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Diversity in Adoption of Linguistic Features of London English by Chinese and Bangladeshi Adolescents

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Title: Diversity in Adoption of Linguistic Features of London English by Chinese and Bangladeshi Adolescents
Language: English
Authors: Pennington, Martha C., Lau, Lawrence, Sachdev, Itesh
Source: Language Learning Journal. 2011 39(2):177-199.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 325 Chestnut Street Suite 800, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Fax: 215-625-2940; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 23
Publication Date: 2011
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Language Patterns, Linguistics, Adolescents, Comparative Analysis, Ethnicity, Cultural Pluralism, Interviews, Researchers, Distinctive Features (Language), Intonation, English (Second Language), Second Language Learning, Language Usage, Chinese, Indo European Languages, Native Speakers, Content Analysis, Family Environment
Geographic Terms: United Kingdom (London)
DOI: 10.1080/09571736.2011.573686
ISSN: 0957-1736
Abstract: This comparative study, conducted in multicultural London, investigates the occurrence in interviews with a researcher and in constructed same-sex peer conversations of five linguistic features characteristic of London English in the speech of two groups of British-born adolescents: ethnic Bangladeshis and ethnic Chinese of Cantonese heritage. The features are glottal stop in place of medial /t/, high rising tone in declaratives, invariant tag "innit," quotative "be like," and negative concord. Based on relative frequency of occurrence, the two groups have comparable performance on two of these features, showing no instances of medial glottal stop and similarly moderate incidence of "innit." On the other three features, the performance of the two groups contrasts. For the Bangladeshi group, the highest frequency item is negative concord, and the other two (high rising tone and quotative "be like") have low occurrence. For the Chinese group, the highest frequency item is high rising tone, the frequency of "be like" is similar to that of "innit," and negative concord has minimal occurrence. These patterns of usage may be indicative of differential adoption of linguistic forms by these adolescent ethnic groups conveying a partially similar and partially different identification vis-a-vis the wider speech community, both in London and the wider world. (Contains 3 tables and 5 notes.)
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 91
Entry Date: 2011
Accession Number: EJ928138
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0061156792;sdq01jul.11;2019Mar19.12:27;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0061156792-1">Diversity in adoption of linguistic features of London English by Chinese and Bangladeshi adolescents. </title> <sbt id="AN0061156792-2">Introduction</sbt> <p>This comparative study, conducted in multicultural London, investigates the occurrence in interviews with a researcher and in constructed same-sex peer conversations of five linguistic features characteristic of London English in the speech of two groups of British-born adolescents: ethnic Bangladeshis and ethnic Chinese of Cantonese heritage. The features are glottal stop in place of medial /t/, high rising tone in declaratives, invariant tag innit, quotative be like, and negative concord. Based on relative frequency of occurrence, the two groups have comparable performance on two of these features, showing no instances of medial glottal stop and similarly moderate incidence of innit. On the other three features, the performance of the two groups contrasts. For the Bangladeshi group, the highest frequency item is negative concord, and the other two (high rising tone and quotative be like) have low occurrence. For the Chinese group, the highest frequency item is high rising tone, the frequency of be like is similar to that of innit, and negative concord has minimal occurrence. These patterns of usage may be indicative of differential adoption of linguistic forms by these adolescent ethnic groups conveying a partially similar and partially different identification vis-à-vis the wider speech community, both in London and the wider world.</p> <p>This study is one in a series of investigations (Pennington, Sachdev and Lau in press; Sachdev, Pennington and Lau [<reflink idref="bib76" id="ref1">76</reflink>]) examining language and identity of second-generation adolescents in London who belong to two ethnically and linguistically identifiable groups – Bangladeshis and Chinese of Hong Kong Cantonese background. Both of these groups originate from countries that were formerly part of the British empire and so have a history of association with British cultural values and the English language, in the context of their original heritage languages and cultures. Since World War II, the immigration to London by members of these groups has increased to the point where each now represents a significant minority presence in education, the workforce, and in social life spanning multiple generations. The present research offers a comparative view of language in these two UK groups that sheds some light on linguistic and social adaptation and agency in multicultural, multilingual societies, and contributes information about sociolinguistic variation that is relevant to language change.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-3">Language in society and identity</hd> <p>Language is an important vehicle for achieving and enacting social identity and for locating oneself within a society. Language is central to speakers' alignment with and against various role models and groups, as speakers project an identity by adopting linguistic features of those with whom they most associate and identify socially and psychologically. Ethnic minorities may adopt regional or majority group features of language through contact and/or identification with the wider community outside their own ethnic group, as in the case of Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia or Chinese-Americans in California adopting linguistic features of European-Americans (Fought [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref2">29</reflink>]); or they may fail to adopt regional or majority group features based on lack of contact and/or identification with the associated speakers and instead make use of language forms which define their own ethnic group, as in the case of African-Americans (Labov [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref3">51</reflink>]) and London Jamaicans (Sebba [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref4">79</reflink>]), and which may include features of one or more heritage languages, as in the case of Chicanos (Fought [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref5">28</reflink>]) and of Puerto Ricans in New York City (Wolfram [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref6">91</reflink>]). The fact of being from a certain racial or ethnic group is a salient characteristic which influences a speaker's sense of identification with and difference from the majority group as well as from other minorities. Minority speakers may resist aligning themselves with the majority community by adopting linguistic features associated with another ethnic group in the community with which they share demographic and social features of race, ethnicity and/or socio-economic status (Sachdev and Bourhis [<reflink idref="bib71" id="ref7">71</reflink>], 2001, 2005; Sachdev and Giles 2004). An example is the adoption of features of African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) such as negative concord by Puerto Ricans in New York City (Wolfram [<reflink idref="bib91" id="ref8">91</reflink>]). As another alternative, immigrants who are ethnic minority speakers may participate in a broader koine formation with other ethnic groups, which Labov ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref9">52</reflink>]: 157) suggests as an explanation for why non-white groups in the US do not seem to participate in regional sound changes. It is also possible that phonology is a more salient marker of identity for ethnic minority groups, connecting them to their heritage language and community and thus less open to influence than other aspects of language. In this connection, Fought ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref10">29</reflink>]: 449–50) reviews studies by Labov and others suggesting that minority groups are less likely to adopt the variable phonological features of the majority group than the grammatical ones.</p> <p>Eckert ([<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref11">26</reflink>]) proposes 'a general view of sociolinguistic variation as a structured set of resources that speakers deploy both intentionally and automatically in their day-to-day practice' (<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref12">26</reflink>). The definition of identity, and the consolidation and differentiation of groups, involve linguistic imitation and negotiation of norms, as individuals and groups reference their identity to certain sociolinguistic features (or variables) [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref13">1</reflink>] and not others. In so doing, they participate in linguistic patterns that contribute to language change within a complex and mutually interactive sociolinguistic <emph>ecology</emph> (Mufwene [<reflink idref="bib58" id="ref14">58</reflink>]) providing a range of selective options in a <emph>feature pool</emph>. Kretzschmar and Tamasi ([<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref15">50</reflink>]) model the competition among variants within this feature pool in terms of an 'A-curve' along which one or two variants of a given form (e.g. a certain phoneme or lexeme) have high frequency, while the remainder have low frequency. The changing positions of variants on the curve can be seen as the result of a competition among variants for the same linguistic niche, in which some increase their frequency at the expense of others, but in which trading relationships among multiple variants are maintained as a core property of linguistic systems and an essential dynamic of change. Hence:</p> <p>... there is no longer a question of a single variant replacing another in a system, but instead the hypothesis of a continual state of multiple variants ... [which] are simultaneously correlated in complex ways with different geographical and social factors. (Kretzschmar and Tamasi [<reflink idref="bib50" id="ref16">50</reflink>]: 398)</p> <p>Speakers of ethnic minority groups impact the A-curve patterning of variants in the feature pool by contributing to the ever-changing sociolinguistic ecology of their communities of residence.