Kibbutz in the American Jewish Imagination: The Research of Bettelheim and Kohlberg
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| Title: | Kibbutz in the American Jewish Imagination: The Research of Bettelheim and Kohlberg |
|---|---|
| Language: | English |
| Authors: | Joseph Reimer (ORCID |
| Source: | Journal of Jewish Education. 2025 91(3):436-450. |
| Availability: | Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals |
| Peer Reviewed: | Y |
| Page Count: | 15 |
| Publication Date: | 2025 |
| Document Type: | Journal Articles Reports - Descriptive |
| Descriptors: | Jews, Judaism, Foreign Countries, Collective Settlements, Religious Factors, Child Rearing, Ethical Instruction, Educational Experiments, Nontraditional Education |
| Geographic Terms: | Israel |
| DOI: | 10.1080/15244113.2025.2499556 |
| ISSN: | 1524-4113 1554-611X |
| Abstract: | When American Jewish psychologists Bruno Bettelheim and Lawrence Kohlberg introduced in the late 1960s their research on kibbutz child-rearing and education, they presented kibbutz as a radical, secular, collectivist experiment. The term "radical experiment" was the key to capturing the interest of their social-science-oriented audiences. Yet, as their biographers would later attest, Bettelheim and Kohlberg each found a spiritual meaning to their kibbutz research that they never shared with their readers. Those personal Jewish meanings are the primary focus of this article. |
| Abstractor: | As Provided |
| Entry Date: | 2025 |
| Accession Number: | EJ1484728 |
| Database: | ERIC |
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| FullText | Links: – Type: pdflink Url: https://content.ebscohost.com/cds/retrieve?content=AQICAHj0k_4E0hTGH8RJwT4gCJyBsGNe_WN95AvKlDbXJGqwxwG4zWAyx9rI4pTEPgB3tSgdAAAA4zCB4AYJKoZIhvcNAQcGoIHSMIHPAgEAMIHJBgkqhkiG9w0BBwEwHgYJYIZIAWUDBAEuMBEEDHD-gl8o055pCNLErQIBEICBm_f7VZgbbu_tEGzs6mk590rB6gddG42-PjoEUWhXQsLAqQgA3z0zFWc8wJ3zb63JywQuoF-9NdvJwFQIsZdPadlQF2OO1C0wTllKnHoJBp4ZmaWhRUrEmi0PyS5kWULiBaUwgH1aW-sfCmeC-nChIYxCZGZjeNs-_ijOoFH8DtLqUdwVXPVYOFaOIy8G3c83JSOEz0JRV2WV6sZm Text: Availability: 1 Value: <anid>AN0188053518;5a601jul.25;2025Sep22.06:11;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0188053518-1">Kibbutz in the American Jewish Imagination: The Research of Bettelheim and Kohlberg </title> <p>When American Jewish psychologists Bruno Bettelheim and Lawrence Kohlberg introduced in the late 1960s their research on kibbutz child-rearing and education, they presented kibbutz as a radical, secular, collectivist experiment. The term radical experiment was the key to capturing the interest of their social-science-oriented audiences. Yet, as their biographers would later attest, Bettelheim and Kohlberg each found a spiritual meaning to their kibbutz research that they never shared with their readers. Those personal Jewish meanings are the primary focus of this article.</p> <p>Keywords: Israeli Kibbutzim; kibbutz education; moral education; psychoanaltic theory; secular Jewish thinkers</p> <p>Bruno Bettelheim and Lawrence Kohlberg were famous American Jewish psychologists who during the 1960s conducted studies of child and adolescent development on an Israeli kibbutz. Looking back from the perspective of today's troubled world, I am struck that these professionally ambitious, well-known intellectuals would have taken the time to research and write about kibbutz education. What attracted their attention as psychologists to kibbutz society was its radically different way of raising children. Both suggested that aspects of kibbutz child-rearing/educational practices might hold promise for educators and parents seeking an alternative to the standard practices of most American families and schools.</p> <p>Bettelheim and Kohlberg may be an odd pair to draw together for this reflection on the place of kibbutz in the American Jewish imagination of the 1960s. Neither Bettelheim nor Kohlberg is well-known for his research on kibbutz and neither left much of a mark on the field of kibbutz studies. Yet they represent an interesting window into how liberal Jewish American thinkers understood the significance of kibbutz. Both studied kibbutz to answer questions that concerned them as psychologists; both brought their theoretical stances to the study of kibbutz; and both also discovered in kibbutz a deep personal significance that they never shared with their reading audiences. As a graduate student of Kohlberg's in the 1970s I carefully read Bettelheim's ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref1">3</reflink>]) work and participated in Kohlberg's kibbutz research team.</p> <p>I explored their dramatically differing perspectives on kibbutz education, but it was only years later, after reading biographies of each man, that I discovered the personal significance that kibbutz research held for each. In this article, I want to re-introduce these fascinating figures to a contemporary audience, review the way each presented kibbutz to readers, and then explore the hidden personal significance that kibbutz held for these two secular Jewish thinkers.</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-2">Bruno Bettelheim</hd> <p>Born in Vienna in 1903, Bruno Bettelheim grew up in an assimilated Jewish family, studied art history at university and developed an abiding interest in psychoanalysis. The death of his father forced him into the family business, and though unhappy with this profession, Bruno married and lived a comfortable Viennese life. His wife, Gina, brought into their home an American girl with special needs whom Gina cared for. As was usual in their circles, Bruno sought psychoanalytic treatment and was in analysis for a short time before the Nazis marched into Austria in 1938. In June 1938, Bettelheim was arrested and sent to a concentration camp. He was imprisoned in Dachau and Buchenwald for over 10 months. With help from outside connections, he was freed from Buchenwald and allowed in April 1939 to leave Austria to join his wife who, with sponsorship from the mother of the child she cared for, had arrived in America. He would later become famous for writing about the dehumanizing conditions he experienced while imprisoned in those camps (Bettelheim, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>]; Pollak, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref3">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>Once in America, Bettelheim decided to pursue an academic career and quickly secured a teaching position in art history at a local college in the Chicago area. Once there, he developed connections with professors at the University of Chicago. He must have impressed those professors, for in 1944 he received an unexpected invitation to lunch that ended with the president of the university making him an offer he could not refuse: to become the director of the university's Orthogenic School. This offer may have been based on the misimpression that Bruno in Vienna had cared for that child with special needs. Nevertheless, Bruno understood he could not turn this down if he hoped for a future academic career at this university.