other Black men. They bonded with the R.A.S. mentors (Black faculty and staff) as well as with each other across sports and voiced their views about the collegiate experience. This theme was fortified by three subthemes: (a) <emph>bounding as brothers</emph>, (b) <emph>empowering and uplifting</emph>, and (c) <emph>creating men and leaders</emph>.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-15">Bounding as brothers</hd> <p>This subtheme was captured in Arnold's statement, "I think like stuff that R.A.S. is trying to do, just create a place for bounding and promoting success other than just sports, and I don't know, just being able to like feel fulfilled off the field." Likewise, Jonathan stated, "I'd say the thing I probably enjoyed the most is figuring out about myself, the things I like to do outside of just football." Also speaking about R.A.S. brotherhood, Malcolm said, "[what] I enjoy the most, would definitely be the fellowship of just going through the grind with some of the brothers I have." Further, this theme of <emph>brotherhood in R.A.S</emph> is comprised of the participants having a desire to develop as more than just an athlete. Prominently articulated during the participants' interviews was a talk about R.A.S. as an organization where opportunities are given to Black male student–athletes in developing as men and leaders. Tiger spoke to this and said, "I would like R.A.S. to really help me with me and my development as a man, as a businessman, as a professional, as an athlete, just as a whole." Exemplary of all nine participants, Anthony explained, "It's giving me an outlet to speak up more, talk about things that's going on in my life. The guys in the group welcomed me with open arms and were just like my brothers."</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-16">Empowering and uplifting</hd> <p>The participants gave meaning to R.A.S. as empowering and uplifting. For example, Tiger exclaimed,</p> <p>I think that's huge because not only does R.A.S. want to create a voice and change the narrative. We also want to have a professional piece. We do want to have professionals and those connections, and their connections they know can help build connections that we need and that we need to get to. I think that's huge.</p> <p>Similarly, an uplifted Anthony stated, "Absolutely. Like I said, the R.A.S. group (mentors and staff) has offered their understanding for athletes who need someone to talk to and get things off their chest. So, that's what the R.A.S. has helped me out with." In all, Anthony attested to benefits gained in "creating this organization [Redefining Athletic Standards]" as empowering and uplifting, and explained,</p> <p>Just to have Black males, like me, individuals that are pursuing the same goals and want to see other people achieve the same as them, has definitely motivated me to be a major part in my community. Right now, here at The Ohio State University [in R.A.S.], we're really putting together something special. And we want future young guys to follow in our footsteps, and just let them know, let them understand that they have the chance to change, not only the lives of their family members, but the lives of others by helping impact Black male student–athletes. So being a part of this organization [R.A.S.] has really helped me a lot.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-17">Creating men and leaders</hd> <p>True to this subtheme, the participants gave meaning to R.A.S. as a medium wherein Black male student–athletes develop as men and leaders. For example, Desmond explained, "I feel like R.A.S. has allowed me to exercise my ability as a leader. I feel like I'm a very good leader, and I have been put into positions where I could be a leader." More specifically, each participant appreciated the regular event meetings held by the Redefining Athletic Standards organization and how the theme-based meetings would bring people together (e.g., student–athletes, Black community members, R.A.S. mentors, guest speakers). They felt the R.A.S. meetings were beneficial to them in their growth and maturation in learning more about themselves and about others, and about the topics discussed at the theme-based event sessions, such as: (a) manhood, (b) fiscal responsibility, (c) giving back, and (d) community responsibility. Elijah Mack exclaimed,</p> <p>To become more mature as a person. To better handle bad situations. Handle bad situations better. Not even bad situations, but just whenever things don't go my way, or don't go according to plan, being able to adapt to those situations. And remaining focused and mainly just remaining happy and positive.</p> <p>Likewise, London explained,</p> <p>Learning more about just with myself, I guess. Also, being in a group like this [R.A.S.]. Some guys you probably thought you'd never meet from their big respective sports. So, I think that was some good experience for me as well.</p> <p>Moreover, he proclaimed, "R.A.S. [has] opened the door for me to have many, many opportunities I thought I wouldn't be able to have." London further expressed, "... being a student–athlete and not necessarily having that time [do things beyond his sport]. I thought I would never be able to have the opportunity to do so, but that has truly been the happiest part." Malcolm said he finds purpose in giving back and embracing community: "How can I grow a community, stuff like that, because I'm big into giving back. ... Actually, [this] whole thing started with [R.A.S.] that's why I want to start where I'm at now and then keep growing."