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-4">Adolescent groups and identities</hd> <p>Adolescence is a period in which young people form communities of practice (Lave and Wenger [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref17">54</reflink>]; Wenger [<reflink idref="bib88" id="ref18">88</reflink>]) and collective identities, defined away from the parent culture and consolidating peer culture. In so doing, they influence the language of their communities and the course of language change. Young people may construct their individual and group identities in relation to those with whom they are in regular contact in community and school settings as well as in relation to the people and images they are exposed to in mass media. In the neighborhood and the school, 'competing and often conflicting value systems ... confront adolescents' (Kerswill and Williams [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref19">43</reflink>]: 5) and impact their evolving social and linguistic practices. These are also impacted by national and international cultures and subcultures, including specific adolescent subcultures (e.g. hip-hop and internet cultures), which 'provide a set of symbolic resources which individuals can draw on or adopt in order to project a particular image and achieve a different identity, thereby challenging the dominant social order' (Widdicombe and Wooffit [<reflink idref="bib89" id="ref20">89</reflink>]: 24). As Cutler ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref21">21</reflink>]: 10) observes:</p> <p>Recent work on language and identity has shown that many young people in different parts of the world actively resist hegemonic racial categories, often preferring to identify with groups other than the White mainstream. Youth who affiliate with hip-hop and use Black-stylized speech may do so in order to resist the constraints of being defined as a member of a particular racial or social category ....</p> <p>Adolescents' negotiation of identity occurs in a complex field of influences which is further complicated when not only race and ethnicity but also heritage culture and language play a role.</p> <p>Within this complex field of influences, young people of different backgrounds come into regular contact in their communities of residence and schools, where they can form unique group and individual identities. A study by Eckert ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref22">24</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref23">25</reflink>]) showed how adolescent students in a Detroit high school developed contrasting group identities, as those oriented to middle-class values and institutionally oriented practices (the 'Jocks') versus those oriented to working-class values and locally oriented practices (the 'Burnouts'). As adolescents in a particular geographical area, both the Jocks and the Burnouts acquired specific patterns of linguistic variation with intergroup commonalities and differences, though Jocks, in not being oriented to the local and urban context, were removed from some of the motivations to adopt the local urban linguistic variants, whereas Burnouts, being more connected to the metropolitan community, adopted local features of language changes in progress and of the urban vernacular. In a different sort of example, Eckert and McConnell-Ginet ([<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref24">27</reflink>]) describe how a diverse group of Asian Americans came together in a high school where they created a consolidated group identity and community of practice. The traditional differentiation of groups according to demographic and biological characteristics is challenged by the formation of groups whose norms and practices are centered on heterogeneity and diversity, and by the deliberate performance and adoption by adolescents of features of the linguistic repertoire of contrasting groups with which they come into regular contact, through stylization (Coupland [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref25">17</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref26">18</reflink>]; Rampton [<reflink idref="bib66" id="ref27">66</reflink>]) and crossing (Rampton [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref28">65</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib67" id="ref29">67</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib68" id="ref30">68</reflink>]). Maher ([<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref31">55</reflink>]), for instance, describes how in Japan both young urban Japanese and persons of ethnic minority backgrounds (Ainu, Korean and new immigrants) redefine ethnicity and construct themselves as part of a 'metroethnic' community. This community is defined by a multicultural orientation and an aesthetic of 'Cool' that values pop culture, 'plays with' traditional ethnic categories and stereotypes, and involves 'cultural crossings'.</p> <p>Immigrant groups and individuals are redefining the demographic characteristics and linguistic profiles of their communities, with adolescents playing a key role in breaking down long-standing social practices and linguistic patterning associated with cultural and linguistic heritage, ethnicity, social class, race and gender. An example focused on individual identity is provided by Bailey ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref32">2</reflink>]), who observed Wilson, a Black Dominican student, combat racial categorization by negotiating his identity vis-à-vis a field of linguistic and cultural influences in a multilingual, multiethnic classroom in the US. As a different sort of example from the US, Cutler ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref33">21</reflink>]) reports on adoption by white adolescent immigrants from Russia, the Ukraine, Armenia and Bulgaria living in Brooklyn and Queens, New York, of the stylized language and cultural practices of black hip-hop culture, which for them 'offer more attractive models for identity-formation than the surrounding White mainstream culture' (Cutler [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref34">21</reflink>]: 8). For these speakers, neither the linguistic and cultural heritage of the US, with its associated system of racial, ethnic and class distinctions, nor the linguistic and cultural heritage of their country of origin have the same significance as they have for those who were born and remain there.</p> <p>Other studies carried out in Europe offer views of ethnic and immigrant adolescent groups and individuals negotiating identity in a field of influences and of their selective adoption of linguistic features and social practices of majority and minority cultures. Research in Scandinavia, for example, shows adolescents from widely varying backgrounds creating 'multiethnolects' which allow minority speakers 'collectively to express their minority status and/or as a reaction to that status to upgrade it' (Clyne [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref35">16</reflink>]: 87) as they 'construct an alternative universe of discourse, one in which they can define and express themselves in their own terms – as local peer group members – rather than being positioned by the discourses of either dominant or minority family cultures' (Nortier [<reflink idref="bib59" id="ref36">59</reflink>]: 1). As in crossing and other forms of linguistic stylization, 'multiethnolectal features are examples of resources that become socially meaningful in stylistic practice' (Quist [<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref37">64</reflink>]: 51) and which may then impact larger community patterns of interaction and processes of language change. Drawing on the description by Kotsinas (1988, [48]) of a new variety of Swedish among immigrants in Stockholm, Quist ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref38">64</reflink>]) documents a multiethnic form of language in Copenhagen which is different from more general Danish youth language, and Svendsen and Røyneland ([<reflink idref="bib81" id="ref39">81</reflink>]) describe 'parallel multiethnolectal patterns' in an Oslo variety spoken by immigrant as well as Norwegian-born adolescents. These Scandinavian multiethnolects suggest the possibility of broader koine formation with other ethnic groups that Labov ([<reflink idref="bib52" id="ref40">52</reflink>]) discussed as involved in language change. However, as Quist ([<reflink idref="bib64" id="ref41">64</reflink>]: 50) notes:</p> <p>It is not the case that the immigrant speakers live in harmonious, nonstratified areas ... . In the ethnically mixed areas of Copenhagen, ethnicity (and bilingualism) crosscuts all kinds of status groups with different lifestyles, backgrounds and ways of living ... . Everybody engages in many different – and some of them very complex – communities of practice, for example, the local schools. Multiethnolect has emerged from such heterogeneous urban areas, within a complex relational stylistic space ... .</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-5">Negotiating language and identity in the UK context</hd> <p>The differentiation of student groups described by Eckert is relevant to the UK, where Ball ([<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref42">3</reflink>]) described contrasting groups of <emph>pro-school pupils</emph> and <emph>anti-school pupils</emph> and where race, language, culture and ethnicity are dimensions on which people may emphasize commonality with or difference from others and on which adolescents may define their identity. The tendency noted in Scandinavia, the US and Japan of students of diverse ethnicities to express common practices and language is in evidence in the UK, as exemplified in the phenomenon of linguistic 'crossing' by Pakistani, Indian, Bangladeshi, Afro-Caribbean and white Anglo students in Rampton's ([<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref43">65</reflink>]) South Midlands high school study and in the adoption of features associated with 'Creole', London Jamaican (Sebba [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref44">79</reflink>]) or 'Black talk' (Hewitt [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref45">32</reflink>]) by white adolescents as well as by young people of other ethnic groups, including Asians. The adoption of linguistic features of other groups is a consequence of networks of contact and friendship that break down monoethnic culture and form heterogeneous, multiethnic groups, such as those groups of black and Asian teenage boys that Hewitt ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref46">32</reflink>]) observed, and of white and Bangladeshi high school boys that we have observed in the after-school hours and in the evenings walking and sitting on stoops in the Camden area of London. [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref47">2</reflink>]</p> <p>As recent work on the language of adolescents in London (Cheshire and Fox [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref48">12</reflink>]; Cheshire et al. [<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref49">13</reflink>]; Kerswill and Cheshire [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref50">41</reflink>]–2007) has shown, young people from many different minority groups are interacting with each other in schools and neighborhoods and in so doing, influencing the language changes going on in the community. A series of studies carried out since the 1980s (Cheshire [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref51">10</reflink>]; Cheshire, Edwards and Whittle [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref52">11</reflink>]; Kerswill, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref53">40</reflink>]; Kerswill and Williams 1992, 1997, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref54">44</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref55">44</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref56">44</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref57">47</reflink>]; Williams and Kerswill 1999) have identified dialect leveling and the creation of a regional koine as processes affecting language in the UK. Added to these processes are the effects of ethnic minority and immigrant groups who variably adopt features of the leveling dialect and spreading koine, even as they add features of their own language to the mix (Fox [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref58">30</reflink>]; Kerswill and Cheshire [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref59">41</reflink>]–2007), resulting in a variety which Cheshire et al. ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref60">13</reflink>]) term 'Multicultural London English' (MLE), the speakers of which 'draw on a range of linguistic forms that cannot necessarily, or at least can no longer, be attributed to specific ethnic groups' (abstract: 1).</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-6">The Bangladeshis and Chinese in London</hd> <p>Asians have been present in Britain on a regular basis since the eighteenth century, but the main boom came in the 1950s and 1960s with cheaper travel from Asia, higher wages in British industry, and immigration practices that encouraged Asians to be employed in factories and restaurants. Although there are differences in the immigration histories, social and religious backgrounds of members of the Bangladeshi and Chinese communities, there are also similarities between these two communities. The initial waves of immigrants from both communities who went to Britain were male and young (between 18 and 24 years), and members of both communities are strongly associated with the catering trade ('Chinatown' in Soho and 'Banglatown' in Brick Lane). Although both communities are now relatively well-established in London and other parts of Britain, the strength of their intragroup ties, the maintenance of distinctive practices and the continuing links to their places of origin, coupled with their visibility and the prejudice experienced from other groups, have meant that they have maintained a degree of social separation from the receiving community beyond the first generation after immigration. Separate special government reports on the two communities in the 1980s both pointed to their lack of proficiency in English as an important barrier to their full participation in British society (House of Commons [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref61">35</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref62">36</reflink>]). However, while the Hong Kong Chinese appear to have integrated reasonably well, the conclusions reached by the government at that time that Bangladeshis 'are considerably the most disadvantaged' (House of Commons [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref63">36</reflink>]) of all the major immigrant groups in the UK have been reinforced by other studies reporting on their low status and poor achievement in terms of employment, housing, health and education (e.g. Blackwell and Guinea [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref64">5</reflink>]; Dustmann et al. [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref65">22</reflink>]; Eade [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref66">23</reflink>]; Husain [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref67">37</reflink>]; Modood [<reflink idref="bib57" id="ref68">57</reflink>]; Peach [<reflink idref="bib60" id="ref69">60</reflink>]; UK Office for National Statistics [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref70">85</reflink>], 2007). As compared to the London Cantonese-heritage Chinese, whose roots are in the major international urban center of Hong Kong, Bangladeshi migrants, having 'their roots in the rural region of Sylhet' (Husain [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref71">37</reflink>]: 25), may need time to become adjusted to urban life.</p> <p>According to figures from the 2001 census (UK Office for National Statistics [<reflink idref="bib85" id="ref72">85</reflink>]), the majority of UK Black Africans, Black Caribbeans, and Bangladeshis live in London, and almost a third of the London population is classified as non-white; other ethnic minority groups are more dispersed around Britain. Figures from 2004 (UK Office for National Statistics [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref73">86</reflink>]: Table 1.9) show the Asian and Asian British population in London as comprising 13% of the total, with Bangladeshis making up 2.2% and Chinese 1.4% of the city's population. Within London, Bangladeshis are concentrated in certain areas, while the Chinese are more dispersed throughout the city. As a large group, concentrated in certain areas, and with a set of strong cultural practices in common, one can expect London Bangladeshis to have focused norms and a strong intragroup orientation. Given their working-class status and social disadvantage, it can be predicted that the Bangladeshis will adopt nonstandard working-class British English norms as well as the speech markers of other locally oriented adolescents. In terms of groups they would identify with, other than the white British majority group, these might include other non-white groups – Asian British, especially Pakistanis, as well as black British. Fox ([<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref74">30</reflink>]) studied the language of Bangladeshi youth in the Tower Hamlets section of London in terms of their interactions with each other and the larger speech community to determine their effect on London English (Cockney dialect), examining article usage, intrusive /r/, and diphthongal vowels. Fox found that these ethnic youth influenced the larger community pattern, such as in helping to spread non-diphthongal variants of /ai/ and /ei/.</p> <p>Although they are more dispersed throughout the city, practices involving Chinese holidays, socializing and eating in large friendship and family groups in Chinatown, and other social and cultural practices are a unifying factor for Cantonese-heritage and other Chinese in London, as is the fact that many families are connected by having members and friends who were recruited through social networks to come and work in Britain (Lau [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref75">53</reflink>]). The Chinese have prospered in London, with many in the current generation entering or living comfortably at the high end of the middle class. While the London Chinese share with the London Bangladeshis a strong presence in the catering trade, it is common for children in the second generation of Hong Kong families to move out of this trade and into professions. They aspire to university, are often good students (UK Office for National Statistics [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref76">86</reflink>]: Table 2.13), and often succeed in getting into the best universities in Britain, including Oxford and the University of London (Lau [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref77">53</reflink>]). As a large but dispersed group, with a set of strong cultural practices in common, the Chinese, like the Bangladeshis, can be expected to have focused norms and a strong intragroup orientation. Given their middle-class status and high educational aspirations and achievement, it can be predicted that the Chinese will adopt standard British English norms as well as the speech markers of other upwardly mobile adolescents. In terms of groups they would identify with, other than the white British majority group, these might include any other East Asian or minority speakers. Whereas the Chinese group can be described as middle class, successful in school, and non-locally orientated, the Bangladeshi group can be described as working class, less successful in school (UK Office for National Statistics [<reflink idref="bib86" id="ref78">86</reflink>]: Table 2.13), and locally orientated.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-7">The present study</hd> <p>The present study investigates the occurrence of five linguistic features in the speech of six London Bangladeshi and six London Cantonese-heritage Chinese adolescents balanced for gender, based on interviews and constructed conversations in same-gender dyads gathered and analyzed by the second author as researcher on the larger study of which this is a part (Sachdev and Pennington [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref79">75</reflink>]–2004), with checking by the first author. Five features which have been documented as characteristic of the speech of English speakers in the UK and London are examined, based on earlier work (Lau [<reflink idref="bib53" id="ref80">53</reflink>]; Pennington [<reflink idref="bib61" id="ref81">61</reflink>]; Pennington and Lau [<reflink idref="bib62" id="ref82">62</reflink>]). These are:</p> <p></p> <ulist> <item> • glottal variant of medial /t/</item> <p></p> <item> • high rising tone in declaratives</item> <p></p> <item> • utterance tag <emph>innit</emph></item> <p></p> <item> • quotative <emph>be like</emph></item> <p></p> <item> • negative concord</item> </ulist> <p>Two of these would traditionally be classified as phonological features (glottal /t/ and high rising tone), two as discourse features (<emph>innit</emph> and <emph>be like</emph>), and one as a grammatical feature (negative concord). However, as will be seen below, they have all been previously identified as having social significance, and all but the first have functions in developing and managing discourse. An examination of the relative frequencies of occurrence of these features provides a window on the linguistic behavior and sociolinguistic affiliations of these two groups in relation to the wider community and a basis for considering how they are constructing their identities vis-à-vis other groups. [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref83">3</reflink>]</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-8">The linguistic features</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0061156792-9">Glottal /t/</hd> <p>The glottal stop variant of /t/, in contrast to orally articulated /t/ (with or without accompanying glottalization), preceding an unstressed syllabic consonant (e.g. <emph>butter, bottle, button</emph>) is a stigmatized London variant (Tollfree [<reflink idref="bib83" id="ref84">83</reflink>]; Wells [<reflink idref="bib87" id="ref85">87</reflink>]) associated with white working-class speech that has been adopted by young people in other UK communities (Kerswill