</p> <p>The Orthogenic School was in trouble and on the verge of being closed. Bettelheim jumped into what was virtually new territory for him and in a few years turned the school around. He clearly defined who the school was seeking to treat: children between the ages of 6 and 14 who suffer from severe emotional disturbances that are beyond the reach of common therapeutic treatments. He insisted that children remain at the school for at least two years and developed a psychoanalytic-oriented milieu therapy. He trained an excellent staff of young educators who were totally devoted to the treatment of these emotionally disturbed students and raised money for the growth and improvement of the school. Bettelheim also managed to write three popular, well-received books on the school and its treatment of these difficult youth. He was appointed a professor in the university's Education Department and became one of the most popular teachers on campus (Pollak, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref4">14</reflink>]; Raines, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref5">16</reflink>]).</p> <p>Bettelheim also developed a reputation as a public intellectual. In his writings and speeches, he took openly controversial stances that drew attention. For example, Bettelheim was a strong advocate for Jewish assimilation into American culture. He saw no value in Jews clinging to Judaism or Zionism and suggested that Jewish particularism only fed antisemitism. At the school he insisted on the celebration of Christmas and could see no reason why Jewish children and staff might have reservations about embracing its rituals. As for celebrating Chanukah and Passover, he decreed that because they are not "American holidays," they had no place at the school (Pollak, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref6">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>As the Orthogenic School gained fame, educators from around the world came to learn from its treatment plan. In 1957, Nechama Levi-Edelman, a veteran social worker and educator from Kibbutz Ramat Yohanan, came for a two-month visit. Bettelheim displayed an interest in kibbutz, and in 1959 and 1962 published articles in American Jewish publications about kibbutz education. He acknowledged that he had never been to kibbutz, but that did not stop him for venturing his own views on the strengths and weaknesses of kibbutz child-rearing. In 1963 he applied for foundation support to undertake a research visit to kibbutz. With that support, Bettelheim contacted Levi-Edelman and asked to do his research on her kibbutz. Given that he had never been to Israel and spoke no Hebrew, she understood that she would need to assist him. She agreed and convinced her kibbutz to issue the invitation. In spring 1964 Bettelheim arrived at Kibbutz Ramat Yohanan for a five-week visit (Pollak, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref7">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>His research focused on children from infancy through adolescence and how children were being raised in the children's houses as well as in their more-limited interactions with their parents. He made daily observations, talked with anyone he could, and also surveyed those he could not speak with. He carefully watched the children, educators, and parents, and although he could not understand their speech, he trusted his own intuitive sense of how the children and parents felt. When Nechama suggested that he might learn a lot from attending the kibbutz Passover seder, he was very reluctant. Yet she insisted, and to her surprise, he seemed to enjoy the celebration and even participated in singing the traditional songs.</p> <p> <emph>The Children of the Dream</emph> was published in 1969. The book received mixed reviews. In the <emph>New York Times</emph>, reviewers were full of praise for a ground-breaking and fascinating study of this alternative way of raising children. In Israel the book was mostly dismissed as the unscientific musings of a famous man who came with prefixed ideas about kibbutz education (Pollak, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref8">14</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-3">Lawrence Kohlberg</hd> <p>Lawrence Kohlberg was born in 1927 to a wealthy family in New York. His father Alfred had an import-export business with China and developed over time extreme right-wing political views. He would become one of the strongest backers of Senator Joe McCarthy and a founder of the John Birch Society. At home Alfred was an avid assimilationist who did not raise his children to think of themselves as Jews. Larry, the youngest of four children, would later say he only became aware of being Jewish when as a student at the elite Philips Andover Academy he was taunted by his peers for his Jewish-sounding family name (J. R. Snarey, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref9">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>Larry thought of himself as a student rebel at Andover. After graduating in 1945, he did not follow his father's plan to attend an Ivy League college, but hit the road with friends and eventually signed up for the Merchant Marines where he was trained to staff ships that were bringing GIs home from Europe. In 1947 he left the Merchant Marines to volunteer for Aliyah Bet, an underground arm of the Haganah, whose mission was to bring illegal immigrants–survivors of the Shoah to Palestine. The British Navy had established a blockade to stop all such illegal immigration. Hundreds of American Jews volunteered to work these ships. Larry was unusual in bringing actual know-how to this work. He was assigned to the <emph>Pacudah</emph>, a ship that would follow by two months the famous <emph>Exodus 1947</emph>. The <emph>Pacudah</emph> picked up illegal immigrants in Europe and sailed them toward Haifa. Before reaching port, their ship was boarded by the British Navy and all the crew and passengers were detained and sent to a detention camp in Cypress. After two miserable months, the crew were freed and brought back to Haifa where they had to hide from the British. Larry eventually returned to the United States to begin college at the University of Chicago. Before starting college he wrote a riveting account of his volunteer work that was published in the prestigious <emph>Menorah Journal</emph> (Kohlberg, [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref10">9</reflink>]).</p> <p>Larry managed to finish college in one year after which he decided to pursue a doctorate in clinical psychology at the University of Chicago. There he studied with Bettelheim before rejecting the dominant trends in psychology in favor of his own interest in how children and adolescents develop their moral reasoning (Kohlberg, [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref11">13</reflink>]). He discovered the work of Piaget and went on to develop his own theory of the six stages of moral development. At the time this represented a sharp break from prevailing paradigms. Kohlberg persisted in his research and by the late 1960s was appointed as a professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education where he became a pathbreaking figure in the field of developmental psychology (J. R. Snarey, [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref12">19</reflink>]).