</p> <p>In sum, the theme <emph>brotherhood in R.A.S</emph>. unveils the meaning given by Black male student–athletes to their involvement in this mentorship-based student organization. They gave meaning to brotherhood through sources of enjoyment and community building that they were able to establish within the R.A.S. student organization. While there was an explicit mention of creating these relationships with other Black males, some spoke of a "brotherhood" brought about through interacting with other Black male student–athletes from different sports during R.A.S. events. London said, "It [establishing brotherhood bonds was] in my last year here, being able to gain relationships with other Black young males on this university, that I thought I would never be able to do so with, through the organization." R.A.S. embodies what Cooper ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref117">20</reflink>]) calls "positive social engagement," a space where Black male student–athletes can create and foster strong relationships with their peers, especially those who are athletes in other intercollegiate sports.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-18">It takes a village</hd> <p>This theme, <emph>It Takes a Village</emph>, exposed the importance the participants ascribed to creating and having support that runs parallel to (externally) and embedded within R.A.S., such as parental and family support and multiple on-campus support systems (e.g., teammates, faculty, and athletic academic support within the university's student–athlete Support Services Office (SASSO)). Important to them as well was the brotherhood shared as teammates as well as engendered in the R.A.S. student organization. <emph>It takes a village</emph> [<emph>to raise a child</emph>], is an African proverb, which "reflects the emphasis African cultures place on family and community and may have its origins in a biblical worldview" (Reference*, [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref118">68</reflink>], para. 1). This theme was reinforced by three subthemes: (a) <emph>family/parental support</emph>, (b) <emph>teammates</emph>, and (c) <emph>academic support</emph>.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-19">Family/Parental support</hd> <p>Family members such as siblings and parental involvement regarding athletic and academic pursuits of the student–athletes varied; however, an aspect that was consistent was their overall support. Some athletes had parents who were direct about expectations for maintaining good grades. Others had backing from family that encouraged their continued participation in sport. There were those with parents or other family members (e.g., siblings) who did not truly understand the athletic landscape or have the knowledge or experience to help them in those areas; however, they remained a constant source of strength for all participants. For example, Elijah stated, "What I mean by a support system is just by, you know, sending me support messages, stuff like that. Same thing with my grandma, that's really all they can do, cause everything else is really up to me." There were times where parents' questions about school served as a mode of support and a reminder for what to expect from the collegiate experience. Tiger noted the influence of his mother,</p> <p>She is super involved. She's always asking me, "How is everything going with athletics and academics?" Even though athletics she doesn't necessarily know ... She doesn't really know track that well ... She tries to understand as much as she can.</p> <p>He added, "I appreciate that. She's making sure I'm getting what I need as far as, even like just fair treatment." Overall, communications with the family support network are essential to the well-being of Black male student–athletes. Even when the connections can be deemed intrusive or overbearing, they are a necessity. Anthony confirmed this notion when he mentioned his mother. He declared, "She's constantly calling me every day, making sure I'm good mentally and physically." Anthony concluded, "She's asking me if I'm okay and her support has been out of this world. I can't even begin to start to explain how much she means and how much her support means to me."</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-20">Teammates</hd> <p>The participants mentioned several aspects of their collegiate experience they have enjoyed such as networking, establishing a brotherhood with teammates, learning about themselves, discovering new things, and more. There was a sense of brotherhood among teammates, particularly in their respective sports. During the focus group discussion, one participant said, "I would probably say the brotherhood that I created here. There's nothing like coming from a small high school coming to [here], and then being able to meet these new guys, especially on my team, and build that brotherhood" (Focus group interview). Several participants agreed with that sentiment sharing, "Those have been my experiences as well," "Yeah, networking and the brotherhood has been my experience as well," and "I pretty much share similar experiences as well" (Focus group interview). Terry said, "the brotherhood and the networking have been a big part, but the most enjoyable, [is] my learning about myself being here [university], and how I fit into the university, and learning all about myself, learning about my surroundings and the environment." "I can agree with Tiger," exclaimed another participant.