and Williams [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref86">43</reflink>]; Williams and Kerswill [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref87">90</reflink>]). Glottal /t/ is especially robust in the working class (Kerswill and Williams [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref88">43</reflink>]; Williams and Kerswill [<reflink idref="bib90" id="ref89">90</reflink>]) but has not been adopted by all groups in London, e.g. speakers of London Jamaican (Sebba [<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref90">79</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-10">High rising tone</hd> <p>High rising tone as clause-final intonation in declaratives (HRT) has been documented as a feature of London speech (Cruttenden [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref91">20</reflink>], reprinted 1997) and other parts of Britain (Cruttenden [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref92">19</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref93">20</reflink>]; Mees and Collins [<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref94">56</reflink>]) and in many parts of the former British empire – Canada (James, Mahut and Latkiewitcz [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref95">39</reflink>]), the US (Ching [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref96">15</reflink>]), Australia (Guy et al. [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref97">31</reflink>]; Horvath [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref98">34</reflink>]), New Zealand (Britain [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref99">7</reflink>]; Britain and Newman [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref100">7</reflink>]) and India (Bansal [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref101">4</reflink>]). An example (adapted from Britain [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref102">7</reflink>]: 103) is the following:</p> <p></p> <p>It was black and a fish swam past.</p> <p>Where it has been investigated as a sociolinguistic variable, high rising tone in declaratives has been found to occur in a pattern of change led by women and ethnic minorities, specifically Maoris in New Zealand (Britain [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref103">7</reflink>]; Britain and Newman [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref104">7</reflink>]) and to be 'typical of the speech of what might have been called "New Yuppies"' (Cruttenden [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref105">20</reflink>]: 130). Rising pitch is a relatively universal signal of 'open' meaning (Cruttenden [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref106">19</reflink>]) that solicits the hearer's participation in constructing meaning in affective functions of conveying positive politeness and solidarity, and instrumental functions of managing information flow and speaker–hearer interaction (Britain [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref107">7</reflink>]; Burridge and Muldar [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref108">8</reflink>]; Horvath [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref109">34</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-11">Be like</hd> <p> <emph>Like</emph> used with verb <emph>be</emph> in quotative function has been documented by Romaine and Lange ([<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref110">70</reflink>]) in the casual speech of young people in the UK, as in the following example (Romaine and Lange [<reflink idref="bib70" id="ref111">70</reflink>]: 242):</p> <p>Karen: I <bold>was like</bold> 'Mary, what are you doing?'</p> <p>Tagliamonte and Hudson ([<reflink idref="bib82" id="ref112">82</reflink>]) state that <emph>be like</emph> is used in 18% of reporting contexts in British university students' speech, a proportion that is identical to that for both <emph>think</emph> and quotative <emph>go</emph>, noting higher usage among females than males. The frequency of this form among university students and its higher occurrence in female than male speech suggests that it is a feature of the speech of young middle-class speakers, though not necessarily exclusively associated with middle-class speakers. When used to introduce a quotation, <emph>be like</emph> is less precise than <emph>say</emph> and so can frame an utterance as approximate, signaling to the listener not to take the words as literally a quotation. <emph>Be like</emph> is common in narratives of both external and internal dialogue (self-talk or thinking to oneself) and, in preference to other reporting verbs, signifies to the hearer that the speaker is imposing his/her own perspective on events.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-12">Innit</hd> <p> <emph>Innit</emph> is an invariant utterance tag associated with London Cockney and multiethnicity (Andersen [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref113">1</reflink>]; Hewitt [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref114">32</reflink>]; Stenström, Anderson and Hasund 2002) which Rampton ([<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref115">65</reflink>]: 127) speculates could have originated in Indian English or Creole. This invariant tag, which is found in the speech of working-class youth in London as well as other communities (Cheshire, Kerswill and Williams [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref116">47</reflink>]), is now spreading in London even into the speech of adolescents in the higher socio-economic classes (Andersen [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref117">1</reflink>]). In place of the polite openness of HRT, the intonation of <emph>innit</emph> is an assertive terminal fall signifying that the speaker is making a statement with which the hearer is expected to agree. In some cases, utterances tagged with <emph>innit</emph> represent a challenge, when the speaker makes a statement which s/he knows is not part of speaker–hearer common ground or which s/he cannot expect the hearer to assent to, as in:</p> <p>(When asked by the hearer why he hadn't phoned him earlier): I ain't waked up yet, <bold>innit</bold>.</p> <p>(About the hearer's friend): He's a F-ing liar, <bold>innit.</bold></p> <p>Cheshire ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref118">10</reflink>]: 57–63) reported a few cases of <emph>in it</emph> used as a tag among working-class speakers in Reading and also noted a hostile or aggressive use of tag <emph>in I</emph> and <emph>in't</emph> particularly among adolescents. Kerswill and Williams ([<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref119">44</reflink>]) report use of <emph>innit</emph> as an invariant utterance tag in Reading as well as Milton Keynes, and to a lesser extent, Hull. Sebba ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref120">79</reflink>]) notes it in London Jamaican speech.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-13">Negative concord</hd> <p>Negative concord, more popularly known as <emph>double negative</emph>, is the term used to describe sentences in which negative meaning is realized by two or more negative elements, as in:</p> <p>It ai<bold>n't</bold> got <bold>no</bold> pedigree or <bold>no</bold>thing. (Nobby)</p> <p>I would<bold>n't</bold> let him touch me <bold>no</bold>where. (Brenda)</p> <p>(Cheshire [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref121">10</reflink>]: 63, bold added)</p> <p>As noted by Cheshire ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref122">10</reflink>]: 63): 'the majority of languages, including most of the nonstandard varieties of American English and British English, use this method ofnegation'. Negative concord has a long history in English (Labov [<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref123">51</reflink>]) and is a key feature of working-class speech and African-influenced varieties of English worldwide. Eckert ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref124">25</reflink>]: 119) describes the double negative as 'arguably the most conscious and stigmatized non-standard variable' because of its long association with non-standard English grammar. In the US, Eckert ([<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref125">25</reflink>]) found that use of negative concord by the Detroit high school adolescents was predicted by socio-economic status, gender and social category as Jock or Burnout, with Burnouts and males being the highest users. In the UK, Trudgill ([<reflink idref="bib84" id="ref126">84</reflink>]) found that socially stigmatized linguistic features like negative concord were never used among his middle-class informants (professionals: employers and managers); Sebba ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref127">79</reflink>]) found negative concord to be a salient feature of London Jamaican English.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-14">Participants and methodology</hd> <p>The informants were part of a larger group of adolescents (Sachdev and Pennington [<reflink idref="bib75" id="ref128">75</reflink>]–2004) recruited from schools and youth centres in areas of inner London (Camden, Kentish Town, Tower Hamlets and Westminster). All are from the second generation of immigrant families and the first generation to be born in the UK. The fathers of all 12 informants have jobs in the food industry, but with the difference that all of the Chinese fathers own their own Chinese grocery shop or take-away restaurant and all of the Bangladeshi fathers work as employees (waiters or kitchen staff) in restaurants. Thus, as measured by father's job, the Chinese informants are of higher socio-economic status than the Bangladeshi informants.</p> <p>Six Chinese and six Bangladeshi participants, three males and three females, randomly chosen from the larger study, were interviewed by the second author either in a room at the school (for the younger Bangladeshi informants) or at the home of one of the participants, where peer conversations were also held in same-sex dyads (made up of two informants or one informant and a sibling or same-ethnicity friend) with the interviewer present and with the consent of their parents and schools. The informants knew that the interviews and peer conversations would be conducted in English and tape-recorded but that their names would not be used. They were informed that the researcher was interested in the social practices of adolescents in London, and the interview questions were focused on such practices. The interviews provided data for both linguistic and content analysis that might reveal differences in the two groups. To gain natural and informal speech samples in the peer conversations, participants were asked to converse about their activities and interests with friends in same-ethnicity and same-gender pairs. The interviews and peer conversations each averaged 25 minutes in length. These interactions were transcribed by the second author with instances of the five features of interest tabulated for each group. Cross-checking was provided by the first author. The amount of data gathered from each group was 23,037 words in total for the Bangladeshis –13,433 in the interviews and 9604 in the peer conversations – and 28,456 words in total from the Chinese – 15,345 in the interviews and 13,111 in the peer conversations. Thus 19% more data was gathered from the Chinese than the Bangladeshi participants, perhaps a reflection of the fact that the Chinese informants were older as a group and of the same ethnicity as the interviewer.