</p> <p>Kohlberg theorized that these six stages of moral development were universal and that children all over the world developed these sequential ways of thinking about moral issues. To support this claim, he and his students began studies of children in rural Turkey and Taiwan (Kohlberg, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref13">12</reflink>]). Thus, it was not surprising that when invited to Israel in 1969, Kohlberg began a study there. What was surprising was his focusing this study on kibbutz adolescents. Kibbutzim represented a slim percentage of the Israeli population and a fairly elite segment. Even more surprising was the interest Kohlberg took in kibbutz education. Never before in a study of moral development in other cultures had Kohlberg written about the schools children attended. Yet in this study, Kohlberg—like Bettelheim—focused on how the kibbutz educated its young and influenced their moral development (Kohlberg, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref14">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-4">How Bettelheim Presents Kibbutz Education</hd> <p>Bettelheim ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref15">3</reflink>]) boldly proclaims in his opening chapter that child-rearing at kibbutz represents nothing less than "an experiment in nature." The founding members of kibbutz dared to initiate a whole new way of raising children. Rebelling against their own traditional Jewish upbringings, the founders wanted to free their children from the ensnaring traps of bourgeois family life by creating a new approach wherein children would live not with their parents but in a collective children's house in which their first loyalties would be not to their parents but to their peers and the collective life of the kibbutz. This approach flew in the face of John Bowlby's ([<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref16">5</reflink>]) famous attachment theory, which insisted that a child's security stemmed from a close attachment bond with primary parental figures. How, Bettelheim wondered, could kibbutz keep its children from forming that primal bond with parents and yet ensure that they would grow up to be confident and capable individuals?</p> <p>Acknowledging that he is not the first scholar to ask this question, Bettelheim contends that he brings a fresh perspective due to his years of running and researching the Orthogenic School. Though steeped in psychoanalytic theory, Bettelheim intimately appreciates how a nonfamilial educational environment can be healing for children and promoting of their development. He wonders if kibbutz is that rare experiment in the Western world that has managed to raise healthy children who are not primarily attached to their parents.</p> <p>Bettelheim's research offers a split answer to this primary question. When observing preadolescent kibbutz children, he is amazed by their health and vibrancy.</p> <p>Watching latency children in class and at play, in their assembly</p> <p>discussions, at mealtimes, or when going so easily to bed</p> <p>and to sleep, one is impressed with the joy of living in</p> <p>them, how the day for them bubbles with interest, stimulation,</p> <p>excitement and satisfaction ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref17">3</reflink>], p. 220).</p> <p>Kibbutz has managed to create a well-balanced world in which children live full days with their peers and also visit with their parents. They are at home in this world and feel blessed for having a secure place within this collective society while also enjoying the special love of their parents. If one were to assess kibbutz education on the basis of the vibrancy of their preadolescent children, the results would be impressive.</p> <p>But these blessings of kibbutz childhood turn in a different direction when the children become adolescents. Here is Bettelheim's opening description of the adolescents he observed on kibbutz.</p> <p>These youngsters when they wake up in the morning are tired already,</p> <p>are listless in class during the day and exhausted well before midnight.</p> <p>They feel that much too much is expected of them ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref18">3</reflink>], p. 223).</p> <p>How jolting to discover that kibbutz adolescents appear so different from their younger peers. As a psychoanalyst, Bettelheim explains this sudden reversal by focusing on sexual repression. These adolescents "are depleted of energy because so much goes into keeping repression." Their parents have imposed "a very high and repressive sexual morality" (p. 224). What is this repressive morality? That these teens who live together in close proximity and have been taught that sexuality is a natural and beautiful part of human life are yet forbidden in their high school years from engaging in sexual relations with one another.</p> <p>If sexual repression is Bettelheim's opening note, his subsequent points are about identity and intimacy formation. Following Erikson ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref19">6</reflink>]), Bettelheim views identity formation as depending upon an adolescent's ability to imagine for oneself an independent life. These kibbutz adolescents, however, face the daunting challenge of being a second generation to parents who were the founders of the kibbutz and who fought for the independence of their nation. How could this next generation match what their parents have accomplished? How can these adolescents feel energized when they are expected to be the inheritors of their parents dream rather than the initiators of their own big dreams? As one kibbutz youth told Bettelheim, "They [the parents] are all so great, so we are so little" ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref20">3</reflink>], p. 225).</p> <p>Additionally, these kibbutz teens live without a capacity to develop real intimacy in their lives. They are too distant from their parents to really know them well and too enmeshed in their peers' groups to develop deep friendships with other individuals. The great strength of kibbutz child-rearing is providing children with a firm capacity to act as part of a collective; the real weakness is not providing the room to know oneself and develop deep interpersonal relationships. As a result, Bettelheim believes this second generation "remains stuck in an adolescent stance where intimacy is highly praised in theory but fearfully avoided in practice" ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref21">3</reflink>], p. 266). This leaves these teens emotionally flat and conformist in their behavior.</p> <p>Having offered this mixed appraisal of kibbutz education, Bettelheim admits his findings are perplexing.</p> <p>Somehow these dynamic people [the kibbutz founders] have</p> <p>managed to create a static society. This does not mean that the</p> <p>kibbutz is not changing. But it resists change, worries about</p> <p>innovations rather than rising to the challenges with alacrity ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref22">3</reflink>], p. 306).