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-21">Academic support</hd> <p>Some participants mentioned the importance they ascribed to receiving academic support from helpful faculty at the university and learning specialists within the university's SASSO. This was two sides of the same coin; that is, some participants were thankful to faculty at the university for whom they viewed as helpful in their courses (e.g., willingness to meet with the student–athlete after class or during office hours, showing flexibility in course assignments and make-up work when team travel schedules resulted in absences from class sessions). During the focus group interview, when asked about feeling supported, one participant stated, "I've been supported by professors academically. By the staff at SASSO and the The Ohio State University. Athletically, I've been supported by my brothers on the team, but by the coaches not so much." Another participant agreed and said, "I feel like I have been supported by faculty." He gave an example about a professor's support for him in a summer course: "Over the summer, I was taking statistics, and my professor took a crazy amount of time out of her schedule to help me out. So, it was very helpful. I'm thankful for it." Likewise, another participant explained,</p> <p>I'll say yes for sure. The first component I felt supported was academically, I want to say. As far as I'm using The Ohio State University [SASSO], like tutoring, because I never really had tutors. We did in high school, but it wasn't... They didn't really, actually, sit down with you and actually work with you individually on certain subjects. So that's the first support I remember having off the top of my head. (Focus group interview)</p> <p>However, on the other side of the coin, participants mentioned the lack of support, and even stereotypic perceptions for which some faculty held toward them as student–athletes and the notion of "dumb jock" was concerning. During the focus group interview, for example, one participant stated,</p> <p>[it is] like I've been supported by the faculty here that has no type of relation with the Athletic Department ... those professors are the ones that made a bigger impact on my personal life than the people that I've directly worked with here in SASSO.</p> <p>In contrast, another participant expressed frustration with how some faculty are neglectful in "showing support and making sure that I'm not looked at more ... I'm more than an athlete. Asking me about how's home, your family. Just things outside of your sport. Treating me like a human" (Focus group participant). For another participant, paradoxically, he felt supported both academically and athletically, but not as a Black man. He said, "I've been supported as an athlete and as an academic student, of course. Now as a black man, I have not [been supported]" (Focus group participant). He explained, "I have been supported by professors academically. By the staff at SASSO and The Ohio State University. Athletically, I have been supported by my brothers on the team, but by the coaches [as a Black man] not so much" (Focus Group Interview).</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-22">Discussion</hd> <p>Findings from participants highlight the importance of having a counterspace on campus centered around the Black male student–athlete experience, particularly within PW-IHEs. R.A.S. served as a version of the Black liberatory fantasy discussed by Dumas and Ross ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref119">27</reflink>]). The experiences of participants aligned, in some regards, with extant research on Black male student–athletes at PW-IHEs. For example, Howe ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref120">46</reflink>]) highlighted how the anti-Black environments influence the self-presentation of Black male athletes. Although the participants did not discuss altering their presentation, like the study conducted by Howe ([<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref121">46</reflink>]), Black male student–athletes in this study exhibited an awareness of the prevalent racist tropes against them (i.e., dumb Black jock). In fact, the creation of R.A.S. as a counterspace served as a place to reject these dominant ideologies. Bimper et al. ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref122">6</reflink>]) highlighted the case of academically successful Black male student–athletes and uncovered that building community was a critical factor in the collegiate success. R.A.S. represented the community that Black male student–athletes needed to successfully navigate the PW-IHE and college athletic spaces. This is not to say that participants would not have matriculated through graduation without R.A.S.; however, the organization aided in promoting positive experiences for those involved.</p> <p>One unique contribution of this study compared to extant research on the Black male college athlete experience at PW-IHEs is the focus on the Black liberatory fantasy. This is particularly relevant within today's highly charged sociopolitical anti-diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) context. Kluch et al. ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref123">55</reflink>]) highlighted the challenges of DEI work, and such structural roadblocks will only grow given the political pushback of DEI. While PW-IHEs were already noted to be violent spaces for Black people, the misplaced criticism and elimination of DEI initiatives only serve to create a more hostile environment, particularly for Black student–athletes. The potentially hostile environments have led to calls from many, including the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), urging Black athletes to reconsider playing for schools in the states of Florida and Georgia, and others that have cut DEI funding (Freeman, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref124">31</reflink>]). These calls have also urged Black athletes to attend HBCUs instead of PW-IHEs as HBCUs are sites of Black uplift and empowerment.