</p> <p>Tables 1 and 2 summarize the characteristics of the informants and the data of this study.</p> <p>Table 1(a). Characteristics of Bangladeshi informants.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Designation</td><td>Age</td><td>Sex</td><td>Family background</td><td>Reported proficiency of parents' English</td><td>Older sibling born in Bangladesh</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>BF1</td><td char=".">13</td><td>Female</td><td>Catering</td><td>None</td><td>Yes</td></tr><tr><td>BF2</td><td char=".">14</td><td>Female</td><td>Catering</td><td>Only mother speaks English</td><td>None</td></tr><tr><td>BF3</td><td char=".">13</td><td>Female</td><td>Catering</td><td>None</td><td>Yes</td></tr><tr><td>BM1</td><td char=".">18</td><td>Male</td><td>Catering</td><td>None</td><td>Yes</td></tr><tr><td>BM2</td><td char=".">18</td><td>Male</td><td>Catering</td><td>None</td><td>Yes</td></tr><tr><td>BM3</td><td char=".">13</td><td>Male</td><td>Catering</td><td>None</td><td>Yes</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 1(b). Characteristics of Chinese informants.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Designation</td><td>Age</td><td>Sex</td><td>Family background</td><td>Reported proficiency of parents' English</td><td>Older sibling born in Hong Kong</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>CF1</td><td char=".">18</td><td>Female</td><td>Catering</td><td>High</td><td>None</td></tr><tr><td>CF2</td><td char=".">17</td><td>Female</td><td>Catering</td><td>None</td><td>None</td></tr><tr><td>CF3</td><td char=".">18</td><td>Female</td><td>Catering</td><td>High</td><td>Yes</td></tr><tr><td>CM1</td><td char=".">18</td><td>Male</td><td>Catering</td><td>Minimal</td><td>None</td></tr><tr><td>CM2</td><td char=".">18</td><td>Male</td><td>Catering</td><td>Minimal</td><td>None</td></tr><tr><td>CM3</td><td char=".">18</td><td>Male</td><td>Catering</td><td>Minimal</td><td>None</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 2(a). Characteristics of the data from the Bangladeshi informants.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Designation</td><td>Venue of interview</td><td>Venue of peer conversation</td><td>Partner in peer conversation</td><td>Words in interview</td><td>Words in peer conversation</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>BF1</td><td>School</td><td>School</td><td>BF2</td><td char=".">1615</td><td char=".">1243</td></tr><tr><td>BF2</td><td>School</td><td>School</td><td>BF1</td><td char=".">2244</td><td char=".">1447</td></tr><tr><td>BF3</td><td>School</td><td>School</td><td>School friend</td><td char=".">2517</td><td char=".">2542</td></tr><tr><td><bold>BF Total</bold></td><td><bold>11,608</bold></td><td /><td /><td char="."><bold>6376</bold></td><td char="."><bold>5232</bold></td></tr><tr><td>BM1</td><td>His home</td><td>His home</td><td>BM2</td><td char=".">3115</td><td char=".">1754</td></tr><tr><td>BM2</td><td>BM1's home</td><td>BM1's home</td><td>BM1</td><td char=".">1490</td><td char=".">875</td></tr><tr><td>BM3</td><td>School</td><td>School</td><td>School friend</td><td char=".">2452</td><td char=".">1743</td></tr><tr><td><bold>BM Total</bold></td><td><bold>11,429</bold></td><td /><td /><td char="."><bold>7057</bold></td><td char="."><bold>4372</bold></td></tr><tr><td><bold>B Total</bold></td><td><bold>23,0371</bold></td><td /><td /><td char="."><bold>13,433</bold></td><td char="."><bold>9604</bold></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 2(b). Characteristics of the data for the Chinese informants.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Designation</td><td>Venue of interview</td><td>Venue of peer conversation</td><td>Partner in peer conversation</td><td>Words in interview</td><td>Words in peer conversation</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>CF1</td><td>Her home</td><td>Her home</td><td>CF2</td><td char=".">1778</td><td char=".">1933</td></tr><tr><td>CF2</td><td>CF1's home</td><td>CF1's home</td><td>CF1</td><td char=".">2642</td><td char=".">1447</td></tr><tr><td>CF3</td><td>Her home</td><td>Her home</td><td>Sister</td><td char=".">2725</td><td char=".">2119</td></tr><tr><td><bold>CF Total</bold></td><td><bold>12,644</bold></td><td /><td /><td char="."><bold>7145</bold></td><td char="."><bold>5499</bold></td></tr><tr><td>CM1</td><td>His home</td><td>His home</td><td>CM2</td><td char=".">2680</td><td char=".">3225</td></tr><tr><td>CM2</td><td>CM1's home</td><td>CM1's home</td><td>CM1</td><td char=".">2956</td><td char=".">2834</td></tr><tr><td>CM3</td><td>His home</td><td>His home</td><td>Friend</td><td char=".">2564</td><td char=".">1553</td></tr><tr><td><bold>CM Total</bold></td><td><bold>15,812</bold></td><td /><td /><td char="."><bold>8200</bold></td><td char="."><bold>7612</bold></td></tr><tr><td><bold>C Total</bold></td><td><bold>28,456</bold></td><td /><td /><td char="."><bold>15,345</bold></td><td char="."><bold>13,111</bold></td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0061156792-15">Findings</hd> <p>Content analyses of the semi-structured interviews indicated that most of these adolescents have had high exposure to their heritage language in the home and as young children may not have acquired English as their primary language. In addition, all of the Bangladeshi informants and four of the Chinese informants show evidence of a continuing orientation to the heritage language, suggesting a high degree of bilingualism in both groups. However, the content analysis of the interviews revealed several differences between the Chinese and Bangladeshi respondents which suggest that the Bangladeshi informants had a stronger intragroup and heritage-language orientation than the Chinese informants. First, whereas only one of the Bangladeshi parents reportedly spoke English, only one set of Chinese parents reportedly spoke no English at all and in two cases both parents were reported as having high proficiency in English. Second, five out of six of the Bangladeshi informants had an older sibling who was born in Bangladesh whereas only one of the Chinese informants had an older sibling born in Hong Kong. Thus, it is likely that the Bangladeshis as a group had greater exposure to the heritage language than the Chinese group. Third, whereas all Bangladeshi informants reported that their best friends were Bangladeshi, only two of the Chinese informants (CM1 and CM2) reported that their best friends were Chinese. This self-report of best friends suggests more contact by the Chinese group with external networks. Fourth, all of the Bangladeshi respondents, but only four (out of six) of the Chinese respondents listened to pop music and watched films and TV programs made in their heritage language.</p> <p>Table 3 shows the frequencies of each feature in each group in the interview and peer conversations, in addition to the summed totals and, for purposes of comparison, the instances per 10,000 words for the summed totals of each group.</p> <p>Table 3(a). Instances of the features (interview, peer conversations): Bangladeshi group.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Designation</td><td>Glottal /t/</td><td>HRT</td><td><italic>be like</italic></td><td><italic>innit</italic></td><td>Negative concord</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>BF1</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">1, 2</td><td char=",">1, 5</td><td char=",">2, 2</td></tr><tr><td>BF2</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">2, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">2, 5</td><td char=",">4, 3</td></tr><tr><td>BF3</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">0, 0</td><td char=",">2, 3</td></tr><tr><td>BM1</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">1, 0</td><td char=".">3, 2</td><td char=",">4, 5</td><td char=",">5, 2</td></tr><tr><td>BM2</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">7, 3</td><td char=",">8, 3</td></tr><tr><td>BM3</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">0, 0</td><td char=",">3, 2</td></tr><tr><td>Totals</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=".">3, 0</td><td char=".">4, 4</td><td char=",">14, 18</td><td char=",">24, 15</td></tr><tr><td>Summed total</td><td char=".">0</td><td char=".">3</td><td char=".">8</td><td>32</td><td>39</td></tr><tr><td>/ 10,000 words</td><td char=".">0</td><td char=".">1.30</td><td char=".">3.47</td><td>13.89</td><td>16.93</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Table 3(b). Instances of the features (interview, peer conversations): Chinese group.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><td>Designation</td><td>Glottal /t/</td><td>HRT</td><td><italic>be like</italic></td><td><italic>innit</italic></td><td>Negative concord</td></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>CF1</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">2, 1</td><td char=",">1, 2</td><td char=",">3, 7</td><td char=".">0, 0</td></tr><tr><td>CF2</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">5, 6</td><td char=",">3, 4</td><td char=",">2, 1</td><td char=".">0, 0</td></tr><tr><td>CF3</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">3, 4</td><td char=",">2, 3</td><td char=",">1, 6</td><td char=".">0, 0</td></tr><tr><td>CM1</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">7, 4</td><td char=",">2, 3</td><td char=",">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td></tr><tr><td>CM2</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">4, 4</td><td char=",">0, 4</td><td char=",">0, 0</td><td char=".">0, 0</td></tr><tr><td>CM3</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">8, 7</td><td char=",">4, 4</td><td char=",">6, 9</td><td char=".">2, 0</td></tr><tr><td>Totals</td><td char=".">0, 0</td><td char=",">29, 26</td><td char=",">12, 20</td><td char=",">12, 23</td><td char=".">2, 0</td></tr><tr><td>Summed total</td><td char=".">0</td><td>55</td><td>32</td><td>35</td><td char=".">2</td></tr><tr><td> / 10,000 words</td><td char=".">0</td><td>19.33</td><td>11.25</td><td>12.30</td><td char=".">.70</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0061156792-16">Glottal /t/</hd> <p>In both groups, medial /t/ was realized by orally articulated variants rather than by glottal stop. The glottal variant of /t/ is primarily associated in the UK with historically stereotyped reference to Cockney speech that would associate it with white British males of low socio-economic status. [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref129">4</reflink>] The identification with white British speakers may be the reason that glottal /t/ was not adopted by the speakers of London Jamaican studied by Sebba ([<reflink idref="bib79" id="ref130">79</reflink>]) nor by the Bangladeshi and Chinese adolescents of the present study, and its association with low socio-economic status may be an additional or alternate reason the Chinese adolescents did not adopt it. Another possible reason for both groups' lack of glottal /t/ is the fact that it is the only one of the linguistic forms that has no discourse-level function and so is perhaps less communicatively useful than the other linguistic forms studied here. An alternative explanation for the lack of occurrence of medial glottal /t/ is that there was some factor in the context of investigation (e.g. presence of the researcher) which inhibited the use of glottal /t/.