</p> <p>As for these adolescents, Bettelheim reports, "I failed to evoke any depth</p> <p>in the younger generation though I found it often enough in the founding generation" ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref23">3</reflink>], p. 308). Bettelheim came ready to praise kibbutz education but leaves disappointed. He hoped to convince his American readers that kibbutz might provide an alternative vision for educating children outside the nuclear family but ends on an ambivalent note. While "intense group ties [on kibbutz] discourage individuation," at least they do not "breed human isolation, asocial behavior or other forms of social disorganization that plague modern man in competitive society" ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref24">3</reflink>], p. 314).</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-5">How Kohlberg Responds to Bettelheim</hd> <p>What draws Kohlberg's professional interest to kibbutz is different from what drew Bettelheim.</p> <p>He is less interested in child-rearing practices and more interested in adolescent education.</p> <p>While Bettelheim is fascinated by what it means for children to grow up apart from their parents, Kohlberg is fascinated by what it means for adolescents to live and be educated in a peer culture in which they democratically participate in making the rules and norms that govern their communal lives. While Bettelheim reads kibbutz adolescents as listless teens repressed by their parents' normative demands, Kohlberg views the same population as active participants in a stimulating educational experiment wherein they are trusted to democratically make decisions about their group's life.</p> <p>A regular feature of kibbutz adolescent education is the group meeting. At a kibbutz high school each group—all the teens of a given grade who live, study, and work together—meet with their primary educator to discuss the issues they face with the goal of coming to a group decision about how to live together. This feature of kibbutz life received little attention in Bettelheim's study, but there is one instance that he does report and that we can use to examine the contrasting theoretical perspectives that Bettelheim and Kohlberg bring to their study of kibbutz. Here is Bettelheim's report:</p> <p>I asked a class of eleventh graders (age about sixteen) which group discussion</p> <p>had been most interesting to them in the past year or two ... They agreed it</p> <p>had been a discussion that centered on what was the right way for kibbutzniks</p> <p>to dress. It had come about because two girls in their groups had grown long</p> <p>fingernails and arranged their hair in a fashion the adult group member</p> <p>considered fancy and unbecoming in a kibbutz. That is, they had tried to</p> <p>make themselves sexually attractive as girls.</p> <p>The issue debated was whether the youth society should permit such</p> <p>behavior or not. The group was then supposed to arrive at their own (group)</p> <p>decision on the matter, though it was not they but the adult leader who had</p> <p>raised it as a problem ... This led to a heated discussion which went on for</p> <p>several days with great intensity. For some time, the girls "stubbornly" held to</p> <p>their position, and some felt that the adult was railroading the decision in</p> <p>favor of his views. But in the end, they felt they had decided on their own</p> <p>that such a manner of dress was unbecoming to kibbutz life and should not</p> <p>be allowed. (Bettelheim, [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref25">3</reflink>], p. 231)</p> <p>What interests Bettelheim is how unusual it is for "the budding desire to express sexuality to get aired in group discussion," for kibbutz adolescents face "strong sexual inhibitions that set off the whole process of repression" ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref26">3</reflink>], p. 230). Furthermore, "with very rare exceptions, they [the teens] cannot buck the group, not for a moment, it is too threatening" ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref27">3</reflink>], p. 233). So these two young women, unusual in their demand to be heard, try valiantly to stand up for themselves. But in the end, they are turned down by their peers and have no choice but to submit. No wonder they appear listless.</p> <p>Kohlberg never actually commented on this incident in Bettelheim's book. But since he and I had many discussions in the 1970s about kibbutz education, I can confidently claim that he would have read this incident very differently. First, he might have asked how listless could these teens be if they are engaged in a heated debate with great intensity for several days. Second, he would note that these teens do not allow their adult educator to railroad the discussion and hear out the two sides of this debate. Third, Kohlberg would not assume—as Bettelheim does—that these two teens have tried to make themselves sexually attractive and that this is a case of sexual repression at work. Rather, Kohlberg would hope that the group would have taken up the moral issue that this case raises—not the question of sexual attraction but of the individual's right in a group to make these decisions for herself. Kohlberg would likely note that Bettelheim is so consumed by questions of sexual attraction and repression that he misses the possibility that these young women might be standing up for their rights and that the group might have taken that question seriously. That the group concludes that the demands of the kibbutz take precedence does not necessarily mean they shut these girls down and demanded their conformity. It may mean that they recognize the girls' rights but ask them to postpone their interest in fashion until a later date.</p> <p>At the center of Kohlberg's interest in kibbutz education is the potential that these group meetings can serve as formats for the discussion of moral issues. Kohlberg ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref28">11</reflink>]) notes that often kibbutz educators are conflicted about their educational role. On the one hand, like the educator in the above case, they feel it is their role to pressure the adolescents to conform to the norms of the kibbutz. But, on the other hand, they themselves are often morally mature individuals who may sense that their adolescent students are on the brink of thinking more expansively and it is their educational role to encourage that more expansive reflection. Kohlberg contends that these educators could do both: they could speak for the value of shared kibbutz norms while also helping their students to reflect on the limits of conformity and the need to balance societal demands with the rights of individuals to pursue their legitimate personal interests.</p> <p>Kohlberg challenges the psychoanalytic focus on "repression." He takes for granted that schools will have conventional rules governing adolescent behavior and that teens will learn how to live with and often evade those rules. What matters from a developmental perspective is whether adolescents are encouraged to think reflectively about questions of authority and fairness and whether they have a voice in debating those questions. Kibbutz education, in his view, exemplifies that potential. While individual kibbutz educators may act arbitrarily, the system encourages educators to use these group meetings to explore moral questions and give teens practice in deliberating and democratically deciding on issues that affect their shared lives.