</p> <p>Foster et al. ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref125">30</reflink>]) utilized BlackCrit to eloquently reconceptualize HBCU athletics as sites of the Black liberatory fantasy. We agree with the arguments made by Foster and colleagues; however, the reality is that it is unlikely that a mass exodus of Black athletes from PW-IHEs to HBCU will occur. Thus, this study extends the argument from Foster et al. ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref126">30</reflink>]) and speaks to the importance of having a Black liberatory fantasy site within PW-IHEs. Much of the scholarship and practical work related to the Black male athlete experience is grounded or situated within Eurocentric or non-, Black-focused framings and, thus, can be somewhat limiting or constrained to the confines of white approval. Focusing on the Black experience and uplift through the Black liberatory fantasy provides an opportunity to eradicate these constraints, as Dumas and Ross ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref127">27</reflink>]) argued.</p> <p>The bonds that members of R.A.S. cultivated encapsulated the essence of the Black liberatory fantasy. Strengthening these bonds between other Black male student–athletes in R.A.S., as well as Black faculty and SASSO representatives, allowed for a safe space to exist to reject majoritarian narratives as well as a space to imagine a future devoid of the racial trauma they faced in the roles as Black athletes in white spaces. For example, within the R.A.S. space, participants rejected notions of the dumb Black jock stereotype (Smith et al., [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref128">77</reflink>]). It was a space of empowerment and uplifting, as opposed to the consistent tearing down that PW-IHE and college athletic environments too often perpetuated for Black athletes. The counterspace was also a setting where Black male student–athletes could express themselves (frustrations and various vulnerabilities) without the fear of retribution that Staurowsky ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref129">79</reflink>]) as well as Weems and Kluch ([<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref130">82</reflink>]) discussed. Dumas and Ross ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref131">27</reflink>]) discussed the Black liberatory fantasy as "represent[ing] the beginning of an end. It is the first taste of freedom" (p. 431). R.A.S. participants were able to taste freedom while in their sacred space.</p> <p>In addition to speaking to the need of such a counterspace, narratives from the participants challenge the neoliberal multicultural pushes from PW-IHEs. Within this thought, there is a tendency to assume that racism and discrimination cease to exist due to a different racialized or oppressed group experiencing success (Dumas &amp; Ross, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref132">27</reflink>]). For example, at the time of data collection, the very institution the R.A.S. organization exists in had institutional and athletic department mission and diversity statements that cited inclusive practices. Despite the outward expression of racial inclusion, the participants still faced numerous challenges related to their stigmatized racial and athletic identities. Thus, inclusion for <emph>some</emph> does not mean inclusion and equity for <emph>all</emph>. R.A.S. represented a space where Black male student–athletes could exist without experiencing racial trauma as they would while in other campus or athletic settings.</p> <p>Further, another detraction from previous research and practice is an acknowledgment that Black student–athlete-centered organizations do not need to be a "one-stop shop." For example, more general student–athlete programming is often run through athletic departments. These departments, particularly at the Division I level, have been organized to provide a student–athlete with as many resources as possible under the athletic department's purview. Specific to Black student–athletes, programs and specific student-led organizations have increased. While additional support and programming for Black student–athletes is something that we argue needs to increase, the structure of these programs or organizations is just as imperative to improve. Existing scholarship has positioned support that consistently isolates athletes as being detrimental to overall holistic development (Huml et al., [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref133">50</reflink>]). Based on findings from this study, we can note that attempting to make an organization meet every need of the athlete may not be as beneficial as having strategic external components embedded within programming for Black male student–athletes.