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-17">High rising tone</hd> <p>HRT has comparatively high incidence in the Chinese group, with 55 instances overall, which is a frequency of 19.33 instances per 10,000 words, 29 in the interview data and 26 in the conversational data. This is the only one of the five linguistic features that occurred in all of the interviews and conversations with both male and female Chinese informants, with a higher occurrence for males (34/55, 61.8%) than females (21/55, 38.2%). In sharp contrast, HRT has low frequency for the Bangladeshi group in the interviews, with only two instances produced by one female speaker and one instance produced by one male speaker, and no instances in the peer conversations, for a total frequency of three, which is 1.30 instances per 10,000 words. Examples for speakers of both immigrant groups and genders are given below.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-18">Example 1</hd> <p></p> <ulist> <item> a. (LL wanted to ask BF2 where she lived, but she was still talking about her trip to Bangladesh.)</item> <p></p> <item> LL: Mmm. Do you live somewhere near the</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BF2: Em, I lived in the _B_countryside</bold> (high rising). Em, it's really nice in the countryside.</item> <p></p> <item> b. LL: OK. Tell me about your relationships with your brothers and sisters.</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BM1: Well, em, you know 'cause we're around the same age _B_group</bold> (high rising). I'm 18, my sister is 20, and my little brother is 15, and we really, we're really close and stuff like that.</item> <p></p> <item> c. (Talking about various London radio stations)</item> <p></p> <item> CF1: What's, what's your favorite station?</item> <p></p> <item> CF2: Capital.</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> CF1: I used to listen to that, but I got a bit _B_bored</bold> (high rising) [chuckles]. I think that's because like I listened to it for four years. [So, I got a bit bored. I wanted a change.</item> <p></p> <item> CF2: [Alright.</item> <p></p> <item> d. (Talking about various R and B artists)</item> <p></p> <item> CM1: I think Fifty Cent is not too bad.</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> CM2: Fifty Cent was really hard to get used to at first (high rising). _B_First</bold> one was <emph>In the Club</emph>, isn't it?</item> <p></p> <item> CM1: Yeah, er, I hate the first.</item> <p></p> <item> CM2: ... Yeah, then it starts to get alright.</item> </ulist> <p>The adoption of HRT primarily by the Chinese adolescents in this study supports its association with middle-class status, a point reinforced by the observations of Cruttenden ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref131">20</reflink>]) that HRT is more favored in London by the New Yuppies, a label that would describe many Cantonese-heritage adolescents in this generation, than by the working-class, to which the Bangladeshis in this generation are more apt to belong. The fact that it occurred with higher frequency among males than females suggests that it is being adopted in the speech of the Chinese informants without regard to any symbolic association of high pitch with female vocal quality or female-typed conversational strategies favoring hearer inclusion. It can thus be assumed that it is being adopted for its communicative value in such functions as: (i) referring to the listener and to speaker and listener common ground; (ii) signaling openness and cooperativeness in interaction; and, in so doing, (iii) showing interest and a polite concern for other parties in interaction. The low usage of HRT among the Bangladeshis may be an indication of lack of such a listener-oriented stance in conversation and could be an indication of lack of engagement with the interactional tasks of this study. It could also be an indication, given the strong intragroup orientation of the Bangladeshis, of their lack of association and/or identification with those who use this feature, which includes a large number of English-speaking groups, white and non-white (e.g. Maoris).</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-19">Be like</hd> <p>For the Bangladeshis, quotative <emph>be like</emph> has low incidence, with four cases each in the interviews and the peer conversations from the same two speakers, for a total incidence of eight (3.47 per 10,000 words). For the Chinese, this quotative variant has comparatively moderate incidence, with 32 instances overall (11.25 cases per 10,000 words), 12 in the interviews and 20 in the peer conversations. With one exception, that of the interview for one male, all of the Chinese informants have one or more instances of this variant in both contexts of interaction. Examples in the data for both groups and genders are provided below:</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-20">Example 2</hd> <p></p> <ulist> <item> <bold> a. BF1: Yeah, Miss [name withheld] went 'Oh, there's a man who wants to interview Bengalis.' _B_I was like</bold> 'Yeah, I'd represent myself [inaudible].' I wanted to.</item> <p></p> <item> b. (Talking about why he wants to study medicine at university)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BM1: Em, my dad_B_'s like</bold> 'I want you to become one [a doctor].' I want to go to [chuckles], this is a dream but I doubt if it ever happens. I want to go to Cambridge or – [chuckles].</item> <p></p> <item> c. (CF2 is complaining about her brother watching TV all the time when they were in Paris).</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> CF2: My brother _B_was like</bold> 'It's Beyonce!'</item> <p></p> <item> CF1: (chuckles) Yeah. I wonder why all boys like Beyonce.</item> <p></p> <item> d. (On his duties in the family's takeaway).</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> CM3: they don't want me to do everything but you know, I'_B_m like</bold> 'It's kind of good to help them out,' you know, 'They are kind of old. I should help them out.'</item> </ulist> <p>The low incidence of quotative <emph>be like</emph> for the Bangladeshis means that these speakers are using other devices for quotatives and narratives, and indeed there is higher incidence in this group of quotative <emph>go</emph>. [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref132">5</reflink>] The low usage of quotative <emph>be like</emph> by the Bangladeshi group may suggest a low level of adoption of this quotative variant and/or a lack of narrative engagement with the topics of the interviews and peer conversations in the tasks of the research. The relatively higher incidence in the Chinese group, with approximate parity in male and female usage (15 vs. 17 instances) and higher incidence in peer conversation than in interviews (20 vs. 12 instances), suggests that this group as a whole may find <emph>be like</emph> a useful device for conversational staging and in this align themselves with other British youth, and/or that they were more engaged with the interactional tasks of this research.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-21">Innit</hd> <p> <emph>Innit</emph>, a form found in other communities within the UK, is a robust feature of Londonspeech that both groups have adopted and show usage of in peer conversation as well as interviews. The Bangladeshi informants have 32 cases (13.89 per 10,000 words) of <emph>innit</emph> in total – 14 in the interviews and 18 in the peer conversations from two out of three of the males and females – and the Chinese informants have 35 cases (12.30per 10,000 words) of <emph>innit</emph> in total – 12 in the interviews and 23 in the peer conversations. Examples from males and females in both groups are given below.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-22">Example 3</hd> <p></p> <ulist> <item> a. (on a holiday in Bangladesh)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BF2: In Bangladesh, you see people in Asian clothing, like saris, and stuff like that, _B_innit</bold>.</item> <p></p> <item> b. (on the types of movies he likes)</item> <p></p> <item> BM2: I don't watch no Bollywood films.</item> <p></p> <item> LL: Why not?</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BM2: I don't understand Hindi, _B_innit</bold>.</item> <p></p> <item> c. (on her school)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> CF2: I think it's OK. It's not bad. Just some teachers are absolutely useless. They've given up on us, _B_innit</bold>.</item> <p></p> <item> d. (on the types of music he likes)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> CM3: You know the black singers like Fifty Cent and stuff like that. I love their type of music, _B_innit</bold>.</item> </ulist> <p>A majority of speakers in each group, consistent with this utterance tag functioning to indicate solidarity, show greater incidence in peer conversation than in interviews, suggesting that for these second-generation adolescents, this discourse marker has sociolinguistic value, perhaps as a marker of 'metroethnicity' and 'cool'. In the Bangladeshi data, there are more instances of <emph>innit</emph> by male participants (19/32, 59.4%), whereas for the Chinese data, there is greater use of <emph>innit</emph> by females (20/35, 57.1%) than males, with all of the females having multiple instances of this invariant tag while only one male has any instances. These differences may be suggestive of different adoption patterns and sociolinguistic dynamics with regard to <emph>innit</emph> in the two groups, or differences in the relationship dynamics with the (male) interviewer as opposed to a same-gender peer. Notably, the two males who do not have any instances of <emph>innit</emph> are the only Chinese informants who reported their best friends as Chinese, providing some evidence that <emph>innit</emph> is being picked up by the Chinese adolescents from contact with speakers outside their own ethnic group. Given the relative freedom of topic, the differing length of interactions, and the lack of a functional analysis of the data, the task and group differences as well as the possible explanations for them are no more than suggestive of the need for more investigation into the use of <emph>innit</emph> by speakers of these two groups.