</p> <p>While Bettelheim concluded that kibbutz had become a closed society with defining norms that control every aspect of a young person's life, Kohlberg assumes that kibbutz is yet an open system with room for growth and change. He is encouraged that kibbutz still has strong group norms and that adolescents struggle to define their places vis-a-vis those demands. For where there are collective demands, there is the possibility to debate their rightness and fairness. Kibbutz has the great advantage of still taking seriously these moral questions and still encouraging youth to believe that while they may now need to conform to established norms, they will one day become adult members who will have the capacity to raise serious moral questions that will challenge the status quo of their democratic society (Kohlberg, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref29">11</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-6">A Question I Never Asked</hd> <p>Writing about kibbutz education provided Kohlberg with an excellent opportunity to offer a contrasting perspective to that of Bettelheim ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref30">3</reflink>]) and to encourage his readers to think more expansively about moral education as involving adolescents learning to make collective decisions about the lives they share in their schools and educational institutions. When in 1969 I began my graduate studies at Harvard and first met Larry Kohlberg, he had just returned from visiting Kibbutz Sasa and was very excited about this new research project. When he learned that I had spent my junior year in Israel, visited on kibbutz and could speak Hebrew, he recruited me to his incipient kibbutz research team. Little did I know that this would lead to my spending many months over three years on Kibbutz Sasa, studying the moral development of kibbutz adolescents and writing my doctoral dissertation on the educational system of that kibbutz high school (Reimer, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref31">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>In the years that I was Kohlberg's doctoral student I never asked him why he was so personally interested in kibbutz. I viewed him as a great theorizer and believed his claim to be looking for models of moral education that would have a powerful influence on adolescent moral development. But I did wonder how Kohlberg came to think of kibbutz in those terms. After all, while he had read about kibbutz and studied various theories of collective education, he had visited Kibbutz Sasa for only a brief time in 1969 and had the barest acquaintance with its students and educators. How had this brief visit ignited this interest that initiated a research project that I and others would pursue throughout the 1970s and into the 1980s?</p> <p>I never asked Larry that question because I did not think it appropriate for a graduate student to ask. But as I got deeper into kibbutz education, I did sense a divide between our interests in kibbutz. I was struck by how kibbutz society was changing in the 1970s and how those changes affected the educational system. What interested Kohlberg was the empirical study of moral development among kibbutz adolescents. For those results were broadly confirming of his hypothesis that kibbutz would be a stimulating environment for these teens (Reimer, [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref32">17</reflink>]; J. Snarey et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref33">18</reflink>]). As for kibbutz education, Kohlberg had already developed his view of the basic elements that interested him—the collective, democratic nature of communal decision-making— and those did not change over time. How he developed those views were a mystery to me.</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-7">The Personal Significance of Studying Kibbutz</hd> <p>Bettelheim and Kohlberg both viewed kibbutz as a fascinating educational experiment, but neither placed much emphasis on kibbutz being part and parcel of Israeli society. They referred to kibbutz ideology as socialist and collectivist, but tended to skip over its also being Zionist and Jewish. While they wrote about kibbutz as a secular educational experiment, their personal interest in kibbutz went deeper than its secular import. When viewed from the perspective of the biographical materials made available after both men had died by suicide, it emerges that each in his own way was making a spiritual journey to kibbutz that he never shared with his reading audience. Let's look first at Bettelheim and then at Kohlberg.</p> <p>After Bettelheim died in 1990, a flurry of negative accusations emerged about his abusive treatment of individual children at the Orthogenic School. Those and other accusations gave rise to much discussion in the press (Angres, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref34">1</reflink>]) and eventually to two full-length biographies of his life and work (Pollak, [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref35">14</reflink>]; Raines, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref36">16</reflink>]). To understand the significance of Bettelheim's kibbutz study, I turn to Pollak's biography, which explores Bettelheim's relationship to his Jewishness. Let's follow what Pollak discovered.</p> <p>Having taken such a strong stance on the positive value of Jewish assimilation into American culture, Bettelheim was naturally reluctant to view his first trip to Israel as anything other than a research study of kibbutz. He was very focused on that research and refused to devote time to touring the country or learning about its broader culture. Even when his host insisted on his participating in kibbutz cultural celebration, he did so with great reluctance. Nevertheless, Pollak views this trip as "putting a crack in the assimilationist carapace that had hardened around him" ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref37">14</reflink>], p. 293). On this trip, Bettelheim met Leonard Atkins, codirector of a residential treatment center for emotionally disturbed kibbutz children. Bettelheim was impressed with Atkins's work and invited him to work at the Orthogenic School. Atkins came for five years and convinced Bettelheim to allow for the first time a seder to be celebrated at the school. Led by Atkins, the seder involved the entire school, Jews and Gentiles, everyone, except for Bettelheim who begged off. Yet when the Six-Day War broke out in 1967, Bettelheim "rushed to Hillel House with a check [for Israel] for five hundred dollars" ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref38">14</reflink>], p. 294). In subsequent years, Bettelheim would visit Israel again and vehemently express his support for the country in letters to two Israeli colleagues whom he had befriended ([<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref39">14</reflink>], pp. 294–295). While no one can say that these changes resulted directly from Bettelheim's five-week visit to kibbutz, these significant shifts in his attitude toward his Jewishness emerged following that visit and persisted for the remaining years of his life.