</p> <p>An important aspect of the narratives shared was the dependency on others who were not associated with R.A.S. For example, participants discussed leaning on family, faculty, and SASSO representatives for support. Like various family members, not every faculty member nor SASSO representative was associated with R.A.S.; thus, Black male student–athletes in this organization still sought support from external parties. Previous research examining Black student–athlete support groups have not discussed similar or specific external parties as being critical to the success of this population (see Cooper et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref134">22</reflink>]; Jolly et al., [<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref135">52</reflink>]). However, these findings reify the importance of constellation mentoring highlighted by Kelly and Dixon ([<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref136">53</reflink>]) for Black men student–athletes. Moreover, our findings lend support to Carter-Francique and colleagues' empirical findings regarding the mentoring of Black female student–athletes (A. R. Carter-Francique, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref137">12</reflink>]; Carter-Francique, Dortch, et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref138">14</reflink>]). Liken to R.A.S. for male athletes, the creation of <emph>Sista to Sista</emph> was designed to support Black female student–athletes on majority white NCAA affiliated collegiate campuses (Carter-Francique, Dortch, et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref139">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>While organizations such as the Collective Uplift program were noted to have some external components (Cooper et al., [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref140">22</reflink>]), R.A.S. members provided insight as to the benefits of strategically building relationships outside the organization to improve their overall college experience. R.A.S. provided the space for empowerment and holistic development; nevertheless, participants still leaned on others outside the organization who provided instrumental support. While this occurred outside the organization, the bonds created within R.A.S. allowed participants to be vulnerable about their struggles and ways to overcome them. As such, participants may share that they lean on family, community members, or even university stakeholders. This type of vulnerability is important as Black male (and female) student–athletes are battling not only the external factors discussed within this study but also the internal mental health struggles (Williams, [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref141">83</reflink>]). R.A.S. leverages the strengths of the organizational resources as well as the strengths of external parties to create an empowering holistic experience for Black male student–athletes. Again, our findings corroborate previous works on Black women student–athletes and the importance of relational supports and mentoring (A. R. Carter-Francique, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref142">12</reflink>]; Carter-Francique, Dortch, et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref143">14</reflink>]; Carter-Francique, Gill, et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref144">15</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-23">Implications for research and practice</hd> <p>As research related to Black male student–athlete support organizations is sparse, findings from this study provide athletic administrators and practitioners with an opportunity to improve the collegiate experiences for Black male student–athletes. An important aspect present in responses from participants was the impact of having a space where they could be authentic and create bonds with other Black male student–athletes on campus regarding their collegiate experience. Members of R.A.S. were Black male student–athletes, and the support staff around them (athletic administrators and faculty members) were also Black. Athletic administrators must altruistically create space for Black athletes to cultivate an environment that serves as the Black liberatory fantasy, whether that be an organization or through specific programming. This recommendation runs counter to the way big-time college athletic departments currently operate. In a system that operates on control and hyper-surveillance, being truly supportive of Black male student–athletes means relinquishing some of this control and encouraging them to participate in an R.A.S.-like organization. While this recommendation may not be popular among a predominantly white athletic administration field, athletic departments must prove that they care for their Black student–athletes outside of the value they bring to the institution due to the sport participation. Kluch et al. ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref145">55</reflink>]) noted that there were numerous structural barriers to engaging in DEI work, such as isolation of institution departments, financial buy-in, and discriminatory hiring practices. Such barriers must be addressed to support Black male student–athletes counterspace.</p> <p>Another important consideration for athletic administrators is to understand the limitations of the athletic department and reject the trend of the "one-stop-shop" athletic departments. Again, this recommendation goes against the neoliberal mind-set permeating college athletics; however, it is something that needs to be seriously considered if these institutions truly care about the holistic development and positive experiences of their athletes. Participants noted the importance of teammates, family, and mentors in their collegiate experience. Many athlete support organizations or resources are embedded within the athletic structure. It would behoove athletic administrators or advisors of an R.A.S.-like organization to build a focus on external relations and mentorship. Further, with the noted role of family, a unique programmatic design would be the integration of familial connection and support. An innovative method of achieving this goal could be to coordinate family events within the schedule where parents or other involved family members can visit and engage Black male student–athletes outside of their competitions.