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-23">Negative concord</hd> <p>The Chinese adolescents, with one exception, do not make any use of the most negatively valued feature, negative concord, whereas the Bangladeshi adolescents have high usage of this type of negation. Of the five linguistic features investigated, negative concord has the highest frequency of occurrence for the Bangladeshi group, with 39 instances overall (16.93 per 10,000 words), 25 in the interview data and 15 in the conversational data. Both males and females made use of negative concord in both contexts, with a higher incidence for males (23/39, 59.0%) than females (16/39, 41.0%). This is the only one of the five linguistic features that occurred in all of the interviews and conversations with both male and female Bangladeshi informants. In sharp contrast, negative concord has low frequency for the Chinese, with only two cases (.70 instances per 10,000 words) from one male speaker in the interview. Examples for both speaker groups are given below.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-24">Example 4</hd> <p></p> <ulist> <item> a. (talking about fighting at school)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BF2: There's always big crowds and they think it's a fight. But it ai_B_n't no</bold> fight, it's a argument.</item> <p></p> <item> b. (talking about a racist incident)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BM1: We do_B_n't</bold> hang around down there <bold>no</bold> more, <bold>no</bold> way.</item> <p></p> <item> c. (Talking about new students at school freshly arrived from Bangladesh)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> BM2: Depends, innit. Some do_B_n't</bold> speak <bold>no</bold> English and we have to talk in Bengali.</item> <p></p> <item> d. (On why he'd taken up two part-time jobs)</item> <p></p> <item> <bold> CM3: And my parents do_B_n't</bold> give me <bold>no</bold> allowance, you know. And I have expensive habits (chuckles).</item> </ulist> <p>There is some evidence of the use of negative concord by the Bangladeshis as in AAVE for 'serial' or cumulative performance using multiple negatives, as in the utterance by Speaker BM1 (Ex. 4c), 'We do<bold>n't</bold> hang around down there <bold>no</bold> more, <bold>no</bold> way,' but no instances of the emphatic function with sentence modifier <emph>either</emph> and <emph>neither</emph> that Cheshire ([<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref133">10</reflink>]) noted in Reading.</p> <p>It is possible that the Bangladeshis, being relative newcomers to the area and having relatively few contacts outside the working class, are in the most local speech community configuration (Santa Ana and Parodi [<reflink idref="bib77" id="ref134">77</reflink>]), in which they have no awareness of the social stigma attached to negative concord and adopt it based on contacts with other speakers who use this form, possibly working-class members of other non-white groups such as Afro-Caribbean blacks or other Asians of Moslem background such as Pakistanis. An alternative explanation is that the Bangladeshi youth are aware of the stigmatized nature of negative concord but select it due to its positive association with working-class, ethnic, black and/or youth culture and speech. As Labov ([<reflink idref="bib51" id="ref135">51</reflink>]) captured in the term 'covert prestige', based on his early work in New York City, and as has continuing relevance for adolescents there (Cutler [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref136">21</reflink>]) and in the UK (Hewitt [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref137">32</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref138">33</reflink>]; Rampton [<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref139">65</reflink>]), 'despite the wider social stigmatisation..., the distinctive language of black youth culture is in fact a "prestige" variety amongst many young people' (Hewitt [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref140">32</reflink>]: 102). The fact that there are more instances in the Bangladeshis' interviews than the peer conversations most probably reflects differences in the two contexts, such as a difference in topic or relationship among the interactants. In their use of double negative in the interviews, the Bangladeshi adolescents may have been marking their identity vis-à-vis the (non-white) London immigrant (first-generation Hong Kong Chinese) interviewer by employing a feature of black speech as a marker of multiethnic communication (Hewitt [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref141">33</reflink>]). They may also have been marking their identity vis-à-vis the interviewer as tough, cool and anti-establishment – all attributes that Rampton ([<reflink idref="bib65" id="ref142">65</reflink>]) described as associated with use of Creole by Asian adolescents in the UK. However, without more extensive data and a functional analysis it is not possible to make any firm conclusions.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-25">General discussion</hd> <p>The findings of this small-scale study must be considered preliminary, and they bring up many points that need further investigation. The patterns are nevertheless intriguing and would seem to have uncovered some differences in the two groups under study in terms of the linguistic features current in London that they are making use of in their speech.</p> <p>It is noteworthy that, consistent with the pattern of other studies discussed by Fought ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref143">29</reflink>]), the one strictly phonological variant, glottal /t/, was not adopted by either group in the interviews or constructed peer conversations whereas the other forms, all of which had grammatical and discourse functions, occurred with some frequency in both groups. It is also noteworthy that both groups adopted a stigmatized but spreading feature, utterance tag <emph>innit</emph>, though in this study it is used more by the Bangladeshis, and especially by the males in that group, than by the Chinese, in which group the females made the most use of this form. HRT in declaratives, which in contrast to glottal /t/ and <emph>innit</emph> is a robust feature not only in London and throughout the UK but throughout the English-speaking world, is in evidence to a much greater extent in the Chinese group than the Bangladeshi group, and quotative <emph>be like</emph>, also a feature of the wider world, is as well, though with comparatively lower incidence. Negative concord, a robust feature not only in London and throughout the UK but throughout the English-speaking world, figures prominently in the data from the Bangladeshi group but not the Chinese group. Thus, both groups have evidence of one specifically UK feature (<emph>innit</emph>) as well as one or more that is widespread throughout the English-speaking world. The difference is that the wider community valuation of the Bangladeshi participants' most frequent linguistic feature among those studied here, negative concord, is stigmatized from the perspective of the majority culture, whereas the valuation of the Chinese participants' most frequent feature, high rising tone, is less negative, even a marker of 'Yuppiehood'. A similar (middle-class) status is associated with the other feature of the wider English-speaking world, <emph>be like</emph>, which the Chinese show evidence of to a greater extent than do the Bangladeshis. Thus, in some respects the linguistic orientation of the two groups is reminiscent of Eckert's ([<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref144">24</reflink>], 1990) contrast between the Burnouts and the Jocks, though the two UK immigrant groups also overlap in their linguistic behavior. As regards <emph>innit</emph>, they are both participating in the adoption by young people of a UK regional linguistic feature which appears to be becoming a general feature of adolescent language and social practice, presumably as part of the MLE variety identified by Cheshire et al. ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref145">13</reflink>]). The adoption of this invariant tag by new groups helps it to spread further and also to lose its original social associations, even as it gains new ones.</p> <p>Both groups can be described as participating in London-based metroethnic and multiethnolectal practices consolidating new group affiliations in their use of <emph>innit</emph>, a form which is both urban and 'cool'. The Bangladeshis can perhaps be said to be participating in another kind of 'metroethnicity' in their use of double negative, a definition of self as distinctive from middle-class values or status. The adoption of double negative by the Bangladeshis but not the Chinese aligns them with different groups in the wider community. These include, in addition to speakers of African origin, white adolescents outside London, such as the working-class teenagers in Reading, Milton Keynes and Hull studied by Kerswill and Williams ([<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref146">43</reflink>]), who do not identify – socially or psychologically, in the sense of identity as 'the <emph>interiorized</emph> sense of self and belonging' (Hewitt [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref147">33</reflink>]: 193, italics in original) – nor wish to be identified – in terms of social or political alignment, what Hewitt ([<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref148">33</reflink>]: 193) terms 'social registration' – with 'posh' society. The Bangladeshis' use of double negative in addition to <emph>innit</emph>, combined with their non-use of glottal /t/ and low usage of HRT and <emph>be like</emph>, helps to convey identity as non-white, non-'posh' (a positive valuation of being non-middle-class), 'cool' Londoners. In contrast, it might be said that the Chinese, who like the Bangladeshis do not use the stereotyped glottal /t/, balance their use of the 'Yuppie' or 'posh' linguistic features of HRT and <emph>be like</emph> with their use of the 'non-posh' feature of <emph>innit</emph>, allowing them to be simultaneously both 'middle-class' and 'cool'. However, given the constructed nature of the interactions and the limited amount of data collected in the present research, these speculations are only suggestive, offering directions for further investigation of usage and associations of these features in the two groups.