</p> <p>Kohlberg had a different life history and relationship to his Jewishness. Larry grew up in a home in which he would not have celebrated any Jewish holidays or even identified as Jewish. It was only at Philip's Academy that he discovered a Jewishness that was new to him. Yet two years after graduating, Larry volunteered to run an illegal ship for Jewish immigrants and risk imprisonment at the hands of the British. That this seminal experience played a role in his developing his theory of moral development was a piece of his personal history that Larry informally shared with his students. Strangely, he only publicly acknowledged that connection in a lecture he gave in Japan in 1985, which was published only after his death in 1987. What Kohlberg left unspecified—both informally with his students and later in that lecture—is the role that kibbutz played in this seminal experience and how kibbutz ideology became personally significant for him. I will address that question by looking at three sources: Larry's early published chronicle ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref40">9</reflink>]) of his experience with Aliyah Bet, that 1985 lecture (1991), and the material revealed by his biographer, Robert Herzstein ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref41">8</reflink>]).</p> <p>Larry's 1948 chronicle is a young man's account of his experience volunteering on one of the ships running the British blockade. On each of those ships Aliyah Bet placed a few of their veteran men to direct the operation and deal with the British (Hadari, [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref42">7</reflink>]). Many of these men were kibbutz members who could leave their families behind while being gone for months. In his chronicle Larry refers to these men as "Shu-Shus."</p> <p>The Shu-Shus were Palestinian leaders of the Haganah and our real</p> <p>bosses ...They worked completely without ceremony.</p> <p>I was amazed later when I found the chief of the organization,</p> <p>who had negotiated with cabinet ministers and commanded</p> <p>ships, washing dishes in his collective settlement in Palestine.</p> <p>They lived just as we did, and no one of us would have</p> <p>dreamed of doubting their complete honesty. They were</p> <p>driven by a seriousness of purpose which made them look</p> <p>upon us as playboys and adventurers. ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref43">9</reflink>], p. 388)</p> <p>The young Kohlberg views these veterans with a special awe for their honesty and seriousness of purpose. He is especially moved that the head of Aliyah Bet is himself a kibbutz member who goes home to wash dishes in the kibbutz dining room. Larry also tells of Dave, a Gentile volunteer on the ship, "who wanted to live as a farm worker in a communal settlement."</p> <p>After the volunteers were arrested by the British and interred in Cypress, Larry visited Dave on kibbutz and found him "working hard in the fields and speaking a beautiful Hebrew" ([<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref44">9</reflink>], p. 398). Kohlberg recalls that time on kibbutz in his 1985 lecture. "The Haganah helped us to escape from Cypress to Palestine and equipped us with false papers. I and some of my crewmates stayed on a kibbutz until it was safe to leave the country" ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref45">13</reflink>], p. 12). Kohlberg was interred in Cypress during fall 1947, escaped to Haifa and then spent some time in early 1948 hiding from the British and staying on kibbutz.</p> <p>Robert Herzstein ([<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref46">8</reflink>]), Kohlberg's biographer,[<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref47">1</reflink>] adds two important details. While Larry was interred in the prison camp on Cypress in fall 1947, he became close to and was impressed by young men who were members of Hashomer Hatzair, the left-wing kibbutz movement. They were the ones to kindle his interest in kibbutz and teach him about kibbutz ideology. Then, several months later in 1948, after Larry had been back to Palestine, he decided not to return immediately to the United States but to undertake a second Aliyah Bet voyage to bring more immigrants from Europe to Palestine. In a letter home to his parents, Larry explains his shift.</p> <p>But having lived with Jews and identified myself with their cause, I've gotten</p> <p>to feel that I'm not only an American with Jewish name, but a Jew ...</p> <p>I find almost all decent Jews over here are working for a Jewish state ...</p> <p>Sacrifices that Americans would never dream of making for their country</p> <p>are matter-of-fact to the Jews'. (Herzstein, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref48">8</reflink>], p. 32)</p> <p>Larry announces that he is breaking with his father's practice of calling himself "an American with a Jewish name" and insisting he wants to <emph>be</emph> a Jew and openly identify with their cause. What especially impresses Larry are the sacrifices that these Jews are making for their country, sacrifices that "Americans would never dream of making."</p> <p>These biographical details make clear that there is another dimension to Kohlberg's decision in 1969 to begin a study of kibbutz adolescents. He was not simply seeking another cross-cultural study but returning to a source of solace and strength that in his youth had helped him to emerge from a long period of wondering and claim his voice as a moral thinker. Prior to his joining Aliyah Bet in 1947, Larry was one of the "playboys and adventurers" seeking adventure and chasing women. He was running from his authoritarian father and biding his time in what Erikson ([<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref49">6</reflink>]) would have called a "moratorium." What allowed Larry to emerge from that moratorium and find his own voice was his encounter with the "Shu Shus" who modelled for him a sense of moral purpose and honesty. He sees in these men a willingness to sacrifice for a moral cause that deeply moves him. Kohlberg ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref50">10</reflink>]) will later write about Socrates and Martin Luther King as moral educators who sacrificed their lives for their calling. But his early encounter with this form of sacrifice is on Aliyah Bet. Perhaps this adolescent experience creates a model for what he later writes about in his mature work.