</p> <p>Although focused on their holistic development, one area that the R.A.S. program did not activate was the inclusion of a licensed psychologist, sport psychologist, or other mental health professionals. As noted by Williams ([<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref146">83</reflink>]), this is a major issue, especially regarding Black males and masculinity. Thus, the incorporation or collaboration with professionals in such an organization could be valuable as these athletes deal with various traumas. As a result, it serves athletic departments in their push to retain and see their students to graduation. Such consideration is important as it has financial ramifications that benefit the institution (Berry, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref147">1</reflink>]; Mendez et al., [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref148">60</reflink>]).</p> <p>However, collaborating with mental health professionals presents other challenges. Due to the nature of these organizations being run by the student–athletes, there must be a desire by participants to incorporate their well-being into the foundational elements of the organization. As participants expressed in interviews, that was not a priority for some coaches and athletic administrators. Another challenge is financial resources. Many athletic departments and IHEs have licensed psychologists on staff. However, our participants expressed that there is a trust issue that is largely shaped by race and gender. Many Black athletes do not feel comfortable sharing their lived experiences, fearing it can be used against them (Howe, [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref149">46</reflink>]). Thus, funding for a licensed psychologist would be hard to fulfill as a student-run organization.</p> <p>This study illustrates why the demand for culturally competent professionals is also essential to supporting Black male college athletes. Offices can help fulfill their goal of holistic development by finding those necessary persons. Since the end of this study, the focus that was centered around mental well-being and the health of college athletes in 2020 has been inundated by discussions around name, image, and likeness (NIL) and the transfer portal. It has led athletic officials to charge that the fate of college athletics needs saving (Knott, [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref150">56</reflink>]). The multidimensional factors around Black college athletes and their labor are worth further exploration. Yet, it is imperative for administrators, faculty, staff, practitioners, and college athletes to make sure they do not lose sight of the benefits of ensuring the holistic collegiate experience that balances the personal, academic, and athletic.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-24">Future directions and conclusions</hd> <p>This study was conducted to serve as a medium for Black male student–athletes to voice their perspectives about their collegiate experiences, which included issues, challenges, and successes. Further, we underscore the importance of mentorship-based efforts such as the <emph>Redefining Athletic Standards</emph> student organization to help maximize the collegiate experience for Black male student–athletes and increase their graduation rates and postgraduate trajectories, while increasing retention rates and assisting with student–athlete development. This research also provides details of the realities they face, especially regarding how they grapple with their identity and the expectations they have for themselves. Although beyond the scope of the current study, more empirical work is needed in exploring, analyzing, and theorizing on Black male student–athletes' identity development (Bimper, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref151">2</reflink>]; Bimper &amp; Harrison, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref152">5</reflink>]; Bimper et al., [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref153">6</reflink>]; Harrison et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref154">35</reflink>]; Howe, [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref155">45</reflink>], b; Howe &amp; Johnston-Guerrero, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref156">47</reflink>]). Of note, while this study focused on a Black male student–athlete-centric organization, scholars and practitioners should not assume or justify the lack of counter spaces and resources devoted to Black female student–athletes. In fact, at the site of this study, a Black female student–athlete organization existed, with some variance from R.A.S. The R.A.S. model is one that can be adapted to fit the needs of Black female student–athletes to promote positive experiences.</p> <hd id="AN0186838478-25">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).</p> <ref id="AN0186838478-26"> <title> Note </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref76" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> HBCU is an acronym for Historically Black Colleges and Universities. These institutions of higher education get their status based on the Higher Education Act of 1965. The Act defined HBCUs as institutions of higher education established before 1964 whose primary mission was then, and remains today, the education of Black collegians (Hodge &amp; Bennett, [39]).</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0186838478-27"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Berry, W. W., III. (2014). Educating athletes. 