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-26">Conclusion</hd> <p>Adolescence is 'a dynamic state, a period of transition, an age of gradual separation from the parent group and of increasing identity with the peer group' (Kerswill and Williams [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref149">43</reflink>]: 4). In this dynamic period, adolescents are, like other children 'not just the passive subjects of social structures and processes' (James and Prout [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref150">38</reflink>]: 8) but 'must be seen as active in the construction and determination of their own social lives, the lives of those around them and of the societies in which they live' (James and Prout 1997: 8). Second-generation adolescent immigrants are concurrently involved in a dynamic of constructing their own social lives and identities vis-à-vis their status as members of a particular ethnic group adapting to the surrounding culture. In their status as part of adolescent culture, as new members of the larger social and linguistic culture, and as bridging between that culture and the culture of their parents, these speakers are both impacted by and impact the context in which they live. In these different ways, Bangladeshi and Chinese adolescent migrants living in London enter into the nexus of linguistic and social practices (Scollon [<reflink idref="bib78" id="ref151">78</reflink>]) where identities are formed and reformed through processes of negotiation and interaction with others, as they participate in the 'activities, tasks, functions, and understandings ... that are part of broader systems of relations in which they have meaning' (Lave and Wenger [<reflink idref="bib54" id="ref152">54</reflink>]: 29) in constructing and expressing their identity. This they do by both the practices they engage in and those they do not engage in. In their linguistic practices, each group makes use of different features which symbolize their affiliations and their difference from the surrounding community, in the complex relational space making up London, the wider UK and the increasingly interconnected English-speaking world.</p> <p>This study has provided some preliminary data on how these second-generation adolescents in two immigrant groups are negotiating their identities within the innovative, heterocultural urban discourse arena that is present-day London, in part by differentially adopting the linguistic features of the surrounding community. Neither group has made use of the one strictly phonological feature of this study, and both groups have made use of discourse-structuring features functioning at the clause or higher level. For both groups, the 'universal tag' <emph>innit</emph> is part of their repertoire which they share in a community of practice with the larger London and broader UK adolescent community, while glottal stop for medial /t/, a variant found in London and other UK communities, is absent from the data. The implication from the data of this study is that while <emph>innit</emph> has meaning for them in its context of usage and is relevant for their expression of identity, at least within the confines of the language production tasks of this investigation, glottal /t/ is not. This usage supports the robustness of <emph>innit</emph> as a spreading feature and adds to its force, moving it somewhat higher on the A-curve, while detracting from the force of glottal /t/, moving it somewhat lower on the A-curve.</p> <p>For the Bangladeshi adolescents, negative concord is a feature of their repertoire that links their negation practice to that of other groups of non-RP speakers such as Londoners of African-Caribbean heritage (e.g. speakers of London Jamaican or Creole), African-heritage speakers in other parts of the world (e.g. speakers of African-American English), and other working-class speakers in the wider world, as well as diverse immigrant adolescent groups in the wider world such as the white East Europeans described by Cutler ([<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref153">21</reflink>]) in New York City. The Bangladeshi adolescents' usage thus adds to the frequency of negative concord on the London and the worldwide A-curve and helps to establish the Bangladeshis in London as a group distinctive from others and at the same time aligned with some others based on their use of forms which have differential status in those groups. In parallel fashion, the Chinese align themselves with both the internal (London and UK) speech communities as well as the larger World English community using quotative <emph>be like</emph> and HRT, helping to spread these linguistic features beyond the groups and countries of their adoption in the previous generation.</p> <p>Overall, the findings of this study are supportive of previous studies showing common responses as well as group-specific patterns of adoption of the salient linguistic features existing in a community by adolescent members of different groups. More specifically, the findings provide evidence for diversity in communicative practices and linguistic adaptation by ethnolinguistic groups in multicultural societies related to local, diasporic and global identifications.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-27">Acknowledgements</hd> <p>The research on which this article is based was part of a project entitled 'Language and Identity of Bangladeshis and Chinese in London', carried out with the aid of funding by a grant (ref. no. RES-000-22-0567) from the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) to Professor Itesh Sachdev as Principal Investigator and Professor Martha C. Pennington as Co-Investigator, with Dr. Lawrence Lau serving as full-time researcher. We gratefully acknowledge the enabling support provided by the ESRC grant for our research. The data collection and the original analyses in the report submitted to the ESRC on which this article is based were done by Lau and Sachdev within a larger project. Lau was unable to participate in the later stages of data analysis and write-up of this work due to prolonged illness that regretfully led to his death in August 2009, and Pennington took over the role of senior author in conducting further analyses, interpretation and writing of the present text.</p> <hd id="AN0061156792-28">Notes</hd> <ref id="AN0061156792-29"> <title> Footnotes </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref13" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> 1. Since we do not perform a variable analysis, we refer to the five linguistic items we examine as linguistic <emph>features</emph> or <emph>forms</emph>.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref32" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> 2. One of us (Pennington) has over the past 10 years frequently stayed in Mecklenburgh Square, London, which is about equi-distant from Kings Cross and Russell Square, and has on almost every occasion noted groups – sometimes quite large – of Bangladeshi males walking in the area or sitting on the front steps of buildings along Heathcote Street in the evening. Beginning in May–June 2006, she observed for the first time mixed groups of Bangladeshi and white adolescent boys, which a friend who lives in the square remarked as something new.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib3" idref="ref42" type="bt">3</bibl> <bibtext> 3. Since this study is one in a group of quantitative comparisons of these two groups (Sachdev and Pennington 2003–2004), it does not include a functional analysis of the data.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib4" idref="ref101" type="bt">4</bibl> <bibtext> 4. 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  Data: Diversity in Adoption of Linguistic Features of London English by Chinese and Bangladeshi Adolescents
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  Label: Abstract
  Group: Ab
  Data: This comparative study, conducted in multicultural London, investigates the occurrence in interviews with a researcher and in constructed same-sex peer conversations of five linguistic features characteristic of London English in the speech of two groups of British-born adolescents: ethnic Bangladeshis and ethnic Chinese of Cantonese heritage. The features are glottal stop in place of medial /t/, high rising tone in declaratives, invariant tag "innit," quotative "be like," and negative concord. Based on relative frequency of occurrence, the two groups have comparable performance on two of these features, showing no instances of medial glottal stop and similarly moderate incidence of "innit." On the other three features, the performance of the two groups contrasts. For the Bangladeshi group, the highest frequency item is negative concord, and the other two (high rising tone and quotative "be like") have low occurrence. For the Chinese group, the highest frequency item is high rising tone, the frequency of "be like" is similar to that of "innit," and negative concord has minimal occurrence. These patterns of usage may be indicative of differential adoption of linguistic forms by these adolescent ethnic groups conveying a partially similar and partially different identification vis-a-vis the wider speech community, both in London and the wider world. (Contains 3 tables and 5 notes.)
– Name: AbstractInfo
  Label: Abstractor
  Group: Ab
  Data: As Provided
– Name: Ref
  Label: Number of References
  Group: RefInfo
  Data: 91
– Name: DateEntry
  Label: Entry Date
  Group: Date
  Data: 2011
– Name: AN
  Label: Accession Number
  Group: ID
  Data: EJ928138
PLink https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&site=eds-live&db=eric&AN=EJ928138
RecordInfo BibRecord:
  BibEntity:
    Identifiers:
      – Type: doi
        Value: 10.1080/09571736.2011.573686
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 23
        StartPage: 177
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Language Patterns
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Linguistics
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Adolescents
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Comparative Analysis
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Ethnicity
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Cultural Pluralism
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Interviews
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Researchers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Distinctive Features (Language)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Intonation
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: English (Second Language)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Second Language Learning
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Language Usage
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Chinese
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Indo European Languages
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Native Speakers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Content Analysis
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Family Environment
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: United Kingdom (London)
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Diversity in Adoption of Linguistic Features of London English by Chinese and Bangladeshi Adolescents
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Pennington, Martha C.
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Lau, Lawrence
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Sachdev, Itesh
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      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 01
              Type: published
              Y: 2011
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0957-1736
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 39
            – Type: issue
              Value: 2
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Language Learning Journal
              Type: main
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