</p> <p>Kibbutz represented an ideal for Larry. Having grown up in privilege in a home where servants attended to his daily needs (Herzstein, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref51">8</reflink>]), Larry would be particularly attentive to the fact that the Shu Shus "lived just as we did" and the chief of the organization would return home to do the communal dishes. Kibbutz was a place where justice and fairness were daily practiced and where one's status in the outside world did not entitle one to skip the dishes. I believe these details mattered profoundly to Larry, who was searching for a way to both claim his personal identity as a Jew and his intellectual identity as a moral thinker who viewed justice as the highest of all virtues (Kohlberg, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref52">10</reflink>]).</p> <p>When Kohlberg returns in 1969 to kibbutz he is seeking to both connect to his earlier life experience and add a communal dimension to his theory of moral education. In his rise to fame, Kohlberg ([<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref53">12</reflink>]) wrote extensively about how individual children and adolescents think about moral issues. In his early writing about moral education (Blatt &amp; Kohlberg, [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref54">4</reflink>]), his focus remained on how classroom interventions can help promote the development of moral reasoning in individual students. But starting in 1971, he adds another dimension to his theory of moral education that he first articulates in his article on kibbutz education. After stating his finding that "total immersion in the kibbutz is a much more powerful moral education environment" than classrooms can provide, Kohlberg concludes with this surprising announcement.</p> <p>Our own plans for a program of moral education ... involves running</p> <p>our own 'kibbutz' in the United States, a kibbutz which will combine</p> <p>the principles of moral discussion with some of the principles of</p> <p>collective education ([<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref55">11</reflink>], p. 369).</p> <p>Kohlberg was not actually planning to start a kibbutz but to integrate what he had learned from kibbutz with his existing paradigm of moral discussions. This new paradigm would become known as "the just community approach" and preoccupy Larry for the remaining years of his life (Power et al., [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref56">15</reflink>]). But when I ask myself where Kohlberg had learned these lessons about kibbutz collective education, I realize it was not only from his brief visit to Kibbutz Sasa in 1969 but more fundamentally from his earlier encounters with kibbutz life in 1947–1948.</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-8">Conclusion</hd> <p>For all their theoretical differences and varying perspectives on kibbutz adolescents, Bettelheim and Kohlberg shared a common narrative in presenting kibbutz education to their readers. Both present kibbutz as a radical secular alternative to standard American child-rearing and education and invite their readers to consider what they can learn from these alternative possibilities. Both skip lightly over the ways that kibbutz culture is deeply rooted in Israeli society and profoundly Jewish in its expression. Bettelheim and Kohlberg knew these aspects of kibbutz life were not immediately relevant to their theoretical concerns and would not sell well with their audiences. Their secular stance worked well for their professional purposes.</p> <p>What we learn from the biographical material reveals a very different picture. Bettelheim could insist as strongly as he wished that his 1964 visit to Israel was only about his research interest in kibbutz, but the trip ended up having a profound influence on how he thought and felt about himself as a Jew. While he remained a staunch secularist, Bettelheim would become an avid supporter of Israel and a man who counted his Israeli colleagues among his closest friends. Kohlberg could write as if he only discovered kibbutz education after being invited to Israel in 1969, but in fact he was returning after 21 years to a place that had a profound influence of him as a young man and that set him on a path to becoming both a self-identified Jew and a world-famous theorist of moral development.</p> <p>It was not in their writing style for Kohlberg or Bettelheim to reveal such personal matters. It was important to them to represent kibbutz to their liberal American audience as a secular, innovative alternative to more conventional educational models. But what made kibbutz interesting was different from what made it personally significant. As is so often the case, they ended up hiding what may have meant the most to them.</p> <hd id="AN0188053518-9">Disclosure Statement</hd> <p>No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.</p> <ref id="AN0188053518-10"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref34" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Herzstein, an American historian, undertook a dual biography of father and son, Alfred and Lawrence Kohlberg. After investing much time and effort, Herzstein grew ill and died before finishing his dual biography. The surviving manuscripts were preserved by John Snarey, who was kind enough to share them with me.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Joseph Reimer is Associate Professor Emeritus of Jewish Education at Brandeis University and author of Making Shabbat: Celebrating and Learning at American Jewish Summer Camps. E-mail: reimer@brandeis.edu</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <ref id="AN0188053518-11"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibtext> Angres, R. (1990, October). Who really was Bruno Bettelheim? Commentary, 90 (4), 26.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Bettelheim, B. (1960). The informed heart: Autonomy in a mass age. The Free Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref1" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> Bettelheim, B. (1969). The children of the dream: Communal child-rearing and American education. The Free Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref54" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> Blatt, M., &amp; Kohlberg, L. (1975). Effects of classroom discussion on children's level of moral judgment. Journal of Moral Education, 4, 129 – 161. https://doi.org/10.1080/0305724750040207</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib5" idref="ref16" type="bt">5</bibl> <bibtext> Bowlby, J. (1951). Maternal care and mental health. World Health Organization Monograph.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib6" idref="ref19" type="bt">6</bibl> <bibtext> Erikson, E. H. (1964). Identity: Youth and crisis. Norton.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib7" idref="ref42" type="bt">7</bibl> <bibtext> Hadari, Z. V. (1991). Second exodus: The full story of Jewish illegal immigration to Palestine, 1945-1948. Vallentine, Mitchell and Company.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib8" idref="ref41" type="bt">8</bibl> <bibtext> Herzstein, R. E. (2012). Lawrence Kohlberg: A biography [ Unpublished Manuscript ]. Emory University.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib9" idref="ref10" type="bt">9</bibl> <bibtext> Kohlberg, L. (1948, Autumn). Beds for bananas: A first-hand story of the S.S. Redemption. Menorah Journal, 385 – 399.