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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: The Meanings Black Male Student-Athletes Ascribe to Their Collegiate Experience through Counterspace Participation – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Samuel+R%2E+Hodge%22">Samuel R. Hodge</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5297-3731">0000-0002-5297-3731</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Jonathan+E%2E+Howe%22">Jonathan E. Howe</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9412-0852">0000-0001-9412-0852</externalLink>)<br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Robert+Bennett%22">Robert Bennett</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5571-7226">0000-0001-5571-7226</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Quest%22"><i>Quest</i></searchLink>. 2025 77(3):425-448. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 24 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research – Name: Audience Label: Education Level Group: Audnce Data: <searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Higher+Education%22">Higher Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="EL" term="%22Postsecondary+Education%22">Postsecondary Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22African+American+Students%22">African American Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Males%22">Males</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Athletes%22">Student Athletes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Participation%22">Student Participation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Organizations%22">Student Organizations</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Experience%22">Student Experience</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Students%22">College Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racism%22">Racism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22College+Athletics%22">College Athletics</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22At+Risk+Students%22">At Risk Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mentors%22">Mentors</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Attitudes%22">Student Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Program+Effectiveness%22">Program Effectiveness</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+Empowerment%22">Student Empowerment</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Social+Support+Groups%22">Social Support Groups</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Family+Role%22">Family Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Role%22">Parent Role</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Academic+Support+Services%22">Academic Support Services</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/00336297.2025.2470241 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 0033-6297<br />1543-2750 – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: The purpose of this study was to explore the meanings Black male student-athletes ascribed to their involvement in the "Redefining Athletic Standards" student organization and to analyze interpretations of both the academic and athletic aspects of their collegiate experience. The research design was a multiple-case study. The participants were nine (9) Black male student-athletes at an NCAA Division I affiliated university. The sampling design was purposeful. The primary data sources were individual, face-to-face interviews and a focus group interview. The data were analyzed using constant comparative analysis. Two major interrelated themes emerged, which were as follows: (a) brotherhood in Redefining Athletic Standards and (b) it takes a village. The themes and implications from the study's breath of findings are discussed. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1478302 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/00336297.2025.2470241 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 24 StartPage: 425 Subjects: – SubjectFull: African American Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Males Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Athletes Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Participation Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Organizations Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Experience Type: general – SubjectFull: College Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Racism Type: general – SubjectFull: College Athletics Type: general – SubjectFull: At Risk Students Type: general – SubjectFull: Mentors Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Attitudes Type: general – SubjectFull: Program Effectiveness Type: general – SubjectFull: Student Empowerment Type: general – SubjectFull: Social Support Groups Type: general – SubjectFull: Family Role Type: general – SubjectFull: Parent Role Type: general – SubjectFull: Academic Support Services Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: The Meanings Black Male Student-Athletes Ascribe to Their Collegiate Experience through Counterspace Participation Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Samuel R. Hodge – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Jonathan E. Howe – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Robert Bennett IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 0033-6297 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1543-2750 Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 77 – Type: issue Value: 3 Titles: – TitleFull: Quest Type: main |
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