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kohlberg, L. (1970). Education for justice: A modern statement of the platonic view. In T. Sizer &amp; N. Sizer (Eds.), Moral education (pp. 57 – 83). Harvard University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kohlberg, L. (1971). Cognitive-developmental theory and the practice of collective moral education. In M. Wolins &amp; M. Gottesman (Eds.), Group care: An Israeli approach (pp. 342 – 371). Gordon and Breach.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kohlberg, L. (1984). Essays on moral development: Volume II, the psychology of moral development: The nature and validity of moral stages. Harper &amp;Row.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Kohlberg, L. (1991). My personal search for universal morality. In L. Kuhmerker (Ed.), The Kohlberg legacy for helping professions (pp. 11 – 17). Religious Education Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Pollak, R. (1997). The creation of Dr. B: A biography of Bruno Bettelheim. Simon &amp; Schuster.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Power, F. C., Higgins, A., &amp; Kohlberg, L. (1989). Lawrence Kohlberg's approach to moral education. Columbia University Press.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Raines, T. (2002). Rising to the light. Alfred A. Knopf.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Reimer, J. (1977). A study in the moral development of Kibbutz adolescents [ Unpublished doctoral dissertation ]. Harvard University.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Snarey, J., Reimer, J., &amp; Kohlberg, L. (1985). The kibbutz as a model for moral education: A longitudinal, cross-cultural study. Journal of Applied Developmental Psych, 6 (2–3), 151 – 172. https://doi.org/10.1016/0193-3973(85)90057-7</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibtext> Snarey, J. R. (2012). Lawrence Kohlberg: Moral biography, moral psychology and moral pedagogy. In W. E. Pickren, D. A. Dewsbury, &amp; M. Wertheimer (Eds.), Portraits of pioneers in developmental psychology (pp. 277 – 296). Psychology Press.</bibtext> </blist> </ref> <aug> <p>By Joseph Reimer</p> <p>Reported by Author</p> </aug> <nolink nlid="nl1" bibid="bib14" firstref="ref3"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl2" bibid="bib16" firstref="ref5"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl3" bibid="bib19" firstref="ref9"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl4" bibid="bib13" firstref="ref11"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl5" bibid="bib12" firstref="ref13"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl6" bibid="bib11" firstref="ref14"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl7" bibid="bib17" firstref="ref31"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl8" bibid="bib18" firstref="ref33"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl9" bibid="bib10" firstref="ref50"></nolink> <nolink nlid="nl10" bibid="bib15" firstref="ref56"></nolink> |
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| Items | – Name: Title Label: Title Group: Ti Data: Kibbutz in the American Jewish Imagination: The Research of Bettelheim and Kohlberg – Name: Language Label: Language Group: Lang Data: English – Name: Author Label: Authors Group: Au Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Joseph+Reimer%22">Joseph Reimer</searchLink> (ORCID <externalLink term="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0026-2679">0000-0003-0026-2679</externalLink>) – Name: TitleSource Label: Source Group: Src Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Journal+of+Jewish+Education%22"><i>Journal of Jewish Education</i></searchLink>. 2025 91(3):436-450. – Name: Avail Label: Availability Group: Avail Data: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals – Name: PeerReviewed Label: Peer Reviewed Group: SrcInfo Data: Y – Name: Pages Label: Page Count Group: Src Data: 15 – Name: DatePubCY Label: Publication Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: TypeDocument Label: Document Type Group: TypDoc Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Descriptive – Name: Subject Label: Descriptors Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Jews%22">Jews</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Judaism%22">Judaism</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Collective+Settlements%22">Collective Settlements</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Religious+Factors%22">Religious Factors</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Child+Rearing%22">Child Rearing</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethical+Instruction%22">Ethical Instruction</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Educational+Experiments%22">Educational Experiments</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Nontraditional+Education%22">Nontraditional Education</searchLink> – Name: Subject Label: Geographic Terms Group: Su Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Israel%22">Israel</searchLink> – Name: DOI Label: DOI Group: ID Data: 10.1080/15244113.2025.2499556 – Name: ISSN Label: ISSN Group: ISSN Data: 1524-4113<br />1554-611X – Name: Abstract Label: Abstract Group: Ab Data: When American Jewish psychologists Bruno Bettelheim and Lawrence Kohlberg introduced in the late 1960s their research on kibbutz child-rearing and education, they presented kibbutz as a radical, secular, collectivist experiment. The term "radical experiment" was the key to capturing the interest of their social-science-oriented audiences. Yet, as their biographers would later attest, Bettelheim and Kohlberg each found a spiritual meaning to their kibbutz research that they never shared with their readers. Those personal Jewish meanings are the primary focus of this article. – Name: AbstractInfo Label: Abstractor Group: Ab Data: As Provided – Name: DateEntry Label: Entry Date Group: Date Data: 2025 – Name: AN Label: Accession Number Group: ID Data: EJ1484728 |
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| RecordInfo | BibRecord: BibEntity: Identifiers: – Type: doi Value: 10.1080/15244113.2025.2499556 Languages: – Text: English PhysicalDescription: Pagination: PageCount: 15 StartPage: 436 Subjects: – SubjectFull: Jews Type: general – SubjectFull: Judaism Type: general – SubjectFull: Foreign Countries Type: general – SubjectFull: Collective Settlements Type: general – SubjectFull: Religious Factors Type: general – SubjectFull: Child Rearing Type: general – SubjectFull: Ethical Instruction Type: general – SubjectFull: Educational Experiments Type: general – SubjectFull: Nontraditional Education Type: general – SubjectFull: Israel Type: general Titles: – TitleFull: Kibbutz in the American Jewish Imagination: The Research of Bettelheim and Kohlberg Type: main BibRelationships: HasContributorRelationships: – PersonEntity: Name: NameFull: Joseph Reimer IsPartOfRelationships: – BibEntity: Dates: – D: 01 M: 01 Type: published Y: 2025 Identifiers: – Type: issn-print Value: 1524-4113 – Type: issn-electronic Value: 1554-611X Numbering: – Type: volume Value: 91 – Type: issue Value: 3 Titles: – TitleFull: Journal of Jewish Education Type: main |
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